LIBRARY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 
PAVIS 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 


PREFACE. 


THE  plan  of  the  present  work,  in  the  revised  and 
enlarged  form  now  offered  to  the  public,  is  that 
of  an  attempt  to  adequately  bring  out  all  the 
facts  bearing  upon  the  origin  of  the  United  States 
of  America  within  the  period  covered  by  the  active 
career  of  Washington;  and  with  this  to  show,  in  the 
clearest  light  possible,  the  character,  conduct,  services, 
and  political  ideals  of  Washington ;  his  youth  and  educa 
tion;  his  activity  and  development  from  sixteen  to  nine 
teen  years  of  age;  his  immediate  entrance  upon  public 
service  and  attainment  of  distinction;  his  important  mili 
tary  position  and  experience  while  yet  a  very  young  man ; 
his  remarkable  eminence  and  services  as  a  Colonial  soldier 
in  Virginia,  then  the  foremost  of  the  American  colonies ; 
his  fearless  recognition  of  the  issues  of  liberty  under  the 
oppressive  attempts  of  the  ministers  of  the  British  King ; 
his  leadership  in  the  Virginia  demonstrations  of  protest 
preparatory  to  revolution ;  his  position  as  the  first  soldier 
of  the  Continent  in  the  earliest  Congress  of  the  Colonies ; 
his  unanimous  recognition  by  the  Congress  as  before  all 
others  in  military  and  political  weight,  and  his  appointment 
as  American  Commander-in-Chief ;  his  conduct  of  the  Rev 
olution,  both  in  military  service  of  the  highest  character 
and  in  constant  sagacious  counsel  and  effective  influence, 
accomplishing  more  than  all  others  together  in  the  main 
tenance  and  direction  of  an  otherwise  hopeless  cause ;  the 
supreme  significance  and  weight  of  his  thought  in  the 

iii 


iy  PREFACE. 

making  of  the  Constitution  and  the  bringing  together 
under  it  of  Colonies  not  yet  educated  to  faith  in  a  Union ; 
and  the  final  service  and  climax  of  his  unsurpassed  career 
in  two  Presidencies,  based  on  principles  of  National  out 
look  and  union  prophetic  of  the  rise  of  the  United  States 
to  the  highest  rank  of  world  power. 

The  "  Lives  of  Washington  "  thus  far  available  for  the 
interest  and  instruction  of  the  public  have  in  important 
respects  come  a  good  deal  short  of  telling,  sufficiently  and 
correctly,  all  parts  of  the  great  story  of  Washington,  and 
still  more  have  they  failed  to  apply  adequate  discrimina 
tion  to  the  manifestations  in  Washington  of  intellectual 
genius,  and  noble  character,  of  the  very  highest  type.  In 
the  case  even  of  Irving's  interesting  and  valuable  "  Life," 
the  literary  felicity  and  general  spirit  with  which  the  work 
was  executed  left  something  to  be  desired  in  the  method 
and  scope  of  the  narrative;  and  for  the  matter  which  is 
throughout  of  highest  interest,  Washington's  complex  and 
unsurpassed  character,  his  greatness  intellectually,  and 
as  a  soldier  and  statesman,  Irving's  study  in  this  direction 
was  less  full  and  thorough  than  so  great  a  theme  seems 
now  to  require,  in  view  of  the  course  of  popular  discus 
sion  from  1889  to  the  present  time.  The  Schroeder- 
Lossing  "  Life  and  Times,"  of  which  the  present  work  is 
an  expansion  and  revision,  was  of  special  value  because  of 
its  large  scope,  and  still  more  from  its  constant  attention 
to  just  appreciation  of  Washington's  very  exceptional 
character,  and  the  greatness  everywhere  implied  in  the 
true  story  of  his  career. 

Several  recent  works  have  aimed,  more  or  less  openly, 
to  apply  a  method  of  detraction  to  the  character  of  Wash 
ington,  and  to  reduce  his  greatness  to  the  common  level, 
upon  the  theory  that  we  gain  a  man  while  we  lose  a  hero. 
The  utterances  brought  out  by  the  Centennial  celebrations 


PREFACE.  V 

which  culminated  in  that  of  1889  at  New  York  were 
almost  universally  at  the  level  of  exceedingly  deficient 
knowledge  and  profoundly  unfortunate  misapprehension, 
even  on  the  part  of  men  of  high  representative  position 
and  character.  An  edition  of  the  writings  of  Washington 
under  the  editorship  of  Mr.  W.  C.  Ford,  begun  in  1888, 
was  executed  on  lines  deliberately  and  avowedly  intended 
to  bring  Washington  down  from  his  high  historic  pedestal ; 
and  in  sequel  to  this  Mr.  Ford's  brother  undertook  a 
popular  volume,  designed  to  reduce  Washington  from  the 
heroic,  almost  godlike  level,  to  that  of  a  common  his 
torical  character.  To  go  back  to  the  Schroeder-Lossing 
narrative  is  in  itself  to  most  effectively  expose  at  once 
the  singular  ignorance  and  the  inexplicable  wrong 
of  any  "  True  George  Washington "  story,  or  study  of 
character,  which  fails  to  carry  to  the  greatest  monumental 
height  appreciation  of  the  unparalleled  man  which  Wash 
ington  was,  and  the  unapproachable  services  which  he 
rendered  as  soldier  and  statesman,  to  America  and  to 
mankind. 

The  thorough  revision  under  which  the  work  is  now 
given  an  expanded  form,  to  make  a  complete  text-book 
of  knowledge  not  less  important  than  intensely  interesting, 
has  aimed  to  strengthen  the  proof  that  the  worship  almost 
by  the  fathers  of  Washington  was  but  simple  justice,  and 
that  lapse  of  time  but  casts  new  light  on  the  colossal  and 
splendid  figure  which  Washington  must  ever  be  in  the 
history  truly  told. 

It  has  been  particularly  sought  to  make  as  perfect  as 
possible  from  our  latest  knowledge  the  panorama  of 
events  and  of  contemporary  characters,  which  make  the 
times  and  the  scenes  of  the  career  of  Washington  forever 
unique  in  interest  and  instruction.  There  are  characters 
in  the  great  story  who  had  their  meed  of  praise  locally 


vi  PREFACE. 

and  for  the  time,  and  the  tradition  of  whose  fame  still 
commands  the  popular  ear,  in  disregard  to  some  extent 
of  the  issues  of  the  history  and  the  final  verdict  of  truth 
and  justice;  while  on  other  characters,  and  before  all  on 
Washington  himself,  in  the  various  stages  of  his  activity 
and  the  various  aspects  of  his  character,  has  not  yet  fallen 
the  full  light  of  exact  knowledge  and  critical  discrimina 
tion.  The  current  story  of  Washington's  education,  his 
attention  to  surveying,  and  his  military  service  in  Virginia 
during  several  eventful  years,  has  either  been  wrongly 
told  or  has  not  been  told  at  all.  An  adequate,  as  well  as 
accurate,  account  of  Washington  as  a  youth,  from  his 
father's  death  to  his  earliest  military  employment,  and  as 
a  character  of  distinction  and  a  military  commander  for 
the  seven  years  preceding  his  marriage,  is  given  for  the 
first  time  in  the  following  pages,  in  the  passages  added  by 
the  present  writer. 

And  not  the  least  important  of  the  aims  of  the  work  as 
now  offered  to  the  public,  is  that  of  presenting  the  facts 
in  such  a  light  of  equal  justice  to  the  contrasted  forms 
of  culture  and  civilization,  of  society  and  political  order, 
peculiar  on  the  one  hand  to  New  England  and  the  North, 
and  on  the  other  to  Virginia  and  the  South,  as  to  promote 
a  clear  understanding  of  all  the  issues  of  early  American 
history,  through  which  have  been  reached  the  develop 
ments  of  the  Twentieth  Century  — that  "great  empire, 
.  .  .  stupendous  fabric  of  freedom  and  empire,  .  .  . 
an  asylum  for  the  poor  and  oppressed  of  all  nations  and  re 
ligions"  whereof  Virginia's  incomparable  son,  and  he  alone, 
had  clear  vision. 

EDWARD  C.  TOWNE. 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 


PART  1. 

Washington's  Ancestors  and  Boyhood. 
1657-1751. 

CHAP.  PAGE. 

I.  His  Birth  and  Ancestors    I 

II.  Early  Days  of  Washington   15 

III.  Incidents  of  His  Youth   52 

IV.  His  Voyage  to  Barbadoes  89 


PART  II. 

Washington's  Military  Appointments. 
1751-1758. 

I.  Washington   a   Maj  or 97 

II.  Washington's   First   Battle    174 

III.  Washington's   Capitulation   of  Fort   Necessity    182 

IV.  Defense  of  the  Colonies    202 

V.  Washington  at  the  Battle  of  the  Monongahela 214 

VI.  Washington  the   Virginia    Commander-in-Chief    250 

VII.  Campaign  of  1758  — -  Washington's  Marriage 391 

[vii] 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PART  III. 

Washington  During  the  Opening  Scenes  of  the 
Revolution. 

1759-1775. 

CHAP.  PAGE. 

I.  Washington  in  Retirement  —  Campaign  of   1759 451 

II.  Life  at  Mount  Vernon   470 

III.  Causes  of  the  Revolution   487 

IV.  The  Revolutionary  Storm  Increasing  521 

V.Washington's    Plan   of   Association 541 

VI.  Discontents  Producing  Violence  and  Bloodshed 563 

VII.  Washington  Visits  the  Western  Country   569 

VIII.  Political  Union  of  the  Colonies  584 

IX.  Washington  a  Politician    599 

X.  Washington  a  Member  of  the  Continental  Congress 649 

XL  Washington  a  Member  of  the  Virginia  Convention....  678 

XII.  Partisan  Warfare 707 


PART  IV. 

Washington  Continental  Commander-in-Chief. 
1775-1783. 

I.  The  Continental  Congress  Appoints  Washington  Com 
mander-in-Chief  for  All  the  Colonies 718 

II.  The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill 741 

HI.  Washington  Takes  Command  of  the  Continental  Army,  772 

IV.  Washington  Sends  a  Detachment  to  Canada  809 

V.  Washington  Expels  the  British  from  Boston 822 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP. 

VI.  Washington  in  New  York  ..........................  875 

VII.  Washington  Crosses  the  Hudson  ...................  932 

VIII.  Washington's  Masterly  Retreat  through  the  Jerseys.  .  971 

IX.  The  Battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  ..............  987 


VOLUME  II. 

X.  Lord  Howe  Outgeneraled  by  Washington 1017 

XL  Washington  Holds  Howe  in  Check  1069 

XII.  Burgoyne's  Defeat  and  Surrender 1 105 

XIII.  Washington  at  Valley  Forge 1149 

XIV.  The  Battle  of  Monmouth 1191 

XV.  Washington  Directs  a  Descent  on  Rhode  Island....  1213 

XVI.  Washington  Prepares  to  Chastise  the  Indians 1237 

XVII.  Washington's  Operations  in  the  Northern  States 1255 

XVIII.  Campaign  in  the  North  — Arnold's  Treason 1281 

XIX.  Operations  at  the  South 1313 

XX.  Preparations  for  a  New  Campaign 1360 

XXI.  The  Campaign  at  the  South 1377 

XXII.  Continuation  of  the  Campaign  at  the  South 1398 

XXIII.  Washington   Captures    Cornwallis 1412 

XXIV.  Final  Events  of  the  Revolution 1442 


PART  V. 

Washington  a  Private  Citizen. 
1783-1788. 

I.  Washington's  Return  to  Private  Life 1509 

II.  Washington    President    of    the    Constitutional    Con 
vention 1527 


x  CONTENTS. 

PART  VI. 

Washington  as  President  and  in  Retirement. 
1789-1799. 

CHAP.  PAGE. 

I.  Washington   Elected   First   President  of  the  United 

States 1579 

II.  Washington's  Inauguration  and  First  Administration 

Formed 1594 

III.  Measures   for  Establishing  the  Public  Credit 1657 

IV.  Establishment  of  a  National  Bank 1698 

V.  Political  Parties  Developed  1725 

VI.  Washington  Inaugurates  the  System  of  Neutrality...  1775 

VII.  Washington  Sends  Jay  to  England 1822 

VIII.  Washington  Quells  the  Western  Insurrection 1847 

IX.  Washington  Signs  Jay's  Treaty  1867 

X.  Washington  Maintains  the  Treaty-Making  Power  of 

the  Executive 1896 

XI.  Washington  Retires  from  the  Presidency 1922 

XII.  Washington  Appointed  Lieutenant-General 1969 

XIII.  Last  Illness,  Death,  and  Character  of  Washington...  1994 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Vol.  I. 

FAGS. 

WASHINGTON    Frontispiece. 

WASHINGTON'S  INTERVIEW  WITH  His  MOTHER 41 

WASHINGTON'S  FIRST  INTERVIEW  WITH   MRS.  CUSTIS,  AFTER 
WARDS  MRS.  WASHINGTON 56 

MARTHA  WASHINGTON  105 

WASHINGTON  ON  His  MISSION  TO  THE  OHIO 120 

BRADDOCK'S  RETREAT  169 

PATRICK  HENRY  184 

BOSTON  MASSACRE 233 

BATTLE  OF  LEXINGTON  248 

RETREAT  OF  THE  BRITISH  FROM  CONCORD 297 

SAMUEL  ADAMS   312 

JOSEPH  WARREN  361 

WASHINGTON  TAKING  COMMAND  OF  THE  ARMY 376 

RICHARD  MONTGOMERY  425 

WASHINGTON  IN  1775  440 

GENERAL  ISRAEL  PUTNAM  489 

DRAFTING  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 504 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  553 

THE  DEATH  WARRANT  OF  MAJOR  ANDRE 568 

FIRST  MEETING  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  HAMILTON 617 

SURRENDER  OF  COL.  RAHL  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  TRENTON 632 

WASHINGTON  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  PRINCETON 745 

MAJOR-GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX  760 

SERGEANT  MOLLY  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  MONMOUTH 809 

BARON  DE  KALB  INTRODUCING  LAFAYETTE  TO  SILAS  DEANE...  824 

LADY  ACKLAND'S  VISIT  TO  THE  CAMP  OF  GENERAL  GATES 937 

BATTLE  OF  SARATOGA 952 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Vol.  II. 

WASHINGTON  AS  PRESIDENT  Frontispiece. 

VALLEY  FORGE  —  WASHINGTON  AND  LAFAYETTE 

WASHINGTON  AT  TRENTON 

MAJOR-GENERAL  BARON  STEUBEN  1097 

PHILIP  SCHUYLER    ni2 

HORATIO  GATES   1 161 

BATTLE  OF  GERMANTOWN  1176 

TREASON  OF  ARNOLD 1225 

ROBERT  MORRIS   1240 

LEE'S  CAVALRY  SKIRMISHING  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  GUILFORD 1289 

GENERAL  FRANCIS  MARION  1304 

MAJOR-GENERAL  NATHANAEL  GREENE 1417 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON  1432 

ROBERT  R.  LIVINGSTON 1481 

WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  TO  His  OFFICERS 1496 

LAFAYETTE 1545 

JOHN  JAY 1560 

INAUGURATION  OF  WASHINGTON  1673 

THE  FIRST  CABINET   1688 

JOHN   HANCOCK    1737 

JOHN  ADAMS 1752 

WASHINGTON  AND  FAMILY  AT  MOUNT  VERNON 1865 

CHIEF  JUSTICE  JOHN  MARSHALL 1880 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON  1929 

HENRY  LAURENS    ........... ...... ......... ._. •••_•.•  1944 


PART    I. 
HIS  ANCESTORS  AND  BOYHOOD. 


CHAPTER  I. 

HIS  BIRTH  AND  ANCESTORS. 

I657-I739- 

THE  eventful  times  of  Washington  may  well  arrest 
the  thoughts  of  every  one  who  is  interested  in  the 
origin  and  destiny  of  our  republic.     And  the  com 
bination  of  causes  which  made  this  illustrious  man  the 
master-spirit  of  his  day,  and  the  very  impersonation   of 
the  great  principles  which  he  asserted,  is  a  pleasing  indi 
cation  of  what  may  be  regarded  as  not  a  merely  fortuitous, 
but  a  divinely  ordered,  series  of  events,  having  for  their 
ultimate  object  the  general  welfare  of  humanity. 

Among  leaders  and  rulers  of  nations  there  is  not  an 
other  who  has  illustrated,  in  so  happy  a  manner,  the  vir 
tues  and  obligations  both  of  private  and  public  life,  and 
who  has  afforded  so  suitable  an  example  for  imitation  in 
those  virtues  and  obligations,  on  the  part  of  every  citizen, 
from  the  most  secluded  member  of  society  to  the  most  con 
spicuous  man  of  mark  in  council  or  in  the  field. 

One  of  the  most  eminent  living  statesmen  of  England 
has  said,  "  He  was  the  greatest  man  of  our  own  or  any 
age ;  the  only  one  upon  whom  an  epithet  so  thoughtlessly 
lavished  by  men,  to  foster  the  crimes  of  their  worst  ene 
mies,  may  be  innocently  and  justly  bestowed."  "  It  will 
be  the  duty  of  the  historian  and  the  sage,  in  all  ages,  to  let 
no  occasion  pass  of  commemorating  this  illustrious  man ; 
and,  until  time  shall  be  no  more,  will  a  test  of  the  progress 
which  our  race  has  made  in  wisdom  and  in  virtue,  be 


2  WASHINGTON. 

'derived  from  the  veneration  paid  to  the  immortal  name  of 
Washington."*  And  one  of  the  chief  of  our  Revolutionary 
worthies,  who  enjoyed  every  opportunity  to  form  a  proper 
estimate  of  the  qualities  which  he  commends,  says :  "  If 
we  look  over  the  catalogue  of  the  first  magistrates  of 
nations,  whether  they  have  been  denominated  presidents 
or  consuls,  kings  or  princes,  where  shall  we  find  one  whose 
commanding  talents  and  virtues,  whose  overruling  good 
fortune,  have  so  completely  united  all  hearts  and  voices 
in  his  favor,  who  enjoyed  the  esteem  and  admiration  of 
foreign  nations  and  fellow  citizens  with  equal  unanimity? 
Qualities  so  uncommon  are  no^  common  blessings  to  the 
country  that  possesses  them.  By  these  great  qualities  and 
their  benign  effects  has  Providence  marked  out  the  head 
of  this  nation,  with  a  hand  so  distinctly  visible  as  to  have 
been  seen  by  all  men  and  mistaken  by  none."  "  His  ex 
ample  is  complete,  and  it  will  teach  wisdom  and  virtue  to 
magistrates,  citizens,  and  men  not  only  in  the  present  age, 
but  in  future  generations,  as  long  as  our  history  shall  be 
read."f 

It  was  a  happy  hour  for  America  when,  by  the  divine 
ordering  of  human  affairs,  she  gave  birth  to  the  future 
"  Father  of  his  Country."  He  was  born  on  the  22dJ 
day  of  February,  and  citizens  of  the  United  States  have 
good  reason  to  celebrate,  with  lively  enthusiasm,  every 
annual  recurrence  of  the  memorable  day. 

The  period  of  his  birth  and  boyhood  was  that  during 
which  occurred,  as  will  appear  in  the  sequel,  some  of  the 

*  Lord  Brougham's  Sketch  of  Washington,  in  his  "  Historical 
Sketches  of  Statesmen  who  flourished  in  the  Time  of  George  III." 
Second  Series,  Vol.  II,  last  sketch. 

t  John  Adams's  speech  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  April, 
1789,  and  his  "  Special  Message  to  the  Senate,  December  23,  1799." 

$  The  day  was  the  eleventh  (Old  Style),  1732. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  3 

most  extraordinary  and  oppressive  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  British  Parliament,  in  relation  to  the  American-  colo 
nies.  And  it  is  a  reflection  which  cannot  escape  the  notice 
of  intelligent  students  of  history  that  often,  at  the  very 
time  when  oppression  has  been  pushing  its  exactions  to 
their  climax,  deliverance  and  a  deliverer  have  been 
revealed. 

In  November  of  the  very  year  (1732)  when  Washington 
was  born,  the  benevolent  and  brave  Oglethorpe,  with 
120  emigrants,  was  crossing  the  Atlantic  with  his  charter 
to  found  the  colony  of  Georgia,  the  future  thirteenth  State 
of  the  original  American  Confederacy,  destined,  when  the 
infant  energies  of  Washington  should  be  matured  for  the 
exploit,  to  take  part  in  achieving  our  national  independ 
ence. 

It  was  when  he  was  a  child  (1733)  that  England  imposed 
a  tax  on  the  importation  of  sugar  into  North  America. 
Then  too,  in  the  full  exercise  of  the  exclusive  privilege* 
to  import  negro  slaves  from  Africa  into  the  Spanish  col 
onies  in  America,  she  sent  her  Asiento  ships  to  these 
colonies,  until  her  abuse  of  her  privileges  led  eventually 
to  a  war  with  Spain.  And  it  was  during  this  war  (1739), 
the  first  war  waged  for  colonial  interests,  that  Porto  Bello, 
the  grand  mart  of  Peruvian  and  Chilian  commerce,  was 
captured  by  the  daring  Admiral  Vernon,  whose  name 
afterward  became  associated  with  the  rural  home  of  our 
great  champion  of  civil,  social,  and  religious  liberty. 

The  state  of  civil  affairs  in  England  at  this  period  was 
extraordinary. 

The  Prime  Minister,  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  produced  his 

*  The  treaty  for  the  exclusive  right  to  import  negroes,  "  El 
Asiento  de  los  Negros,"  was  made  by  England  with  Spain,  in 
1713,  and  was  to  continue  thirty  years. 


4  WASHINGTON. 

excise  scheme  (1733),  which  occasioned  an  intense  feeling 
of  repugnance  throughout  the  realm.  Not  only  was  the 
offensive  measure  denounced  in  Parliament,  as  a  "  plan 
of  arbitrary  power,"  but  the  people  at  large,  in  the  provin 
cial  towns,  as  well  as  in  the  metropolis,  bent  on  protecting 
their  civil  rights  from  what  they  deemed  the  grasp  of 
tyranny,  indulged  in  loud  protestations  against  the  prin 
ciple  of  the  scheme,  burnt  the  minister  in  effigy,  wore 
cockades  with  the  motto,  "  Liberty,  Property,  and  no 
Excise,"  and,  by  the  power  of  the  popular  will,  drove 
Walpole  to  relinquish  his  measure,  with  the  memorable 
declaration  that  "  there  would^  be  an  end  of  the  liberty 
of  England  if  supplies  were  to  be  raised  by  the  sword." 

The  European  continent  also  was  at  this  time  greatly 
agitated  by  the  War  of  the  Polish  Succession,  in  which 
France,  Spain,  Sardinia,  and  a  majority  of  the  people  of 
Poland,  maintained  the  claims  of  Stanislaus,  Leczinski ; 
and  the  Czarina  Anne,  of  Russia,  supported  by  Austria, 
occupied  Poland  with  foreign  troops,  placed  on  the  throne 
Frederick  Augustus,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  proclaimed 
will  of  the  nation,  and  reasserted  what  the  infant  Wash 
ington  was  destined,  in  less  than  fifty  years,  to  condemn 
with  greater  eloquence  than  that  of  words,  while  he  vindi 
cated  our  natural  and  inalienable  rights  in  opposition  to 
the  humiliating  dogma,  that  popular  privilege  must  yield 
to  royal  prerogative  and  the  voice  of  the  people  to  the 
will  of  kings. 

Stanislaus  II,  Poniatowski,  born  but  a  few  weeks  before 
Washington  (January  17,  1732),  was  the  last  King  of  Po 
land.  The  humiliating  measures  of  the  Czarina  Catha 
rine  II,  caused  the  kingdom  rapidly  to  degenerate,  until 
at  length,  during  the  Presidency  of  Washington,  Stanis 
laus  was  dethroned,  and  his  country  dismembered  and 
partitioned  by  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia.  This  bold 


LIRE  AND  TIMES.  5 

illustration  of  monarchical  tyranny,  by  which  the  political 
existence  of  an  ancient  kingdom  was  annihilated,  was  ex 
hibited  in  the  sight  of  all  Europe,  while  princes  and  courts 
that  had  waged  protracted  wars  to  settle  punctilios  of 
state  etiquette  were  content  to  view  the  solemn  spectacle, 
without  indulging  one  generous  impulse  in  behalf  of  ill- 
fated  Poland. 

Not  many  days  after  Washington's  birth,  his  parents, 
devout  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  which  at  that 
time  was  almost  universal  in  Virginia,  dedicated  him  to 
God  in  baptism,  and  provided  for  him  two  godfathers  and 
a  godmother,  according  to  the  rubric  in  the  baptismal 
office.  The  family  Bible  contains  this  record :  "  George 
Washington,  Son  of  Augustine  and  Mary,  his  Wife,  was 
born  the  nth  day  of  February,  1731-2,  about  10  in  the 
morning;  and  was  baptized  the  5th  of  April  following: 
Mr.  Beverly  Whiting  and  Captain  Christopher  Brooks, 
Godfathers;  and  Mrs.  Mildred  Gregory,  Godmother." 

This  scrupulous  conformity  to  sponsoral  provisions  im 
plies  a  decent  regard  also  for  the  solemn  vow,  promise, 
and  profession  made  in  the  baptismal  sacrament.  And  it 
may  reasonably  be  inferred  that  the  nature  of  the  solemn 
service  was  in  due  time  explained  and  its  obligations  set 
forth  by  the  parents  and  sponsors  to  the  child  thus  dedi 
cated  unto  God. 

It  may  be  regarded  as  of  special  interest  that  Washing 
ton  was  a  son  of  Virginia,  the  "  Mother  of  Presidents."* 
The  county  of  Westmoreland,  his  birthplace,  in  the  east 
ern  part  of  the  State,  and  bordering  on  the  Potomac  and 
Rappahannock  rivers,  is  celebrated  as  the  birthplace  of 
many  other  distinguished  men.  President  Monroe  was 

*  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  Harrison,  and  Tyler,  Presidents 
of  the  United  States,  were  citizens  or  natives  of  Virginia. 


6  WASHINGTON. 

born  there,  and  also  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Thomas 
Lightfoot  Lee,  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence;  Thomas,  Francis,  and  Arthur  Lee,  brothers  of  Rich 
ard  Henry ;  Gen.  Henry  Lee,  who  was  known  during  the 
Revolution  as  "  Light  Horse  Harry,"  and  Judge  Bushrod 
Washington.  [The  son  of  Gen.  Henry  Lee  was  Robert  E. 
Lee  of  the  Civil  war.] 

The  house  in  which  Washington  was  born,  a  single- 
story,  low-pitched,  frame  building,  is  no  longer  standing. 
It  was  a  ruin  before  the  Revolutionary  War.  Its  site 
however,  half  a  mile  from  the,  junction  of  Pope's  creek 
with  the  Potomac,  in  Washington  parish,  is  indicated  by 
a  few  remaining  fragments  and  by  a  clump  of  decayed 
fig  trees.  A  few  vines  and  shrubs  and  a  few  gentle  flowers 
also  seem  to  delight  in  decorating,  year  after  year,  the 
hallowed  spot  and  in  enlivening  its  desolation  with  pleas 
ing  and  suggestive  sentiments.  The  majestic  river  scen 
ery  of  the  Potomac  and  the  neighboring  lawns  with  their 
velvet  greensward,  associated  with  the  infancy  of  Wash 
ington,  contribute  their  charm  to  enliven  the  patriot  pil 
grim,  who  mingles  with  his  delight  in  these  beauties  of 
nature  a  predominant  feeling  by  which  that  majestic 
stream  is  converted  into  a  lively  expression  of  the  pre 
vailing  emotion  of  his  mind. 

The  site  of  the  house  which  was  built  by  Washington's 
great-grandfather  in  the  year  1657,  when  he  emigrated  to 
America,  was  for  many  years  marked  by  only  a  simple 
monumental  stone,*  bearing  the  inscription:  "Here,  the 
nth  of  February,  1732,  George  Washington  was  born." 
A  suitable  monument  was  erected  in  1895. 

Seven  years  after  his  birth  (1739),  the  family  removed 
from  Westmoreland  to  a  house  which  was  the  property 

*  It  is  a  slab  of  freestone,  lying  horizontally,  and  it  was  placed 
there  by  George  W.  P.  Custis,  Esq.,  in  June,  1815. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  7 

of  his  father,  on  the  Rappahannock  river,  nearly  opposite 
Fredericksburg,  in  Suffolk  county.  Of  this  too  nothing 
now  remains  except  a  few  scattered  pieces  of  brick,  wood, 
and  plaster.  But  the  visitor  to  the  spot  is  naturally 
prompted  to  fancy  many  interesting  pictures  of  youthful 
sports  in  and  around  the  homestead. 

A  tale  still  current  in  Washington's  old  home  neighbor 
hood  in  Virginia  recounts  how  once  as  a  stripling  he  sat 
reading  under  the  shade  of  an  oak  tree  near  his  school. 
Some  of  his  friends  had  engaged  a  champion  wrestler  of 
the  county  to  test  their  strength  in  an  impromptu  ring. 
One  after  another  fell  a  victim  to  the  champion's  skill,  till, 
grown  bold  at  last,  he  strode  back  and  forth  like  one  of 
the  giants  of  old-time  romance,  daring  the  only  boy  who 
had  not  wrestled  with  him  either  to  put  his  book  down 
and  come  into  the  ring  or  own  himself  afraid. 

This  was  more  than  the  self-contained  Washington  could 
stand.  Quietly  closing  his  book,  he  accepted  the  chal 
lenge.  Long  after,  when  the  student  under  the  oak  tree 
had  become  the  conqueror  with  whose  honored  name  the 
whole  civilized  world  resounded,  the  ex-champion  told 
what  followed.  After  a  "  fierce,  short  struggle,"  he  said, 
"  I  felt  myself  grasped  and  hurled  upon  the  ground  with 
a  jar  that  shook  the  marrow  of  my  bones." 

It  does  not  concern  American  citizens,  as  it  does  the 
subjects  of  European  princes,  to  trace  a  line  of  descent 
from  ancestors  who  wore  crowns  or  coronets,  and  were 
adorned  with  garters,  stars,  and  other  such  badges  of 
honorable  eminence.  It  is  rather  a  subject  of  self-gratu- 
lation  on  our  part  that  a  remote  forefather  was  one  of  a 
band  of  untitled  voluntary  exiles,  who  fled  from  persecu 
tion  to  the  rock-bound  shore  of  a  new  country;  or,  one 
of  the  sturdy  adventurers  or  gallant  cavaliers  who  sought 
their  fortunes  among  the  early  colonists  of  our  southern 


8  WASHINGTON. 

country.  Yet  it  is,  in  all  cases,  a  legitimate  object  of 
inquiry  with  us  to  ascertain  the  national  origin  of  a 
family  and  the  time  and  circumstances  of  its  emigration. 

The  first  of  Washington's  paternal  ancestors  who  came 
to  America  was  his  great-grandfather,  John  Washington. 
He  and  his  brother  Lawrence  emigrated  from  England 
to  the  colony  of  Virginia  in  the  year  1657,  while  the  royal 
ists,  republicans,  and  fifth-monarchy  men  were-  in  the 
melee  of  their  opposition  to  the  scheme  of  making  Crom 
well  king,  and  while  many  loyal  British  subjects,  eschew 
ing  the  assumptions  of  the  protectorate,  were  fleeing  for 
refuge  to  other  lands. 

The  brothers,  John  and  Lawrence,  both  purchased  es 
tates  in  Westmoreland  county.  John  married,  and  had 
several  children,  one  of  whom,  Lawrence,  was  the  grand 
father  of  our  Washington.  This  Lawrence  had  several 
children;  and  his  second  son,  Augustine,  was  our  Wash 
ington's  father,  who  married  twice.  His  first  wife,  Jane 
Butler,  was  the  mother  of  four  children,  two  of  whom 
were  Lawrence  and  Augustine ;  and  his  second  wife,  Mary 
Ball,  celebrated  for  her  beauty,  was  the  mother  of  six 
children,  of  whom  our  Washington  was  the  first-born.* 

The  two  brothers  who  emigrated  to  America,  John  and 
Lawrence,  could  trace  their  family,  through  several  gen 
erations,  to  William  de  Hertburn,  a  powerful  and  noble 
knight,  who  lived  a  century  after  the  time  of  William  the 
Conqueror,  and  who  purchased,  in  the  year  1183,  the 
manor  and  village  of  Wessyngton,  in  the  diocese  of  Dur 
ham.  From  that  period,  the  de  Hertburn  family  took,  as 
then  was  usual,  the  name  of  the  estate,  and  was  called 

*  There  were  three  other  sons,  Samuel,  John  Augustine,  and 
Charles;  and  there  were  two  daughters,  Mildred,  who  died  in  in 
fancy,  and  Betty,  who  married  Fielding  Lewis,  Esq.,  afterward  a 
devoted  patriot  of  the  Revolutionary  times.  [Betty  was  of  the 
same  grand  figure  and  countenance  as  her  brother  George.] 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  9 

de  Wessyngton.  The  orthography  of  the  name,  passing 
through  various  modifications,*  eventually  attained  its 
familiar  modern  form. 

So  little  interest  did  our  Washington  himself  evince 
in  relation  to  his  pedigree  that  he  never  gave  it  his  serious 
attention  until  he  received,  after  his  elevation  to  the  Presi 
dency,  a  letter  on  the  subject  from  Sir  Isaac  Heard,  then 
Garter  King  at  Arms  in  London,  who  was,  from  his  office, 
naturally  led  to  inquire  into  the  ancestry  of  the  illustrious 
American,  who  was  at  that  time  the  observed  of  all  ob 
servers.  Washington's  reply  to  Sir  Isaac's  letter  is  a 
characteristic  effusion. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  2  May,  1792. 

"  Sir. —  Your  letter  of  the  7th  of  December  was  put 
into  my  hands  by  Mr.  Thornton,  and  I  must  request  that 
you  will  accept  my  acknowledgments,  as  well  for  the  polite 
manner  in  which  you  express  your  wishes  for  my  happi 
ness,  as  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken  in  making  genea 
logical  collections  relative  to  the  family  of  Washington. 

"  This  is  a  subject  to  which,  I  confess,  I  have  paid  very 
little  attention.  My  time  has  been  so  much  occupied  in 
the  busy  and  active  scenes  of  life,  from  an  early  period  of 
it,  that  but  a  small  portion  could  have  been  devoted  to 
researches  of  this  nature,  even  if  my  inclination  or  par 
ticular  circumstances  should  have  prompted  to  the  inquiry. 
I  am  therefore  apprehensive,  that  it  will  not  be  in  my 
power,  circumstanced  as  I  am  at  present,  to  furnish  you 
with  materials  to  fill  up  the  sketch  which  you  have  sent 
me,  in  so  accurate  a  manner  as  you  could  wish.  We  have 
no  office  of  record  in  this  country,  in  which  exact  genea 
logical  documents  are  preserved;  and  very  few  cases,  I 
believe,  occur,  where  a  recurrence  to  pedigree,  for  any 

*  Among  these  modifications  are  Wessington,  Wassington, 
Weschington,  and  Wasshington. 


10  WASHINGTON. 

considerable  distance  back,  has  been  found  necessary  to 
establish  such  points  as  may  frequently  arise  in  older 
countries. 

"On  comparing  the  tables,  which  you  sent,  with  such 
documents  as  are  in  my  possession,  and  which  I  could 
readily  obtain  from  another  branch  of  the  family  with 
whom  I  am  in  the  habit  of  correspondence,  I  find  it  to  be 
just.  I  have  often  heard  others  of  the  family,  older  than 
myself,  say,  that  our  ancestor  who  first  settled  in  this 
country  came  from  some  one  of  the  northern  counties  of 
England ;  but  whether  from  Lancashire,  Yorkshire,  or  one 
still  more  northerly,  I  do  not  precisely  remember. 

"  The  arms  inclosed  in  your  letter,  are  the  same  that  are 
held  by  the  family  here ;  though  I  have  also  seen,  and  have 
used,  as  you  may  perceive  by  the  seal  to  this  packet,  a 
flying  griffin  for  the  crest.* 

"  If  you  can  derive  any  information  from  the  inclosed 
lineage,  which  will  enable  you  to  complete  your  table,  I 
shall  be  well  pleased  in  having  been  the  means  of  assist 
ing  you  in  those  researches,  which  you  have  had  the 
politeness  to  undertake ;  and  shall  be  glad  to  be  informed 
of  the  result,  and  of  the  ancient  pedigree  of  the  family, 
some  of  whom  I  find  intermixed  with  that  of  Ferrers. 

"  Lawrence  Washington,  from  whose  will  you  inclosed 
an  abstract,  was  my  grandfather.  The  other  abstracts 
which  you  sent  do  not,  I  believe,  relate  to  the  family  of 
Washington  in  Virginia;  but,  of  this  I  cannot  speak 
positively. 

*The  Washington  coat  of  arms,  in  the  families  of  Buckingham 
shire,  Kent,  Warwickshire,  and  Northamptonshire,  and  in  the  Vir 
ginia  families,  is  argent,  two  bars  gules  in  chief,  three  mullets  of 
the  second.  Crest,  a  raven  with  wings  indorsed  proper,  issuing 
out  of  a  ducal  coronet  or.  In  Edmondson's  Heraldry,  are  given 
other  arms  for  other  branches  of  the  family. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  11 

"  With  due  consideration,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obe 
dient  servant, 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

In  this  letter  were  inclosed  particulars  respecting  the 
family.  "  In  the  year  1657,  or  thereabouts,  and  during 
the  usurpation  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  John  and  Lawrence 
Washington,  brothers,  emigrated  from  the  north  of  Eng 
land,  and  settled  at  Bridge's  Creek,  on  the  Potomac  river, 
in  the  county  of  Westmoreland.  But  from  whom  they 
descended,  the  subscriber  is  possessed  of  no  document 
to  ascertain."  *  Then  follows  an  account  of  John,  who 
was  Washington's  great-grandfather,  and  of  his  descend 
ants  ki  America. 

While  he  heeded  not  the  suggestions  by  which  pride 
and  ambition  allure  so  many  to  genealogical  records, 
Washington  did  however  obey  the  promptings  of  benevo 
lence,  when,  on  making  his  will,  he  desired  that  a  list 
should  be  furnished  of  his  blood-relations,  both  in  Europe 
and  America,  with  a  view  to  his  bestowing  upon  each 
one  of  them  a  gift  or  souvenir. 

To  such  inquirers  as  may  be  curious  on  the  subject  of 
the  remote  English  ancestors  of  our  Washington's  first 
American  progenitor,  John,  of  Virginia,  it  may  be  inter 
esting  to  know  that  he  descended  lineally  from  John,  of 
Whitfield,  in  the  county  of  Lancaster,  whose  son  John, 
also  of  Whitfield,  was  father  of  John,  of  Warton,  in  the 
same  county ;  and  the  eldest  son  of  this  John,  of  Warton, 
Lawrence,  was  mayor  of  Northampton,  and  had  a  grant 
of  the  manor  of  Sulgrave,  with  other  valuable  lands  there, 
after  Henry  VIIFs  dissolution  of  the  priories. f  This 

*  It  has  been  recently  found  that  the  immediate  English  an 
cestor,  father  of  the  emigrants  to  America,  was  a  Rev.  Lawrence 
Washington,  of  Essex,  in  England. 

t  In  30  Henry  VIII,  1538-1539- 


12  WASHINGTON. 

Lawrence,  of  Northampton,  was  the  great-grandfather  of 
the  first  American  Washington;  his  son  Robert,  of  Sul- 
grave,  being  the  father  of  Lawrence,  of  Sulgrave,  of  whom 
John,  of  Virginia,  was  the  second  son.* 

Among  the  many  reflections  awakened  by  these  genea 
logical  memoranda,  one  of  the  most  interesting  is,  that 
they  are  a  key  to  what  is  far  more  worthy  of  attention 
than  the  mere  branches,  withered  or  budding,  of  a  family 
tree.  Among  the  Washingtons  are  found  many  persons 
of  note  in  the  learned  professions,  in  council,  and  in  the 
field  of  war;  men  who  won  the  fame  of  scholars,  the 
honors  of  knighthood,  the  rewards  of  skill  and  industry, 
and  the  praise  of  virtue,  valor,  and  high  resolve. 

Among  the  English  Washingtons  were  the  noble  knight 
William  de  Hertburn,  a  conspicuous  chevalier  in  the  train 
of  the  princely  Count  Palatinate,  the  Bishop  of  Durham ; 
William  Weshington,  a  loyal  defender  of  Henry  III,  in 
the  wars  of  the  barons;  Sir  Stephen  de  Wessington,  one 
of  the  chevaliers  of  Edward  III ;  Sir  William,  of  the  privy 
council  of  Durham;  John,  the  learned  f  and  energetic 
prior  of  the  Benedictines ;  Lieutenant-Colonel  James 
Washington,  one  of  the  loyal  subjects  of  Charles  I,  in 
whose  cause  he  was  slain  at  the  siege  of  Pontefract ; 
Joseph,  an  eminent  lawyer,  who  translated  one  of  Milton's 
political  treatises;^  and  Sir  Henry,  famous  for  his  daring 

*  [The  error  of  this   account  has  been   recently    demonstrated, 
showing  that  the  Lawrence  of  Sulgrave  had  a  son,  Lawrence,  who 
was  the  father  of  the  John  and  Lawrence  who  came  to  America.] 
t  Author  of  "  De  Juribus  et  Possessionibus  Ecclesse  Dunelm." 
t  The  "  Defensio  pro  Populo  Anglicano."   He  wrote  also  a  trans 
lation  of  part  of  "  Lucian's  Dialogues,"  "  Observations  upon  the 
Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  of  the  Kings  of  England,"  an  "  Abridge 
ment  of  the  Statutes"  to  1687,  and  the  first  volume  of •"  Modern 
Reports." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  13 

achievement  at  the  storming  of  Bristol,  and  for  his  de 
voted  loyal  constancy  at  the  siege  of  Worcester.  Re 
ferring  to  Sir  Henry's  exploit  at  Bristol,  Lord  Clarendon 
says,  "  On  Prince  Rupert's  side,  it  was  assaulted  with 
equal  courage ;  for,  though  that  division  led  on  by  the 
Lord  Grandison,  colonel-general  of  the  foot,  was  beaten 
off,  the  Lord  Grandison  himself  being  hurt,  and  the  other, 
led  by  Colonel  Bellasis,  likewise  had  no  better  fortune; 
yet  Colonel  Washington,  with  a  less  party  finding  a  place 
in  the  curtain  (between  the  places  assaulted  by  the  other 
two)  weaker  than  the  rest,  entered,  and  quickly  made 
room  for  the  horse  to  follow."* 

The  military  qualities  of  the  European  ancestors  were 
perpetuated  by  their  American  descendants,  from  the  very 
first  who  emigrated  to  this  country  —  John  Washington. 
Tradition  says  that  this  American  progenitor,  before  his 
migration  to  Virginia,  held  military  rank.  After  his  ar 
rival  in  Virginia  he  certainly  wore  the  name  and  performed 
the  duties  of  a  military  officer ;  his  will  is  indorsed  "  The 
will  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Washington,"  and  when  the 
shores  of  the  Potomac  were  threatened  with  an  incursion 
of  hostile  Indians  of  the  Seneca  tribe,  Col.  John  Wash 
ington  led  the  Virginia  forces  which  combined  with  those 
of  Maryland  in  repelling  the  savages.  He  was  also  a 
successful  and  wealthy  planter,  a  magistrate,  and  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses;  and  the  parish 
in  which  he  resided  received,  in  honor  of  him,  and  still 
retains,  his  name. 

Col.  William  Augustine  Washington,  son  of  Baily,  of 
Stafford  county,  Virginia,  was  commander  of  a  celebrated 
regiment  of  cavalry  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  and 

*  Lord  Clarendon's  "  History  of  the  Rebellion,"  Book  VII, 
vol.  IV,  p.  134.  Oxf.  1839. 


14  WASHINGTON. 

achieved  such  remarkable  exploits  of  valor  that  Congress 
awarded  to  him,  after  the  battle  of  Cowpens,  a  silver 
medal ;  and  he  was  familiarly  known  as  "  The  modern 
Marcellus,"  and  "  The  Sword  of  his  Country." 

From  the  conquest  of  Britain  in  the  twelfth  century 
to  the  independence  of  its  American  colonies,  seven  cen 
turies  after  that  epoch,  a  martial  spirit,  associated  with 
energy,  endurance,  resolution,  constancy,  and  valor,  ap 
pears  to  have  been  the  prevailing  family  characteristic 
of  the  Washingtons. 


CHAPTER  II. 

EARLY  DAYS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

1739-1748. 

IT  was  while  Washington  was  a  boy  of  about  seven 
years  of  age  (1739),  that  his  father  removed  from 
the  old  homestead.  His  estate  which  he  now  occu 
pied  was  in  Stafford  county,  on  the  Rappahannock,  and 
in  a  region  remarkable  for  its  salubrity.  The  new  house 
was  very  pleasantly  situated,  and  it  commanded  an  ex 
tensive  land  and  water  prospect.  At  this  rural  home, 
several  years  of  young  Washington's  boyhood  were  spent 
in  study  and  in  sports,  from  his  seventh  to  his  eleventh 
year. 

As  an  infant  and  as  a  youth,  he  possessed  unusual  bod 
ily  health  and  vigor.  He  was  ever  active,  hardy,  and 
adventurous,  fond  of  open-air  employments  and  recrea 
tions,  of  athletic  exercises,  and  of  the  horse,  the  gun, 
and  the  chase. 

His  father,  who  was  a  good  man,  and  deeply  interested 
in  his  children's  moral  and  religious  education,  employed, 
among  other  means,  several  ingenious  methods  to  engage 
the  feelings  of  his  son  George,  so  as  to  kindle  in  his  mind 
generous  and  liberal  sentiments,  a  love  of  truth,  and  an 
habitual  and  influential  recognition  of  the  existence  and 
the  providence  of  God.* 

*  Anecdotes  illustrating  this  may  be  found  in  the  second  chapter 
of  the  Life  of  Washington,  by  the  Rev.  M.  L.  Weems,  formerly 
rector  of  Mount  Vernon  parish. 

(15) 


16  WASHINGTON. 

When  George  would  commit  a  fault,  and,  being  de 
tected,  would  not  meanly  shrink  from  confessing  it,  but 
would  at  once  tell  the  honest  truth,  his  father  would 
warmly  and  affectionately  commend  him  for  his  magna 
nimity  and  integrity. 

He  would  point  out  to  him  the  riches  of  God's  bounty 
in  the  abundant  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  from  this  copious 
text  inculcate  precepts  of  ungrudging  liberality. 

On  a  certain  occasion  he  planted  seeds  in  one  of  his 
garden  beds,  so  disposed  as  to  exhibit,  when  they  sprung 
up,  the  words  George  Washington.  The  first  discovery 
of  a  spectacle  so  novel,  and  to  him  utterly  unaccountable 
and  marvelous,  naturally  awakened  in  George's  mind  pro 
found  astonishment.  He  repaired  to  his  father,  told  him 
of  the  strange  sight,  and  conducted  him  to  the  spot  where 
the  wonder  might  be  seen.  The  father  now  availed  him 
self  of  the  absorbing  incident  to  lead  his  little  son  to  trace 
the  phenomenon  to  an  intelligent  cause.  He  told  the 
secret  of  his  being  himself  the  agent  in  producing  it. 
And  he  then  explained,  in  a  striking  and  impressive  man 
ner,  the  pervading  indications  of  contrivance  and  design 
in  the  whole  visible  creation  and  the  wonderful  and  con 
vincing  proofs  of  an  intelligent  and  benevolent  Great  First 
Cause. 

This  paternal  care  and  discipline  was  destined  however 
to  be  of  short  continuance."  The  son,  when  about  eleven 
years  of  age,  was  on  a  visit  at  Chotanck,  where  he  was 
enjoying  the  Easter  holidays  with  Lawrence  and  Robert 
Washington,  whom  he  calls,  in  his  will,  "  the  acquaint 
ances  and  friends  of  my  juvenile  years,"  when  he  was 
hastily  summoned  from  the  happy  home  of  these  cousins 
to  change  the  joys  of  a  holiday  with  them  for  the  sorrows 
of  a  last  look  in  the  chamber  of  death,  where  lay  his  ex 
piring  father,  prostrated  by  a  sudden  and  fatal  attack  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  1? 

gout  in  the  stomach.  It  was  also  his  lot  to  reach  home 
too  late  to  hear  him  utter  a  blessing  or  a  farewell,  or  to 
receive  any  expression  of  his  love,  except  what  affection 
could  fondly  associate  with  a  feeble  glance  of  recognition.* 

Augustine  Washington  was  a  Virginia  planter  of  the 
best  class.  He  brought  with  him  from  England  the  char 
acteristic  qualities  of  an  English  gentleman  and  an  intelli 
gent  and  devout  attachment  to  the  English  Church.  In 
person  he  was  remarkably  tall  and  manly.  He  was  also 
a  man  of  strong  mind,  with  great  energy  of  purpose ;  and 
his  thoughts  and  feelings  were  habitually  under  the  con 
trol  of  practical  religion.  In  common  with  the  Virginia 
planters  of  his  day,  he  delighted  in  field  sports.  His  long, 
heavy  gun,  still  preserved,  suggests  the  thought  of  a 
huntsman  of  extraordinary  size  of  body  and  power  of 
arm,  and  warrants  the  reports  which  tradition  has  handed 
down  to  us,  respecting  the  large  frame  and  great  muscu 
lar  strength  which  his  distinguished  son  inherited. 

One  who  knew  him  personally,  Mr.  Withers,  of  Staf 
ford  county,  has  described  him  as  a  man  of  uncommon 
height,  noble  appearance,  manly  proportions,  and  extraor 
dinary  muscular  power.  At  the  Principio  Iron  Works 
on  the  Rappahannock,  he  once  lifted  and  placed  in  a 
wagon,  "  a  mass  of  iron  which  two  ordinary  men  could 
barely  raise  from  the  ground/'  Yet  this  gigantic  might 
of  muscle  never  tempted  him  to  take  any  part  in  the  fre 
quent  combats  which  occurred  in  Virginia  in  his  day, 
except  to  stay  savage  violence  by  separating  combatants. 
And  such  was  his  character  for  magnanimity,  justice,  and 

*  He  died  April  12,  1743,  at  the  age  of  forty-nine  years.  [At 
eleven  years  and  nearly  two  months  of  age,  his  oldest  son  had 
probably  had  fully  four  years  of  as  careful  and  thorough  educa 
tion  as  any  boy  in  any  age  could  have  had,  or  can  have  in  our 
own  time.] 

2 


18  WASHINGTON. 

moral  worth  that  he  commanded,  wherever  he  appeared 
and  in  whatever  he  engaged,  universal  and  unhesitating 
deference. 

His  disposition  was  mild,  his  manners  were  courteous, 
and  his  private  character  was  without  reproach.  And 
as  he  lay  on  his  deathbed,  he  uttered  a  declaration  that 
does  honor  to  his  memory.  "  I  thank  God,"  said  he, 
"that  in  all  my  life  I  never  struck  a  man  in  anger;  for 
if  I  had,  I  am  sure  that  from  my  remarkable  muscular 
powers  I  should  have  killed  my  antagonist,  and  then  his 
blood,  at  this  awful  moment,  would  have  lain  heavily  upon 
my  soul.  As  it  is,  I  die  at  peace  with  all  mankind."* 

The  success  with  which  he  accumulated  property  and 
added  field  to  field,  until  he  could  provide  plantations  for 
his  sons  and  an  independent  maintenance  for  his  surviving 
daughter,  illustrates  his  exemplary  diligence  and  industry, 
so  conspicuous  also  in  the  character  of  his  son  George. 

Upon  the  widowed  mother  now  devolved  the  care  of 
her  five  children.  The  eldest,  George,  was  eleven  years 
of  age ;  and  the  youngest,  Charles,  was  five.  But  she  was 
eminently  qualified,  by  nature  and  religion,  to  fulfil  all 
her  duties  to  her  family.  A  lady  "of  the  old  school," 
possessed  of  a  strong  mind  and  sound  judgment,  she 
united  with  great  simplicity  of  manners,  energy,  honesty, 
and  truthfulness.  Her  house,  the  home  of  hospitality, 
was  also  the  home  of  order,  neatness,  economy,  and  do 
mestic  industry.  She  was  a  strict  disciplinarian;  and,  by 
her  decision  and  consistency  of  character,  she  obtained 
over  her  children  and  dependents  an  uncompromising,  but 
benign,  control. 

*  Letter  from  George  W.  P.  Custis  to  Charles  Brown,  of  Boston, 
April  24,  1851,  reprinted  in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genea 
logical  Register,  January,  1857. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  19 

Tradition  tells  that  she  was  deeply  interested  in  form 
ing  the  minds  and  hearts  of  her  children  according  to  the 
teachings  of  the  Gospel,  and  that  she  daily  read  to  them 
select  parts  of  Sir  Matthew  Hale's  Contemplations,*  a 
work  which  abounds  in  golden  maxims  of  sound  wisdom 
and  pure  piety.  The  very  volume  which  she  used,  and 
which  has  her  name  in  it,  "  Mary  Washington/'  written 
by  herself,  is  still  preserved  among  the  family  relics.  And 
the  precepts  contained  in  those  portions  of  the  work 
which  appear  to  have  been  read  most  frequently,  were 
so  admirably,  as  well  as  faithfully,  exemplified  by  her  son 
George  throughout  his  life,  that  one  might  almost  think 
that  they  were  written  at  the  close  of  his  career,  and 
were  designed  as  a  delineation  of  his  character  and  a 
record  of  his  principles. 

Several  portions  of  the  work,  it  is  evident,  were  the 
familiar  lessons  of  the  family;  and  so  happily  do  these 
represent  Washington's  marked  moral  lineaments  that 
they  may  be  regarded  as  a  striking  portrait  of  him. 

In  the  portion  entitled  "The  Great  Audit,"  the  good 
steward  is  represented  as  giving  his  account  to  God.  And 
he  says: 

"As  to  all  the  blessings  and  talents  wherewith  thou  hast 
intrusted  me,  I  have  looked  up  to  thee  with  a  thankful 
heart,  as  the  only  Author  and  Giver  of  them.  I  have 
looked  upon  myself  as  unworthy  of  them.  I  have  looked 
upon  them  as  committed  to  my  trust  and  stewardship, 
to  manage  them  for  the  ends  that  they  were  given,  the 
honor  of  my  Lord  and  Master.  I  have  therefore  been 
watchful  and  sober  in  the  use  and  exercise  of  them,  lest 
I  should  be  unfaithful  in  them.  If  I  have  at  any  time, 

*  "  Contemplations,  Moral  and  Divine,"  by  Sir  Matthew  Hale, 
Knight,  late  Chief  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench." 


20  WASHINGTON. 

through  weakness,  or  inadvertence,  or  temptation,  mis 
employed  any  of  them,  I  have  been  restless,  till  I  have 
in  some  measure  rectified  my  miscarriage,  by  repentance 
and  amendment. 

"As  touching  my  Conscience,  and  the  light  thou  hast 
given  me  in  it  —  it  has  been  my  care  to  improve  that 
natural  light  and  to  furnish,  it  with  the  best  principles  I 
could.  Before  I  had  the  knowledge  of  thy  Word,  I  got 
as  much  furniture  as  I  could  from  the  writings  of  the  best 
moralists  and  the  examples  of  the  best  men;  after  I  had 
the  light  of  thy  Word,  I  furnished  it  with  those  pure  and 
unerring  principles  that  I  found  in  it. 

"  I  have  been  very  jealous  either  of  wounding,  or  griev 
ing,  or  discouraging,  or  deadening  my  Conscience.  I 
have  therefore  chosen,  rather  to  forbear  that  which 
seemed  but  indifferent,  lest  there  might  be  somewhat  in 
it  that  might  be  unlawful ;  and  would  rather  gratify  my 
conscience  with  being  too  scrupulous,  than  displease,  dis 
quiet,  or  flat  it  by  being  too  venturous :  I  have  still  chosen 
rather  to  forbear  what  might  be  probably  lawful,  than 
to  do  that  which  might  be  possibly  unlawful;  because, 
could  I  not  err  in  the  former,  I  might  in  the  latter.  If 
things  were  disputable  whether  they  might  be  done,  I 
rather  chose  to  forbear,  because  the  lawfulness  of  my 
forbearance  was  unquestionable. 

"  Concerning  my  Speech,  I  have  always  been  careful 
that  I  offend  not  with  my  tongue ;  my  words  have  been 
few,  unless  necessity  or  thine  honor  required  more  speech 
than  ordinary.  My  words  have  been  true,  representing 
things  as  they  were;  and  sincere,  bearing  conformity  to 
my  heart  and  mind." 

"  I  have  esteemed  it  the  most  natural  and  excellent 
use  of  my  tongue,  to  set  forth  thy  glory,  goodness,  power, 
wisdom,  and  truth;  to  instruct  others,  as  I  had  oppor- 


UFE  AND  TIMES.  21 

tunity,  in  the  knowledge  of  thee,  in  their  duty  to  thee,  to 
themselves,  and  others ;  to  reprove  vice  and  sin,  to  en 
courage  virtue  and  good  living ;  to  convince  of  errors ; 
to  maintain  the  truth;  to  call  upon  thy  name,  and,  by 
vocal  prayers,  to  sanctify  my  tongue,  and  to  fix  my 
thoughts  to  the  duty  about  which  I  was;  to  persuade  to 
peace  and  charity  and  good  works." 

"  Concerning  Human  Prudence,  and  understanding  in 
affairs,  and  dexterity  in  the  managing  of  them, —  I  have 
been  always  careful  to  mingle  justice  and  honesty  with 
my  prudence ;  and  have  always  esteemed  Prudence,  actu 
ated  by  injustice  and  falsity,  the  arrantest  and  most  devil 
ish  practice  in  the  world;  because  it  prostitutes  thy  gift 
to  the  service  of  hell,  and  mingles  a  beam  of  thy  Divine 
Excellence  with  an  extract  of  the  devil's  furnishing,  mak 
ing  a  man  so  much  the  worse  by  how  much  he  is  wiser 
than  others. 

"  I  always  thought  that  wisdom  which,  in  a  tradesman 
and  in  a  politician,  was  mingled  with  deceit,  falsity,  and 
injustice,  and  deserved  the  same  name;  only,  the  latter  is 
so  much  the  worse,  because  it  was  of  the  more  public  and 
general  concernment.  Yet,  because  I  have  often  observed 
great  employments,  especially  in  public  affairs,  are  some 
times  under  great  temptations  of  mingling  too  much  craft 
and  prudence,  and  then  miscall  it  Policy,  I  have,  as  much 
as  may  be,  avoided  such  temptations,  and  if  I  have  met 
with  them,  I  have  resolutely  rejected  them. 

"  I  have  always  observed,  that  Honesty  and  Plain-deal 
ing  in  transactions,  as  well  public  as  private,  is  the  best 
and  soundest  prudence  and  policy;  and  commonly,  at  the 
long  run,  overmatcheth  craft  and  subtlety,  Job  xii,  16; 
for,  the  deceived  and  deceiver  are  thine,  and  thou  art 
privy  to  the  subtlety  of  the  one,  and  the  simplicity  of  the 
other;  and  thou,  as  the  great  Moderator  and  Observer 


22  WASHINGTON. 

of  men,  dost  dispense  success  and  disappointments 
accordingly. 

"As  Human  Prudence  is  abused,  if  mingled  with  falsity 
and  deceit,  though  the  end  be  ever  so  good,  so  it  is  much 
more  debased,  if  directed  to  a  bad  end;  to  the  dishonor 
of  thy  name,  the  oppression  of  thy  people,  the  corrupting 
of  thy  worship  or  truth,  or  to  execute  any  injustice  to 
wards  any  person. 

"  It  hath  been  my  care,  as  not  to  err  in  the  manner,  so 
neither  in  the  end,  of  the  exercising  of  my  Prudence.  I 
have  ever  esteemed  my  prudence  then  best  employed, 
when  it  was  exercised  in  the  preservation  and  support  of 
thy  truth,  in  the  upholding  of  thy  faithful  ministers,  in 
countermining,  discovering,  and  disappointing  the  designs 
of  evil  and  treacherous  men,  in  delivering  the  oppressed, 
in  righting  the  injured,  in  preventing  of  wars  and  dis 
cords,  in  preserving  the  public  peace  and  tranquillity  of 
the  people  where  I  live,  in  faithful  advising  of  my  prince ; 
and  in  all  those  offices  incumbent  upon  me,  by  thy  Provi 
dence,  under  every  relation. 

"  When  my  End  was  most  unquestionably  good,  I  ever 
then  took  most  heed  that  the  Means  were  suitable  and 
justifiable,  i.  Because,  the  better  the  end  was,  the  more 
easily  are  we  cozened  into  the  use  of  ill  means  to  effect 
it.  We  are  too  apt  to  dispense  with  ourselves  in  the 
practice  of  what  is  amiss,  in  order  to  the  accomplishing 
of  an  end  that  is  good;  we  are  apt,  while  with  great  in 
tention  of  mind  we  gaze  upon  the  end,  not  to  take  care 
what  course  we  take  so  we  attain  it ;  and  we  are  apt  to 
think  that  God  will  dispense  with,  or  at  least  overlook, 
the  miscarriages  in  our  attempts,  if  the  end  be  good. 

"  2.  Because  many  times,  if  not  most  times,  thy  name 
and  honor  do  more  suffer  by  attempting  a  good  end  by 
bad  means,  than  by  attempting  both  a  bad  end  and  also 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  23 

by  bad  means;  for,  bad  ends  are  suitable  to  bad  means; 
they  are  alike;  and  it  doth  not  immediately,  as  such, 
concern  thy  honor.  But  every  thing  that  is  good  hath 
somewhat  of  thee  in  it ;  thy  name  and  thy  nature  and  thy 
honor  is  written  upon  it;  and  the  blemish  that  is  cast 
upon  it  is,  in  some  measure,  cast  upon  thee;  and  the 
evil  and  scandal  and  infamy  and  ugliness  that  is  in  the 
means,  is  cast  upon  the  end,  and  doth  disparage  and 
blemish  it;  and  consequently  it  dishonors  thee.  To  rob 
for  burnt-offerings  and  to  lie  for  God,  is  a  greater  dis 
service  to  thy  majesty,  than  to  rob  for  rapine  or  to  lie 
for  advantage." 

"  Touching  my  eminence  of  Place  or  Power,  in  this 
world,  this  is  my  account.  I  never  sought  or  desired  it, 
and  that  for  these  reasons :  i.  Because  I  easily  saw,  that 
it  was  rather  a  burden  than  a  privilege.  It  made  my 
charge  and  my  accounts  the  greater,  my  contentment  and 
rest  the  less.  I  found  enough  in  it  to  make  me  decline 
it  in  respect  of  myself,  but  not  any  thing  that  could  invite 
me  to  seek  or  desire  it. 

"  2.  The  external  glory  and  splendor  also  that  attended 
it,  I  esteemed  as  vain  and  frivolous  in  itself,  a  bait  to 
allure  vain  and  inconsiderate  persons  to  affect  and  de 
light,  not  valuable  enough  to  invite  a  considerate  judg 
ment  to  desire  or  undertake  it.  I  esteemed  them  as  the 
gilt  that  covers  a  bitter  pill,  and  I  looked  through  this 
dress  and  outside,  and  easily  saw  that  it  covered  a  state 
obnoxious  to  danger,  solicitude,  care,  trouble,  envy,  dis 
content,  unquietness,  temptation,  and  vexation. 

"  I  esteemed  it  a  condition  which,  if  there  were  any 
distempers  abroad,  they  would  infallibly  be  hunting  and 
pushing  at  it,  and  if  it  found  any  corruptions  within,  either 
of  pride,  vain-glory,  insolence,  vindictiveness,  or  the  like, 
it  would  be  sure  to  draw  the-m  out  and  set  them  to  work." 


94  WASHINGTON. 

"And  if  they  prevailed,  it  made  my  power  and  greatness 
not  only  my  burden  but  my  sin;  if  they  prevailed  not, 
yet  it  required  a  most  watchful,  assiduous,  and  severely 
vigilant  labor  and  industry,  to  suppress  them. 

"  When  I  undertook  any  place  of  power  or  eminence  — 
First,  I  looked  to  my  call  thereunto  to  be  such  as  I  might 
discern  to  be  thy  call,  not  my  own  ambition.  Second, 
that  the  place  were  such  as  might  be  answered  by  suit 
able  abilities  in  some  measure  to  perform.  Third,  that 
my  end  in  it  might  not  be  the  satisfaction  of  any  pride, 
ambition,  or  vanity  in  myself,  but  to  serve  thy  Providence 
and  my  generation,  honestly  and  faithfully.  In  all. which, 
my  undertaking  was  not  an  act  of  my  choice,  but  of  my 
duty. 

"  3.  In  the  holding  or  exercising  of  these  places,  I 
kept  my  heart  humble;  I  valued  not  myself  one  rush  the 
more  for  it.  First,  because  I  easily  found  that  that  base 
affection  of  pride,  which  commonly  is  the  fly  that  haunts 
such  employments,  would  render  me  dishonorable  to  thy 
Majesty,  or  disserviceable  in  the  employment.  Second, 
because  I  easily  saw  great  places  were  slippery  places, 
the  mark  of  envy.  It  was,  therefore,  always  my  care  so 
to  behave  myself  in  them,  as  I  might  be  in  a  capacity  to 
leave  them,  and  so  to  leave  them,  that,  when  I  had  left 
them,  I  might  have  no  scars  and  blemishes  stick  upon 
me.  I  carried,  therefore,  the  same  evenness  of  temper 
in  holding  them,  as  might  become  me  if  I  were  without 
them.  Third,  I  found  enough,  in  great  employments,  to 
make  me  sensible  of  the  danger,  troubles,  and  cares  of  it ; 
enough  to  make  me  humble,  but  not  enough  to  make  me 
proud  and  haughty. 

"  4.  I  never  made  use  of  my  power  or  greatness,  to 
serve  my  own  turns;  either  to  heap  up  riches,  or  to  op 
press  my  neighbor,  or  to  revenge  injuries,  or  to  uphold 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  25 

or  bolster  out  injustice.  For,  though  others  thought  me 
great,  I  knew  myself  to  be  still  the  same ;  and  in  all  things, 
besides  the  due  execution  of  my  place,  my  deportment 
was  just  the  same  as  if  I  had  been  no  such  man ;  for,  first, 
I  knew  that  I  was  but  thy  steward  and  minister,  and 
placed  there  to  serve  thee  and  those  ends  which  thou 
proposedst  in  my  preferment,  and  not  to  serve  myself, 
much  less  my  passions  or  corruptions.  And,  further,  I 
very  well  and  practically  knew,  that  place  and  honor  and 
preferment  are  things  extrinsical,  and  have  no  ingredi- 
ence  into  the  man.  His  value  and  estimate,  before,  and 
under,  and  after  his  greatness,  is  still  the  same  in  itself; 
as  the  counter  that  now  stands  for  a  penny,  anon  for  six 
pence,  and  then  for  twelve-pence,  is  still  the  same  counter, 
though  its  place  and  extrinsical  denomination  be  changed. 

"  5.  I  improved  the  opportunity  of  my  place,  eminence, 
and  greatness,  to  serve  thee  and  my  country  in  it,  with 
all  vigilance,  diligence,  and  fidelity.  I  protected,  counte 
nanced,  and  encouraged  thy  worship,  name,  day,  and 
people.  I  did  faithfully  execute  justice,  according  to  that 
station  I  had.  I  rescued  the  oppressed  from  the  cruelty, 
malice,  and  insolence  of  their  oppressors.  I  cleared  the 
innocent  from  unjust  calumnies  and  reproaches.  I  was 
instrumental  to  place  those  in  offices,  places,  and  employ 
ments  of  trust  and  consequence,  that  were  honest  and 
faithful.  I  removed  those  that  were  dishonest,  irreligious, 
false,  or  unjust." 

"  Touching  my  Reputation  and  Credit, —  I.  I  never  af 
fected  the  reputation  of  being  rich,  great,  crafty,  or  politic ; 
but  I  esteemed  much  a  deserved  reputation  of  justice, 
honesty,  integrity,  virtue,  and  piety. 

"  2.  I  never  thought  that  reputation  was  the  thing  pri 
marily  to  be  looked  after  in  the  exercise  of  virtue;  for, 
that  were  to  affect  the  substance  for  the  sake  of  the 


26  WASHINGTON. 

shadow,  which  had  been  a  kind  of  levity  and  impotence 
of  mind;  but  I  looked  at  virtue,  and  the  worth  of  it,  as 
that  which  was  the  first  desirable,  and  reputation  as  a 
handsome  and  useful  accession  to  it. 

"  3.  The  reputation  of  justice  and  honesty  I  was  always 
careful  to  keep  untainted,  upon  these  grounds.  First, 
because  a  blemish  in  my  reputation  would  be  dishonor 
able  to  thee.  Second,  it  would  be  an  abuse  of  a  talent 
which  thou  hadst  committed  to  me.  Third,  it  would  be 
a  weakening  of  an  instrument  which  thou  hadst  put  into 
my  hands,  upon  the  strength  whereof  much  good  might 
be  done  by  me. 

"  Though  I  have  loved  my  reputation,  and  have  been 
vigilant  not  to  lose  or  impair  it,  by  my  own  default  or 
neglect,  yet  I  have  looked  upon  it  as  a  brittle  thing, — 
a  thing  that  the  devil  aims  to  hit  in  a  special  manner, — 
a  thing  that  is  much  in  the  power  of  a  false  report,  a 
mistake,  a  misapprehension,  to  wound  and  hurt ;  and,  not 
withstanding  all  my  care,  I  am  at  the  mercy  of  others, 
without  God's  wonderful  overruling*  providence.  And  as 
my  reputation  is  the  esteem  that  others  have  of  me;  so, 
that  esteem  may  be  blemished  without  my  default.  I  have, 
therefore,  always  taken  this  care,  not  to  set  my  heart 
upon  my  reputation. 

"  I  will  use  all  fidelity  and  honesty,  and  take  care  it 
shall  not  be  lost  by  any  default  of  mine;  and  if,  notwith 
standing  all  this,  my  reputation  be  soiled,  by  evil  or  en 
vious  men  or  angels,  I  will  patiently  bear  it,  and  content 
myself  with  the  serenity  of  my  own  conscience.  Hie 
murus  aheneus  esto. 

""When  thy  honor  or  the  good  of  my  country  was 
concerned,  I  then  thought  it  was  a  seasonable  time  to 
lay  out  my  reputation  for  the  advantage  of  either;  and 
to  act,  it,  and  by  and  upon  it,  to  the  highest,  in  the  use 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  27 

of  all  lawful  means.  And  upon  such  an  occasion,  the 
counsel  of  Mordecai  to  Esther  was  my  encouragement, — 
Esther  iv,  14.  Who  knoweth  whether  God  hath  not  given 
thee  this  reputation  and  esteem  for  such  a  time  as  this  ?  " 

Would  American  mothers  more  generally  follow  the 
example  of  the  mother  of  Washington,  and,  instead  of 
gratifying  their  children's  morbid  appetite  for  popular 
light  literature,  cultivate  a  taste  for  the  teachings  of  such 
devout  philosophers  as  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  full  many  a 
youthful  mind,  now  sacrificed  to  sinful  folly,  might  be 
molded  to  virtue,  piety,  and  wisdom,  and  bless  our  coun 
try  and  mankind. 

[Sir  Matthew  Hale  was  from  1637  to  1676  one  of  the 
greatest  of  English  lawyers,  a  judge  in  the  Court  of  Com 
mon  Pleas  from  1653,  chief  baron  of  the  exchequer  (one 
of  the  chief  courts  of  the  realm),  1660-1671,  and  lord  chief 
justice  till  February,  1676.  He  began  to  study  for  the 
church,  with  strong  Puritanical  leanings,  but  broke  away 
from  severe  studies  to  pursue  a  life  of  pleasure,  and 
planned  to  go  as  a  soldier  on  the  Continent,  when  a  visit 
to  London  led  to  his  adoption  of  the  law,  in  which  his 
studies  were  exceptionally  thorough  and  his  attainments 
brilliant.  He  was,  moreover,  an  ardent  student  of  mathe 
matics,  physics,  and  chemistry,  and  even  anatomy  and 
architecture.  In  intellectual  distinction  he  was  at  the 
highest  level  of  English  culture  and  in  pure  and  noble 
character  one  of  the  finest  examples  of  English  genius 
for  the  conduct  of  life.  The  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  says 
of  his  career : 

"  Hale  was  called  to  the  bar  in  1637,  and  almost  at  once 
found  himself  in  full  practice.  Though  neither  a  fluent 
speaker  nor  bold  pleader,  in  a  very  few  years  he  was  at  the 
head  of  his  profession.  He  entered  public  life  at  perhaps 
the  most  critical  period  of  English  history.  Two  parties 


23  WASHINGTON. 

were  contending  in  the  state,  and  their  obstinacy  could  not 
fail  to  produce  a  most  direful  collision.  But  amidst  the 
confusion  Hale  steered  a  middle  course,  rising  in  reputa 
tion,  and  an  object  of  solicitation  from  both  parties.  Tak 
ing  Pomponius  Atticus  as  his  political  model,  he  was  per 
suaded  that  a  man,  a  lawyer,  and  a  judge  could  best  serve 
his  country  and  benefit  his  countrymen  by  holding  aloof 
from  partisanship  and  its  violent  prejudices,  which  are  so 
apt  to  distort  and  confuse  the  judgment.  But  he  is  best 
vindicated  from  the  charges  of  selfishness  and  cowardice 
by  the  thoughts  and  meditations"  contained  in  his  private 
diaries  and  papers,  where  the  purity  and  honor  of  his 
motives  are  clearly  seen.  Among  his  numerous  religious 
writings  the  "  Contemplations,  Moral  and  Divine,"  occupy 
the  first  place.  Others  are  "  The  Primitive  Origination 
of  Man,"  1677;  "Of  the  Nature  of  True  Religion,"  etc., 
1684;  "A  Brief  Abstract  of  the  Christian  Religion,"  1688. 
One  of  his  most  popular  works  is  the  collection  of  "  Letters 
of  Advice  to  His  Children  and  Grandchildren." 

A  woman  disposed  to  read  his  "  Contemplations  "  must 
have  been  thoroughly  initiated  in  the  best  English  culture ; 
a  mother  who  thought  it  worth  while  to  read  Hale's  deeply 
thoughtful  pages  to  a  son  was  at  the  level  (for  our  time) 
of  John  Stuart  Mill  or  Matthew  Arnold.  Hale's  revolt 
from  his  study  at  Oxford  of  Aristotle  and  Calvin  left  him 
a  Humanist  on  a  broad  ethical  culture  platform,  but  with 
some  survival  of  Puritan  pietism  (enough,  unhappily,  to 
betray  him  into  securing  the  condemnation  and  execu 
tion  of  two  poor  women  tried  before  him  in  1664  upon 
the  charge  of  being  witches,  liable  under  Bible  law,  Exodus 
22 :  18,  "  Thou  shalt  not  suffer  a  witch  to  live.")  In  Wash 
ington  (as  very  clearly  in  his  brother  Lawrence),  the  finest 
humanism  was  without  taint  of  the  Puritan  pietism.] 

Another  interesting  volume  of  the  Washington  family 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  29 

library  is  still  preserved,*  and  may  have  exerted  a  whole 
some  influence  upon  the  mind  of  Washington  in  childhood. 
It  is  entitled  "  Short  Discourses  upon  the  Whole  Common 
Prayer;  abridged  to  inform  the  Judgment  and  excite  the 
Devotion  of  such  as  daily  use  the  same."  Its  title  page 
bears  the  autograph  of  Augustine  Washington ;  and  upon 
the  cover  leaves  of  the  volume  this  name  of  -the  father  is 
written  again  and  again  by  his  son  George  in  the  bold  and 
marked  style  of  his  chirography. 

It  was  the  lot  of  Washington  to  receive  from  his  father, 
as  well  as  from  his  mother,  the  advantages  of  a  sound  re 
ligious  education;  but,  in  common  with  many  worthies 
who  have  adorned  our  race,  he  points  the  world  to  the  chief 
earthly  source  of  his  successes, —  home  influence,  directed  by 
a  mother. 

It  was  a  precept  of  classical  mythology,  that  all  who  are 
earth-born  are  bound  to  make,  on  every  suitable  occasion, 
an  offering  to  Earth,  their  good  mother,  as  a  tribute  of 
gratitude  for  her  manifold  gifts.  Beautiful  exhibition  of 
filial  duty!  And  it  is  recorded  of  Washington  that  in  the 
spirit  of  this  precept,  and  actuated  by  a  sacred  domestic 
feeling  of  love  and  reverence,  he  ever  remembered  his 
obligations  to  his  "  honored  "  mother,  as  he  habitually  en 
titled  her  in  his  letters  and  in  conversation,  and  that  he 
delighted  to  associate  his  regard  for  her  with  his  life's  most 
eventful  epochs,  and  with  its  chief  honors  and  successes  — 
with  the  wreath  upon  his  brow  and  the  flowers  strewed 
along  his  path.f 

On  returning  from  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela,  he 
addressed  an  affectionate  letter  to  her.  Before  receiving 

*  In  the  collection  of  the  Boston  Athenaeum, 
t  His  letters  to   Major-General   Knox,   February  20,   1784,   and 
'June  17,  1788. 


30  WASHINGTON. 

his  commission  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  armies  of 
Virginia,  he  informed  her  by  letter  of  his  probable  eleva 
tion  to  that  rank.  And  just  before  his  departure  for  New 
York,  to  be  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States, 
he  repaired  to  Fredericksburg  to  take  leave  of  his  "  aged 
mother."  It  was  their  last  interview.  She  died  a  few 
months  after.* 

[Of  John  Washington,  the  immediate  English  ancestor 
of  George  Washington,  who  came  out  of  England  when 
the  Puritan  Calvinist  rage  was  on,  in  Cromwell's  time, 
Lodge  says :  "  He  made  complaint  to  the  Maryland  au 
thorities,  soon  after  his  arrival,  against  Edward  Prescott, 
merchant,  and  captain  of  the  ship  in  which  he  had  come 
over,  for  hanging  a  woman  during  the  voyage  for  witch 
craft.  We  have  a  letter  of  his,  explaining  that  he  could 
not  appear  at  the  first  trial  because  he  was  about  to  bap 
tize  his  son,  and  had  bidden  the  neighbors  and  gossips  to 
the  feast.  A  little  incident  this,  dug  out  of  the  musty 
records,  but  it  shows  us  an  active,  generous  man,  intolerant 
of  oppression,  public-spirited  and  hospitable,  social,  and 
friendly  in  his  new  relations.  He  soon  after  was  called  to 
mourn  the  death  of  his  English  wife  and  of  two  children, 
but  he  speedily  consoled  himself  by  taking  a  second  wife, 
Anne  Pope,  by  whom  he  had  three  children,  Lawrence, 
John,  and  Anne.  According  to  the  Virginian  tradition, 
John  Washington  the  elder  was  a  surveyor,  and  made  a 
location  of  lands  which  was  set  aside  because  they  had 
been  assigned  to  the  Indians.  It  is  quite  apparent  that 
he  was  a  forehanded  person  who  acquired  property  and 
impressed  himself  upon  his  neighbors.  In  1667,  when  he 
had  been  but  ten  years  in  the  Colony,  he  was  chosen  to 
the  House  of  Burgesses ;  and  eight  years  later  he  was 

*  August,  1789,  at  the  age  of  eighty-three  years. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  31 

made  a  colonel  and  sent  with  a  thousand  men  to  join  the 
Marylanders  in  destroying  the  '  Susquehannocks/  at  the 
'  Piscataway '  fort,  on  account  of  some  murdering  begun 
by  another  tribe.  As  a  feat  of  arms,  the  expedition  was 
not  a  very  brilliant  affair.  The  Virginians  and  Maryland 
ers  killed  half  a  dozen  Indian  chiefs  during  a  parley,  and 
then  invested  the  fort.  After  repulsing  several  sorties,  they 
stupidly  allowed  the  Indians  to  escape  in  the  night  and 
carry  murder  and  pillage  through  the  outlying  settle 
ments,  lighting  up  first  the  flames  of  savage  war  and  then 
the  fiercer  fire  of  domestic  insurrection." 

The  note  of  humanist  liberality  in  the  matter  of  the 
witch  is  an  important  indication  of  the  Washington  char 
acter  from  the  beginning. 

"  In  the  next  year,"  Lodge  continues,  "  we  hear  again 
of  John  Washington  in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  when 
Sir  William  Berkeley  assailed  his  troops  for  the  murder 
of  the  Indians  killed  during  a  parley.  Popular  feeling, 
however,  was  clearly  with  the  colonel,  for  nothing  was 
done,  and  the  matter  dropped.  At  that  point,  too,  in 
1676,  John  Washington  disappears  from  sight,  and  we 
know  only  that  as  his  will  was  proved  in  1677,  he  must 
have  died  soon  after  the  scene  with  Berkeley.  He  was 
buried  in  the  family  vault  at  Bridges  Creek,  and  left  a  good 
estate  to  be  divided  among  his  children.  The  colonel  was 
evidently  both  a  prudent  and  popular  man,  and  quite  dis 
posed  to  bustle  about  in  the  world  in  which  he  found 
himself.  He  acquired  lands,  came  to  the  front  at  once  as 
a  leader,  although  a  newcomer  in  the  country,  was  evidently 
a  fighting  man,  as  is  shown  by  his  selection  to  command 
the  Virginian  forces,  and  was  honored  by  his  neighbors, 
who  gave  his  name  to  the  parish  in  which  he  dwelt.  Then 
he  died  and  his  son  Lawrence  reigned  in  his  stead,  and 


32  WASHINGTON. 

became  by  his  wife,  Mildred  Warner,  the  father  of  John, 
Augustine,  and  Mildred  Washington. 

"  This  second  son,  Augustine,  farmer  and  planter  like  his 
forefathers,  married  first  Jane  Butler,  by  whom  he  had 
three  sons  and  a  daughter,  and  second,  Mary  Ball,  by 
whom  he  had  four  sons  and  two  daughters.  The  eldest 
child  of  these  second  nuptials  was  named  George,  and 
was  born  on  February  n  (O.  S.),  1732,  at  Bridges  Creek. 
The  house  in  which  this  event  occurred  was  a  plain,  wooden 
farmhouse  of  the  primitive  Virginian  pattern,  with  four 
rooms  on  the 'ground  floor,  an  attic  story  with  a  long, 
sloping  roof,  and  a  massive  brkk  chimney.  Three  years 
after  George  Washington's  birth  it  was  burned,  and  the 
family  removed  to  another  estate  in  Stafford  county.  The 
second  house  was  like  the  first,  and  stood  on  rising 
ground  looking  across  a  meadow  to  the  Rappahannock, 
and  beyond  the  river  to  the  village  of  Fredericksburg, 
which  was  nearly  opposite.  Here,  in  1743,  Augustine 
Washington  died  somewhat  suddenly,  at  the  age  of  forty- 
nine,  from  an  attack  of  gout  brought  on  by  exposure  in 
the  rain,  and  was  buried  with  his  fathers  in  the  old  vault 
at  Bridges  Creek.  Here,  too,  the  boyhood  of  Washing 
ton  was  passed,  and  therefore  it  becomes  necessary  to 
look  about  us  and  see  what  we  can  learn  of  this  important 
period  of  his  life. 

"  We  know  nothing  about  his  father,  except  that  he  was 
kindly  and  affectionate,  attached  to  his  wife  and  children, 
and  apparently  absorbed  in  the  care  of  his  estates.  On 
his  death  the  children  came  wholly  under  the  maternal 
influence  and  direction." 

The  sudden  fatal  illness  of  Augustine  Washington,  like 
that  of  his  illustrious  son,  from  exposure  to  chill,  shows 
physical  refinement  and  delicacy,  along  with  the  robust 
vigor  of  body  known  to  have  belonged  to  both. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  33 

"  Much  has  been  written  about  the  '  mother  of  Wash 
ington,'  "  Lodge  goes  on  to  say,  "  but  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  although  she  lived  to  an  advanced  age,  we 
know  scarcely  more  about  her  than  we  do  about  her 
husband.  She  was  of  gentle  birth,  and  possessed  a  vigor 
ous  character  and  a  good  deal  of  business  capacity.  The 
advantages  of  education  were  given  in  but  slight  measure 
to  the  Virginian  ladies  of  her  time,  and  Mrs.  Washington 
offered  no  exception  to  the  general  rule.  Her  reading 
was  confined  to  a  small  number  of  volumes,  chiefly  of  a 
devotional  character,  her  favorite  apparently  being  Hale's 
'  Moral  and  Divine  Contemplations/  She  evidently  knew 
no  language  but  her  own,  and  her  spelling  was  extremely 
bad  even  in  that  age  of  uncertain  orthography.  Certain 
qualities,  however,  are  clear  to  us  even  now  through  all 
the  dimness.  We  can  see  that  Mary  Washington  was 
gifted  with  strong  sense  and  had  the  power  of  conducting 
business  matters  providently  and  exactly.  She  was  an 
imperious  woman,  of  strong  will,  ruling  her  kingdom 
alone.  Above  all  she  was  very  dignified,  very  silent,  and 
very  sober-minded.  That  she  was  affectionate  and  loving 
cannot  be  doubted,  for  she  retained  to  the  last  a  profound 
hold  upon  the  reverential  devotion  of  her  son,  and  yet  as 
he  rose  steadily  to  the  pinnacle  of  human  greatness,  she 
could  only  say  that  '  George  had  been  a  good  boy,  and  she 
was  sure  he  would  do  his  duty/  Not  a  brilliant  woman, 
evidently,  not  one  suited  to  shine  in  courts,  conduct  in 
trigues,  or  adorn  literature,  yet  able  to  transmit  moral 
qualities  to  her  oldest  son,  which,  mingled  with  those  of 
the  Washingtons,  were  of  infinite  value  in  the  foundation 
of  a  great  Republic.  She  found  herself  a  widow  at  an 
early  age,  with  a  family  of  young  children  to  educate  and 
support.  Her  means  were  narrow,  for  although  Au 
gustine  Washington  was  able  to  leave  what  was  called  a 
3 


34  WASHINGTON. 

landed  estate  to  each  son,  it  was  little  more  than  idle  cap 
ital,  and  the  income  in  ready  money  was  by  no  means  so 
evident  as  the  acres." 

Lodge  errs  grievously  in  implying  that  we  know  very 
little  about  either  the  father  or  the  mother  of  George 
Washington.  For  the  purpose  of  the  latter's  biography 
we  know  the  most  essential  facts.  Not  that  they  can  be 
read  off-hand  by  the  uninstructed  student,  inexpert  in 
noting  the  significance  of  what  he  reads.  It  is  ignorance 
of  history,  in  examples  like  Lord  Bacon  and  William 
Shakespeare,  which  permits  making  anything  whatever  of 
the  bad  spelling  of  a  cultivated  lady  in  the  first  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  Besides,  the  mistake  is  singularly 
unfortunate  of  saying  that  we  know  very  little,  while  yet 
telling  much  more  than  a  little  which  is  not  only  of  ex 
treme  interest  but  of  decisive  importance.  The  parentage 
of  George  Washington,  in  the  light  of  the  "  good  few  " 
facts  which  are  given,  can  be  read  to  no  small  extent 
through  carefully  instructed  study  of  the  character  of  the 
son ;  but  such  instruction  turns  on  knowledge  of  the  physio 
logical  and  psychical  complex  which  a  human  being  com 
monly  is.  Lodge  further  says: 

"  Many  are  the  myths,  and  deplorably  few  the  facts,  that 
have  come  down  to  us  in  regard  to  Washington's  boyhood. 
For  the  former  we  are  indebted  to  the  illustrious  Weems, 
and  to  that  personage  a  few  more  words  must  be  devoted. 
Weems  has  been  held  up  to  the  present  age  in  various 
ways,  usually,  it  must  be  confessed,  of  an  unflattering  na 
ture,  and  '  mendacious '  is  the  adjective  most  commonly 
applied  to  him.  There  has  been  in  reality  a  good  deal  of 
needless  confusion  about  Weems  and  his  book,  for  he  was 
not  a  complex  character,  and  neither  he  nor  his  writings 
are  difficult  to  value  or  understand.  By  profession  a 
clergyman  or  preacher,  by  nature  an  adventurer,  Weems 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  35 

loved  notoriety,  money,  and  a  wandering  life.  So  he 
wrote  books  which  he  correctly  believed  would  be  popular, 
and  sold  them  not  only  through  the  regular  channels,  but 
by  peddling  them  himself  as  he  traveled  through  the  coun 
try.  In  this  way  he  gratified  all  his  propensities,  and  no 
doubt  derived  from  life  a  good  deal  of  simple  pleasure. 
Chance  brought  him  near  Washington  in  the  closing  days, 
and  his  commercial  instinct  told  him  that  here  was  the  sub 
ject  of  all  others  for  his  pen  and  his  market.  He  accord 
ingly  produced  the  biography  which  had  so  much  success. 
Judged  solely  as  literature,  the  book  is  beneath  contempt. 
The  style  is  turgid,  overloaded,  and  at  times  silly.  The 
statements  are  loose,  the  mode  of  narration  confused  and 
incoherent,  and  the  moralizing  is  flat  and  commonplace  to 
the  last  degree.  Yet  there  was  a  certain  sincerity  of  feel 
ing  underneath  all  the  bombast  and  platitudes,  and  this 
saved  the  book.  The  biography  did  not  go,  and  was  not 
intended  to  go,  into  the  hands  of  the  polite  society  of  the 
great  eastern  towns.  It  was  meant  for  the  farmers,  the 
pioneers,  and  the  backwoodsmen  of  the  country.  It  went 
into  their  homes,  and  passed  with  them  beyond  the  Alle- 
ghanies  and  out  to  the  plains  and  valleys  of  the  great 
West.  The  very  defects  of  the  book  helped  it  to  success 
among  the  simple,  hard-working,  hard-fighting  race  en 
gaged  in  the  conquest  of  the  American  continent.  To 
them  its  heavy  and  tawdry  style,  its  staring  morals,  and  its 
real  patriotism  all  seemed  eminently  befitting  the  national 
hero,  and  thus  Weems  created  the  Washington  of  the 
popular  fancy.  The  idea  grew  up  with  the  country,  and 
became  so  ingrained  in  the  popular  thought  that  finally 
everybody  was  affected  by  it,  and  even  the  most  stately 
and  solemn  of  the  Washington  biographers  adopted  the 
unsupported  tales  of  the  itinerant  parson  and  book-peddler. 


36  WASHINGTON. 

"  In  regard  to  the  public  life  of  Washington,  Weems 
took  the  facts  known  to  every  one,  and  drawn  for  the  most 
part  from  the  gazettes.  He  then  dressed  them  up  in  his 
own  peculiar  fashion  and  gave  them  to  the  world.  All 
this,  forming  of  course  nine-tenths  of  his  book,  has  passed, 
despite  its  success,  into  oblivion.  The  remaining  tenth 
described  Washington's  boyhood  until  his  fourteenth  or 
fifteenth  year,  and  this,  which  is  the  work  of  the  author's 
imagination,  has  lived.  Weems,  having  set  himself  up  as 
absolutely  the  only  authority  as  to  this  period,  has  been 
implicitly  followed,  and  has  thus  come  to  demand  serious 
consideration.  Until  Weems  is  weighed  and  disposed  of, 
we  cannot  even  begin  an  attempt  to  get  at  the  real  Wash 
ington." 

Mr.  Lodge  could  hardly  have  done  worse  than  in  this 
setting  up  that  we  know  very  little  of  the  facts  of  Wash 
ington's  boyhood,  when  in  fact  we  could  not  well  know 
more;  that  the  "Life"  by  Weems  created  the  popular 
Washington,  when  in  fact  Washington  with  Weems  was 
known  as  no  other  man  in  history  has  ever  been  known  dur 
ing  his  own  time ;  and  that  we  cannot  even  begin  to  get  at 
the  real  Washington  until  we  have  critically  disposed  of  the 
myths  of  Weems,  when  in  fact,  Weems  or  no  Weems,  the 
large  and  exact  knowledge  of  the  real  Washington  possible 
to  study  without  taking  account  of  Weems  at  all,  and  of 
Washington  in  youth  as  well  as  maturity,  leaves  nothing 
to  be  desired,  except  a  general  casting  upon  a  rubbish 
heap  of  the  numerous  attempts  to  tell  the  story  of  Wash 
ington  without  anything  like  real  study.] 

The  planters  of  Virginia  being  at  that  period  without 
colleges  and  academies  were  compelled  to  employ  private 
tutors  for  their  children  or  to  content  themselves  with  the 
very  meager  instructions  to  be  obtained  at  common 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  37 

country  schools.*     The  masters  of  these  schools  moreover 
possessing,  not  unfrequently,  the  smallest  supposable  modi- 

*[The  famous  declaration  of  Sir  William  Berkeley,  "  I  thank  God 
that  there  are  no  free  schools,"  has  been  misunderstood.  It  was 
said  partly  in  view  of  the  system  of  home  teaching  by  private  tutors, 
which  was  maintained,  for  lack  of  tutors,  on  the  plan  referred  to 
by  Berkeley  in  saying :  "  Every  man  teaches  his  own  children."  By 
"  free  schools "  Berkeley  meant  what  we  should  call  "  ragged 
schools,"  or  "  mission  schools,"  and  his  idea  was  that  no  respectable 
man  wanted  such  for  his  own  children  instead  of  home  teaching  by 
private  tutors  or  by  the  parent  himself.  In  fact  he  assumed  that  no 
respectable  father  would  so  much  as  think  of  schooling  by  the  side 
of  the  young  of  the  neglected  class  for  his  own  sons,  and  the  point 
of  his  reason  for  not  wanting  "  free  schools  "  at  all  was  his  convic 
tion  that  "learning"  given  to  the  lower  class  chiefly  resulted  in 
making  them  smarter  for  evil  —  less  submissive  to  order.  The 
Sunday  schools  started  by  Robert  Raikes  at  Gloucester  in  England 
towards  the  close  of  the  i8th  century  had  for  their  sole  object 
schooling  for  the  lowest  class  who  could  get  none  on  week  days,  and 
a  hundred  years  later  a  Sunday  school,  even  if  carried  on  in  con 
nection  with  the  service  of  worship,  and  not  as  a  mission  apart, 
was  frequently  not  used  for  children  of  good  families,  who  could 
have  instruction  at  home,  but  only  for  the  poor;  and  as  under  the 
system  as  originated  teachers  were  hired  on  very  low  pay,  and  were 
very  inferior  in  qualifications,  young  ladies  of  any  social  position 
commonly  thought  the  service  beneath  them.  American  adoption  of 
Sunday  schools  was  on  very  different  lines  from  the  first,  because 
of  the  extent  to  which  children  generally  could  enjoy  common 
schooling  during  the  week,  and  only  needed  for  Sunday  some  va 
riety  of  religious  instruction.  In  George  Washington's  youth  in 
struction  by  his  father  while  he  lived  was  undoubtedly  better  a  great 
deal  than  the  pretentious,  and  largely  preposterous  schooling  of 
which  children  are  the  victims  at  the  capital  of  the  state  of  New 
York  in  the  first  years  of  the  2Oth  century.  And  after  his  father's 
death  the  Academy  schooling  which  George  Washington  had  was 
supplemented  by  tutoring  given  him  by  three  or  four  persons  hardly 
less  interested  than  his  father  to  see  him  well  fitted  for  the  position 
which  he  would  have  in  his  Virginia  life.] 


38  WASHINGTON. 

cum  of  qualifications,  had  little  more  capital  than  self- 
assurance,  a  rod  and  a  ferule.  And  unable  to  subsist  upon 
the  pittance  afforded  by  their  school  duties,  they  would 
add  to  their  literary  offices  others  which  sometimes  were 
singularly  incongruous. 

A  rural  pedagogue  of  this  motley  class,  Washington's 
first  preceptor,  a  tenant  of  his  father's  when  the  family  was 
residing  in  Westmoreland,  was  Mr.  Hobby,  a  pretentious, 
jovial  wight,  who  kept  what  was  called  "  the  old  field 
school ; "  and  who  in  the  comprehensive  range  of  his  em 
ployments  was  busied  both  with  the  minds  and  the  bodies 
of  his  neighbors,  combining  the  functions  of  schoolmaster, 
parish  sexton,  and  undertaker.  It  was  his  joy  to  see  his 
most  honored  pupil  rise  to  the  greatest  height  of  his  renown  ; 
and  he  would  often  boast  as  he  recounted  anecdotes  of  the 
old  field  school  —  "  It  was  I  who  laid  the  foundation  of  his 
greatness ! " 

Soon  after  his  father's  death,  Washington  was  sent  from 
the  family  residence  in  Suffolk  to  the  old  homestead  in 
Westmoreland  county,  the  house  in  which  he  was  born, 
and  which  was  then  occupied  by  his  half-brother  Augus 
tine.  The  object  had  in  view  was  to  provide  for  him  a 
schoolmaster  of  .a  higher  grade  than  he  who  "  laid  the 
foundation  of  his  greatness."  He  was  accordingly  placed 
under  the  care  of  Mr.  Williams,  an  excellent  teacher  of  the 
usual  branches  of  an  English  education,  and,  in  particular, 
of  geography,  bookkeeping,  and  surveying. 

Under  the  guidance  of  this  competent  master  and  worthy 
man  our  young  pupil  vigorously  pursued  his  studies  until 
his  fourteenth  year  (1746),  when  an  incident  occurred  worthy 
of  especial  notice  from  its  important  bearing  on  the  future 
of  his  history. 

This  was,  his  purpose  to  obtain  a  midshipman's  warrant 
in  the  British  navy.  His  half-brother  Lawrence  who  was 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  39 

at  that  time  a  man  of  consideration  in  Virginia,  being  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  and  adjutant-general 
of  his  district,  had  served  under  Admiral  Vernon  and  Gen 
eral  Wentworth  in  the  West  Indies.  As  captain  in  the 
American  regiment  under  command  of  Col.  Alexander 
Spotswood,  raised  expressly  for  the  West  India  service, 
and  for  co-operating  with  the  British  troops  in  Vernon's 
expedition,  he  was  with  Wentworth  when  he  undertook 
in  the  year  1741  the  disastrous  siege  of  Carthagena.* 

A  midshipman's  warrant,  obtained  through  the  influence 
of  this  half-brother,  was  put  into  the  hands  of  our  young 
naval  aspirant,  greatly  to  his  delight.  He  made  immediate 
arrangements  to  embark  on  board  a  man-of-war  then  rid 
ing  in  the  Potomac.  His  baggage  was  on  the  ship.  All 
that  remained  to  be  done  before  his  departure  was  to  re 
ceive  his  mother's  approbation  and  her  blessing.  But  she 
had  doubts  of  the  advantage  of  the  project.  She  looked 
at  the  many  evils  associated  with  scenes  of  naval  service ; 
and  she  dwelt  upon  the  thought  of  a  separation  by  which 
her  son,  so  young  in  years  and  in  experience,  would 
be  taken  away  forever  from  the  family  manse,  and  from 
the  shrine  of  its  sacred  home  influences.  She  refused  her 
consent  to  his  separation  from  her.  And  maternal  solici 
tude  and  filial  affection  soon  blended  in  deciding  that  the 
proposed  measure  should  be  relinquished. 

[The  matter  was  not  decided  by  the  mother  upon  her 
own  feeling  alone.  She  consulted  her  brother  Joseph  in 
London,  who  very  urgently  advised  her  against  the  navy 
as  a  place  for  her  son,  and  against  sacrificing  the  promise 
of  his  inherited  position  as  a  future  man  of  estate  in  Vir 
ginia.] 

*  Smollett's  "  History  of  England,"  chap.  IV,  at  the  beginning; 
and  his  "  Roderick  Random." 


40  WASHINGTON. 

The  dutiful  son's  unmurmuring  acquiescence,  and  his 
surrender  in  such  circumstances  of  his  heart's  joy,  are  a 
beautiful  comment  on  his  mental  and  moral  discipline. 
And  his  filial  obedience  was  in  harmony  with  a  divine  in 
tention.  The  Unseen  was  present  in  the  sympathies  of 
that  domestic  incident.  He  who  controls  the  fates  of  men 
and  nations  had  a  higher  service  than  that  of  a  midship 
man  in  reserve  for  this  noble  boy. 

[The  chief  agent  in  getting  young  Washington  a  chance 
to  go  to  sea  was  a  notable  neighbor  of  Lawrence  Wash 
ington,  whose  estate  of  Belvoir  was  on  the  Potomac  five 
miles  below  Mt.  Vernon.  This  neighbor  of  Lawrence 
was  Hon.  William  Fairfax,  cousin  to  the  sixth  Lord 
Fairfax,  whose  inheritance  from  his  mother  embraced 
about  a  fourth  part  of  the  whole  of  Virginia.  He  was  the 
son  of  Henry  Fairfax,  whose  wife,  Anna  Harrison,  was 
sister  to  the  wife  of  Henry  Washington,  one  of  the  Eng 
lish  Washingtons.  Henry  Fairfax  was  the  second  son 
of  the  fourth  Lord  Fairfax,  and  in  1691,  the  year  of  his 
son  William's  birth,  he  became  high  sheriff  of  Yorkshire. 
The  son  William  was  educated  at  a  collegiate  school,  and 
went  to  sea  when  very  young;  then  served  in  the  British 
army  in  Spain ;  was  stationed  at  St.  Helena  for  a  time ; 
and  subsequently  at  the  Bahamas,  where  he  married,  in 
1723,  Sarah  Walker,  a  daughter  of  Major  Walker,  and 
was  appointed  chief  justice  of  the  island.  About  the 
year  1725,  on  account  of  the  unhealthiness  of  the  climate, 
he  removed  to  New  England,  having  received  the  ap 
pointment  of  collector  of  the  customs  at  Salem  and 
Marblehead.  Here  the  death  of  his  wife  in  1731  left  him 
with  four  children,  George  William,  born  at  the  Baha 
mas  ;  Thomas,  Anne,  and  Sarah,  born  in  Salem.  He  sub 
sequently  married  Deborah  Clarke  of  Salem,  an  intimate 
friend  of  his  first  wife,  who  had  expressed,  on  her  death- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  41 

bed,  the  wish  that  this  might  take  place  for  the  sake  of 
her  children.  Thomas,  the  sixth  Lord  Fairfax,  hearing 
that  the  agent  in  charge  of  his  American  estates  was  not 
faithful  to  his  interests,  invited  his  cousin  William  to  leave 
New  England  and  become  the  superintendent  of  his  es 
tates.  The  offer  was  accepted  in  1734,  and  he  at  first  took 
up  his  residence  in  Westmoreland  county,  but  subsequently 
removed  to  Belvoir,  a  plantation  fourteen  miles  below 
Alexandria.  His  daughter  Anne,  born  in  Salem,  Mass., 
about  1726  or  1727,  became  the  wife  of  Lawrence  Wash 
ington,  whose  brother  George,  fourteen  years  younger, 
thus  came  under  the  direct  influence  of  William  Fairfax, 
then  about  fifty-two  years  of  age.  A  letter  of  William 
Fairfax  to  Lawrence  Washington,  dated  September  10, 
1746,  when  George  was  fourteen  years  and  six  months  of 
age,  says :  "  George  has  been  with  us,  and  says  he  will 
be  steady,  and  thankfully  follow  your  advice  as  his  best 
friend." 

It  was  William  Fairfax  who  "  had  used  his  influence  to 
obtain  a  position  for  George  in  the  navy,  but  the  mother 
would  not  consent  to  his  going  to  sea,  for  '  several  persons 
told  her  it  was  a  bad  scheme/  '  Mrs.  Washington's  chief 
adviser  in  the  matter  was  her  brother,  Joseph  Ball,  resid 
ing  in  London,  who  wrote  as  follows : 

"  I  understand  you  are  advised,  and  have  some  thoughts 
of  putting  your  son  to  sea.  I  think  he  had  better  be  put 
apprentice  to  a  trade,  for  a  common  sailor  before  the  mast 
has  by  no  means  the  common  liberty  of  the  subject;  for 
they  will  press  him  from  a  ship  where  he  has  fifty  shillings 
a  month,  and  make  him  take  twenty-three,  and  cut  and 
beat  him  like  a  negro,  or  rather  like  a  dog.  And  as  to 
any  considerable  promotion  in  the  navy  it  is  not  to  be  ex 
pected,  as  there  are  always  so  many  gaping  for  it  here  who 
have  influence,  and  he  has  none  "  (in  Meade).  p.  50.] 


42  WASHINGTON. 

He  resumed  his  studies  at  the  school  of  Mr.  Williams. 
And  he  continued  to  pursue  them  two  years  longer  until 
he  had  almost  attained  to  his  sixteenth  year.  This  was  an 
early  season  for  his  leaving  school,  but  it  was  the  limit  of 
his  opportunities.  The  schoolboy  and  the  college-student 
of  our  day,  who  bask  in  the  broad  light  afforded  by 
thoroughly  furnished  educators  and  the  latest  and  most  im 
proved  text-books,,  too  seldom  think  how  few  and  fitful 
were  the  rays  which  glimmered  on  the  path  of  our  youthful 
countrymen  in  the  middle  of  the  last  century.  Yet  a  com 
pensation  for  the  want  of  modern  artificial  helps  to  learn 
ing  was  afforded  by  a  prevailing  stalwart  vigor  and  power 
ful  grasp  of  thought.  And  there  was  then  a  freedom  from 
the  influence  of  our  literary  luxuries,  which  are  so  tempt 
ing  to  a  relaxation  of  industry  in  the  pursuit  of  truth. 

[It  is  upon  less  than  adequate  discrimination  that  the 
view  is  entertained  of  a  short  and  meagre  schooling  of 
young  Washington.  For  what  his  natural  powers  and 
impulses  were,  and  what  his  father,  mother,  brother  Law 
rence,  Mr.  William  Fairfax,  Lord  Fairfax,  and  the  school 
he  attended  were,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  one  in  twenty 
of  the  university  graduates  of  the  present  time,  in  either 
England  or  America,  stand  upon  the  threshold  of  active 
life  as  well  disciplined  for  it  as  George  Washington  was, 
if  not  at  sixteen,  at  least  at  his  first  encounter  with  the 
demands  and  responsibilities  of  a  career.  Even  if  four- 
fifths  of  what  the  student  in  school  and  college  to-day 
spends  much  time  but  scant  attention  upon  were  not  of 
absolutely  no  educational  account,  yet  the  instances  are 
exceptional  in  which  a  boy  of  rare  character  and  fine  mind 
gets  as  good  personal  training  during  eight  years  as 
George  Washington  got  before  he  entered  upon  active 
life.  In  proportion  as  we  understand  what  real  educa- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  43 

tion  is,  and  how  much  self-education  counts,  we  can  see 
that  Washington's  actual  advantages,  with  his  use  of  them, 
brought  him  out  upon  the  stage  of  his  time  remarkably 
well  educated  and  very  exceptionally  disciplined.] 

At  the  early  period  of  his  schooldays  Washington  af 
forded  one  of  the  numerous  illustrations  of  a  fact  which 
gives  such  interest  to  the  history  of  the  childhood  of  great 
men.  With  all  due  allowance  for  the  propensity  of  imagi 
nation  to  color  with  bright  tints  its  pictures  of  early  genius 
it  must  be  admitted  that  in  many  cases  the  mind  does,  in 
its  first  developments,  disclose  the  secret  of  its  leading 
bent.  At  the  beginning  of  life's  spring,  incipient  tendrils 
indicate  the  nature  of  a  plant  formed  to  climb. 

Among  his  playmates  our  schoolboy  was  their  umpire 
and  their  leader.  He  won  their  confidence  by  his  native 
ingenuousness  and  his  strict  regard  for  truth.  He  was 
generous  and  just,  he  was  proverbially  a  peacemaker,  and 
his  word  of  honor  was  a  bond.  His  military  predilections 
also  now  appeared,  not  only  in  his  delighting  when  eleven 
years  of  age,  as  boys  so  generally  do,  to  play  "  soldiers," 
but  in  his  being  the  master-spirit  in  many  a  mimic  battle 
between  "  the  English  "  and  "  the  French." 

He  was  conspicuous  moreover  in  their  sports  on  account 
of  his  feats  of  strength  and  agility.  Among  his  favorite 
recreations,  in  which  he  was  almost  without  a  rival,  were 
lifting  and  throwing  heavy  weights,  jumping  with  a  pole, 
and  wrestling.  He  was  celebrated  too  for  fleetness  like 
the  swift-footed  hero  of  the  Iliad;  and  in  racing  with  his 
schoolfellows  he  surpassed  them  all.  And  so  great  was 
the  power  of  his  arm  in  youth  that  he  would  often  throw 
a  stone  across  the  Rappahannock  at  the  lower  ferry  of 
Fredericksburg —  a  feat  which  few  men  were  able  to  per 
form. 


44  WASHINGTON. 

"  More  than  fifty  years  ago,"  says  Mr.  Custis,*  "  I  be 
came  acquainted  with  two  aged  and  highly  estimable  gen 
tlemen,  Lawrence  and  Robin  Washington  who  were  dis 
tantly  related  to  and  had  been  companions  of  the  Chief 
in  his  juvenile  days.  They  spoke  of  the  fine,  manly  youth ; 
and  of  his  gallant  demeanor  and  daring  exploits  in  horse 
manship,  and  the  athletic  exercises  of  that  remote  period." 
But  the  manly  exercise  in  which  he  most  excelled  was 
horsemanship.  When  a  boy  of  but  twelve  years  of  age  he 
resolved  to  ride  a  spirited,  unbroken  colt  of  his  mother's  — 
her  favorite  sorrel  —  which  had  hitherto  successfully  re 
sisted  all  attempts  of  "  horse-tamers."  He  informed  his 
playmates  of  his  purpose,  and  accordingly  a  party  of  them 
assembled  soon  after  sunrise  on  the  appointed  day  to  see 
the  sport.  With  great  difficulty  they  penned  the  mettle 
some  and  fiery  animal  and  after  many  unsuccessful  efforts 
at  length  bridled  him.  The  youthful  horseman  then  seized 
the  reins  and  with  a  single  effort  vaulted  on  the  colt's  back. 
Then  followed  a  desperate  struggle  between  horse  and 
rider.  The  colt  could  not  and  would  not  brook  restraint. 
He  had  prevailed  hitherto  and  he  would  prevail  again.  In 
all  the  freedom  of  his  noble  nature  he  had  at  pleasure 
ranged  the  field,  snuffed  the  wind,  and  thrown  off  by  a 
bound  or  leap  his  waste  exuberance.  He  now  reared  and 
sprang.  He  started  violently  and  suddenly  from  side  to 
side.  He  used  every  instinctive  contortion  with  a  view  to 
throw  his  rider  and  to  regain  liberty.  It  was  in  vain ;  his 
efforts  became  frantic  when  he  found  his  master  unmoved 
from  his  seat,  and  with  a  violent,  convulsive,  furious  plunge 
he  fell  down  dead. 

Conscious  of  the  pain  which  this  result  would  cause  his 
mother  Washington  frankly  told  her  the  story  of  his  con- 

*  Letter  to  Charles  Brown,  April  24,  1851. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  45 

duct,  and  she,  in  her  characteristic  manner,  said  in  reply: 
"  I  regret  the  loss  of  my  favorite,  but  I  rejoice  in  my  son 
who  always  speaks  the  truth." 

As  proofs  of  his  diligence  and  industry  at  school,  manu 
scripts  written  by  him  in  boyhood  and  filling  several  quires 
of  paper,  exhibit  records  of  his  studies  in  geometry, 
trigonometry,  and  surveying;  and  evince  the  same  regard 
to  neatness  and  method,  and  the  same  care  and  accuracy 
which  were  afterward  so  conspicuous  in  his  letters,  his  plans 
of  military  operations,  and  his  official  documents.  There  are 
extant  also  specimens  of  his  ornamental  penmanship,  and 
of  his  fancy  pen-sketch  creations  of  heads  half-human,  and 
of  nondescript  birds,  and  "  gorgons  dire." 

In  a  manuscript  book  which  he  wrote  at  the  age  of  thir 
teen  years  are  copies  of  notes  of  hand,  bills  of  exchange,  re 
ceipts,  bonds,  indentures,  bills  of  sale,  land  warrants,  leases, 
deeds,  and  wills,  designed  to  familiarize  him  with  proper 
forms  for  transacting  business. 

He  seems  however  to  have  devoted  himself  in  boyhood 
not  merely  to  intellectual  acquirements.  He  collected  and 
copied  out  in  one  of  his  manuscripts,  "  Rules  of  Behavior 
in  Company  and  Conversation."  And  the  general  char 
acter  of  these  rules,  by  which  he  sought  to  regulate  his 
demeanor,  affords  the  best  evidence  of  his  desire  to  culti 
vate  the  elegant  courtesies  and  to  practice  the  moral  duties 

which  give  refined  society  its  peculiar  charm. 

,         .,. 

Among  his  rules  are  the  following : — 

"  i.  Read  no  letters,  books,  or  papers  in  company;  but 
when  there  is  a  necessity  for  doing  it  you  must  ask  leave. 
Come  not  near  the  books  or  writings  of  any  one  so  as  to 
read  them  unless  desired;  nor  give  your  opinion  of  them 
unasked.  Also  look  not  nigh  when  another  is  writing  a 
letter. 


46  WASHINGTON. 

"2.  Show  not  yourself  glad  at  the  misfortune  of  an 
other,  though  he  were  your  enemy. 

"  3.  When  you  meet  with  one  of  greater  quality  than 
yourself,  stop  and  retire,  especially  if  it  be  at  a  door  or  any 
strait  place,  to  give  way  for  him  to  pass. 

"  4.  Let  your  discourse  with  men  of  business  be  short 
and  comprehensive. 

"  5.  In  writing  or  speaking  give  to  every  person  his  due 
title,  according  to  his  degree,  and  the  custom  of  the  place. 

"  6.  Wherein  you  reprove  another,  be  unblamable  your 
self  ;  for  example  is  more  prevalent  than  precepts. 

"  7.  Be  not  hasty  to  believe  flying  reports  to  the  dis 
paragement  of  any. 

"  8.  In  your  apparel  be  modest,  and  endeavor  to  accom 
modate  nature  rather  than  to  procure  admiration. 

"  9.  Associate  yourself  with  men  of  good  quality  if  you 
esteem  your  own  reputation;  for  it  is  better  to  be  alone 
than  in  bad  company. 

"  10.  Deride  no  man's  misfortune  though  there  seem  to 
be  some  cause. 

"  ii.  Whisper  not  in  the  company  of  others. 

"  12.  Be  not  apt  to  relate  news  if  you  know  not  the 
truth  thereof. 

"  13.  Be  not  curious  to  know  the  affairs  of  others ;  neither 
approach  to  those  that  speak  in  private. 

"  14.  Undertake  not  what  you  cannot  perform ;  but  be 
careful  to  keep  your  promise. 

"  15.  Speak  not  evil  of  the  absent  for  it  is  unjust. 

"  16.  Be  not  angry  at  table  whatever  happens ;  and  if  you 
have  reason  to  be  so  show  it  not.  Put  on  a  cheerful 
countenance,  especially  if  there  be  strangers,  for  good 
humor  makes  one  dish  of  meat  a  feast. 

"  17.  When  you  speak  of  God  or  his  attributes  let  it  be 
seriously,  in  reverence. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  47 

"  1 8.  Honor  and,  obey  your  natural  parents  though  they 
be  poor. 

"  19.  Let  your  recreations  be  manful,  not  sinful. 

"  20.  Labor  to  keep  alive  in  your  breast  that  little  spark 
of  celestial  fire  called  Conscience." 

These  and  similar  memoranda  of  the  conventionalities  of 
elegant,  social  intercourse  enabled  him  to  control  himself 
by  a  well-provided  formulary  instead  of  trusting  to  the 
hazard  of  mere  impromptu  impulses.  They  were  the  trellis- 
work  that  secured  an  order,  regularity,  and  beauty  which 
imparted  a  remarkable  propriety  and  decorum  to  his  con 
duct  at  all  times  and  in  all  circumstances. 

There  are  also  extant  certain  selections  in  verse,  chiefly 
of  a  religious  character,  made  by  him  at  this  dawning 
period  of  his  life.  They  are  of  little  merit  as  exhibitions  of 
genius  in  their  author,  or  of  poetic  taste  in  their  compiler ; 
yet  they  are  indicative  of  what  may  be  regarded  as  not  less 
desirable  in  an  intelligent  and  ingenuous  lad  of  thirteen 
years  of  age,  an  interest  in  devout  sentiments. 

He  did  not  enjoy  the  advantages  of  a  classical  education. 
And  not  only  was  he  unable  to  read  either  Greek  or  Latin, 
but  he  could  neither  speak  nor  write  in  any  modern  for 
eign  language.  While  in  daily  intercouse  with  French 
officers,  at  one  period  of  the  Revolution,  he  was  compelled 
in  interchanging  opinions  with  them  to  rely  in  general  upon 
the  aid  of  an  interpreter. 

His  decided  predilection  was  for  mathematics.  The 
exactness,  order,  and  certainty  of  its  processes  always  were 
more  congenial  to  the  nature  of  his  mind  than  any  of  the 
charms  of  belles-lettres. 

The  only  occasion  of  his  being  beguiled  to  compose 
poetic  strains  was  when,  about  two  years  before  leaving 
school,  and  when  the  down  upon  his  cheek  and  chin  gave 
its  first  distinct  hints  of  his  adolescence,  he  felt  some 


48  WASHINGTON. 

throbbings  of  the  tender  passion.    In  one. of  his  early  manu 
scripts  are  found  plaintive  breathings  of  this  nature,  ut 
tered  for  the  relief  of  his  "  poor  restless  heart." 
The  object  of  his  attachment  it  is  said  was  Miss  Grimes,* 

*  Or  perhaps  Mary  Bland.  [More  probably  Miss  Betsy  Fauntle- 
roy.  In  a  communication  to  "  Harper's  Weekly,"  of  May  4,  1889, 
the  writer  answered  as  follows  the  question  who  was  Washington's 
"  Lowland  beauty:  " 

Of  late  years  the  opinion  has  gained  that  the  lady  was  Sally 
Gary,  who  became  the  wife  of  George  William  Fairfax.  This  has 
been  hitherto  my  own  conviction,  based  on  certain  letters  found 
among  the  papers  of  Mrs.  Fairfax  at  her  death,  at  Bath,  England 
(1811),  at  the  age  of  eighty-one.  It  now  appears  to  me  certain  that 
the  "Lowland  beauty "— Washington's  first  love  —  was  Miss 
Betsy  Fauntleroy.  Under  date  of  20th  May,  1752,  Washington 
writes  to  "  William  Fauntleroy,  Sr. :  " 

"  SIR. —  I  should  have  been  down  long  before  this,  but  my  busi 
ness  in  Frederick  detained  me  somewhat  longer  than  I  expected* 
and  immediately  upon  my  return  from  thence  I  was  taken  with  a 
violent  pleurise,  which  has  reduced  me  very  low;  but  purpose,  as 
soon  as  I  recover  my  strength,  to  wait  on  Miss  Betsy,  in  hopes  of 
a  revocation  of  the  former  cruel  sentence,  and  see  if  I  can  meet 
with  any  alteration  in  my  favor.  I  have  enclosed  a  letter  to  her, 
which  should  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  delivery  of  it.  I 
have  nothing  to  add  but  my  best  respects  to  your  good  lady  and 
family." 

As  William  Fauntleroy,  Sr.,  had  a  granddaughter  named  Eliza 
beth,  it  is  a  fair  inference  that  she  was  the  Betsy  referred  to. 
That  she  was  the  "  Lowland  beauty  "  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact 
that  the  letter  in  which  this  phrase  occurs,  though  undated,  bears 
evidence  of  having  been  written  about  the  time  which  the  prob 
abilities  of  such  explanation  suggest.  The  letter  is  addressed 
'  Dear  Friend  Robin  "—  possibly  Robert  Washington  of  Chotauk, 
affectionately  remembered  in  his  will  —  and  the  material  part  is  as 
follows:  "My  place  of  residence  is  at  present  at  his  lordship's, 
where  I  might,  was  my  heart  disengaged,  pass  my  time  very  pleas 
antly,  as  there's  a  very  agreeable  young  lady  lives  in  the  same  house 
(Col.  George  Fairfax's  wife's  sister).  But  as  that's  only  adding 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  49 

of  Westmoreland,  whom  he  calls  his  "  lowland  beauty,"  and 
who  afterward,  as  Mrs.  Lee,  was  the  mother  of  Gen.  Henry 
Lee,  so  famous  in  the  Revolutionary  War  as  "  Light 
Horse  Harry,"  and  always  regarded  by  Washington  with 
particular  favor.  But  his  "  young  love  "  was  not  declared, 
although  it  occasioned  for  more  than  two  years  the  in 
quietude  and  depression  of  spirits  usual  in  such  cases. 

[With  the  letter  of  May  20,  1752,  to  William  Fauntleroy, 
Sr.,  in  regard  to  a  "  purpose  to  wait  on  Miss  Betsy 
[Fauntleroy],  in  hopes  of  a  revocation  of  the  former  cruel 
sentence,  and  see  if  I  can  meet  with  any  alteration  in  my 
favor,"  and  with  "  a  letter  enclosed  to  her,"  it  seems  un 
necessary  to  look  in  any  other  direction  for  the  object  of 
young  Washington's  interest.  It  can  be  readily  under 
stood  that  he  was  not  a  lady's  man  as  the  average  good- 
looking  youth  may  readily  be.  He  was  large,  awkward, 
emotional,  and  bashful,  with  nothing  to  give  him  self- 
possession  with  people  beyond  the  circle  of  his  familiar 
friends.  He  was  not  long  in  acquiring  the  poise  of  self- 
command  and  self-carriage,  but  the  earliest  falling  in  love 
antedated  that  particular  discipline.] 

Writing  to  a  young  companion  whom  he  calls  his  "  dear 

fuel  to  fire,  it  makes  me  the  more  uneasy,  for  by  often  and  un 
avoidably  being  in  company  with  her  revives  my  former  passion  for 
your  Lowland  beauty;  whereas,  was  I  to  live  more  retired  from 
young  women,  I  might  deviate  in  some  measure  my  sorrows  by 
burying  that  chaste  and  troublesome  passion  in  the  grave  of  ob 
livion  or  etearnall  forgetfulness,  for  as  I  am  very  well  assured, 
that's  the  only  antidote  or  remedy  that  I  ever  shall  be  relieved  by 
or  only  recess  that  can  administer  any  cure  or  help  to  me,  as  I 
am  well  convinced,  was  I  ever  to  attempt  anything,  I  should  only 
get  a  denial  which  would  be  only  adding  grief  to  uneasiness." 
This  letter,  written  after  George  Fairfax's  marriage  (i7th  Decem 
ber,  1748),  and  before  the  journey  to  the  Barbadoes  (September, 
1751),  was  probably  written  in  the  earlier  part  of  1751-] 
4 


50  WASHINGTON. 

friend  Robin,"  he  remarks  that  female  society  tended  to 
keep  alive  his  passion,  whereas,  says  he,  by  living  "  more 
retired  from  young  women,  I  might,  in  some  measure, 
alleviate  my  sorrows,  by  burying  that  chaste  and  trouble 
some  passion  in  the  grave  of  oblivion." 

This  natural  and  venial  indulgence  in  youthful  romancing 
—  although  rather  precocious  in  a  boy  of  fourteen  years  — 
would  not  perhaps  deserve  to  be  mentioned,  did  it  not 
show  that  Washington's  mind,  even  at  that  period  of  his 
deepest  interest  in  his  studies,  was  not  so  absorbed  in 
theorems  and  computations  as  to  be  unconscious  of  na 
ture's  gentlest  sympathies,  and  insensible  to  impressions 
associated  with  life's  purest  and  most  refined  delights.  His 
mind  was  sturdy,  but  his  heart  was  ever  gentle  and  sus 
ceptible. 

In  the  estimate  we  form  of  the  illustrious  and  the  great, 
we  are  apt  to  be  misled  by  the  supposition,  that,  in  the 
range  of  their  passions  and  emotions,  they  are  not  as 
other  men.  And  the  dazzling  halo  of  this  illusion  often 
imparts  to  them  vague  and  mysterious  associations,  by 
which  their  example  is  often  greatly  diminished  in  its 
influence.  It  is  pleasing  therefore  to  record  in  the  his 
tory  of  Washington  that  he  was  no  ideal  and  unreal  crea 
tion  ;  that  he  had,  as  we  have,  a  heart  as  well  as  a  head ; 
that  he,  as  all  other  children,  in  their  development  of  man 
hood,  passed  through  the  metamorphoses  of  child,  little 
man,  boy  soldier,  lad,  youth,  lover;  and  that  he  is  to  be 
regarded  not  as  an  inimitable  paragon,  to  excite  wonder 
and  admiration,  but  as  a  beautiful  model,  for  all  young 
persons  who  would  practice  filial  obedience,  truth,  and 
honesty,  diligence  in  study,  decorum  in  behavior,  and 
whatever  else  is  commendable  in  a  lad  or  young  man, 
at  home  and  at  school,  in  sports  among  playmates,  and 
in  amusements  and  recreations  of  the  social  circle. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  51 

They  who  would  emulate  the  achievements  of  his  man 
hood  should  study  and  imitate  the  virtues  of  his  early 
youth.  When,  at  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War, 
Lafayette,  about  to  depart  for  France,  paid  a  farewell 
visit  to  the  mother  of  Washington,  and  mingled  with  his 
adieus  a  glowing  encomium  on  her  illustrious  son,  she 
replied,  in  her  characteristic  manner  and  in  memorable 
words,  "  I  am  not  surprised  at  what  George  has  done, 
for  he  was  always  a  good  boy." 


CHAPTER  III. 

INCIDENTS  OF  HIS  YOUTH. 

1748-1752. 

SOON  after  leaving  school  (1748),  Washington  be 
came  for  a  time  an  inmate  in  the  family  of  his 
eldest  half-brother  Lawrence,  on  his  large  patri 
monial  estate,  which  then  comprised  2,500  acres,  and 
which  he  called  Mount  Vernon,  in  compliment  to  the 
admiral  under  whom  he  served  in  the  West  Indies. 

This  half-brother,  whom  his  father  sent  to  England  for 
his  education,  had  enjoyed  what  were  at  that  time  un 
common  advantages,  social  and  intellectual;  and  his  im 
provement  of  them  appeared  in  his  mental  acquirements, 
his  cultivated  manners,  and  his  elegant  accomplishments. 
He  was  very  affectionately  attached  to  his  half-brother 
George;  and  it  was  his  ambition  and  delight  to  aid  and 
counsel  him  in  all  his  studies,  and  to  contribute  in  every 
way  to  his  welfare  and  advancement,  while  he  now  prose 
cuted  his  mathematical  studies  and  prepared  himself  for 
the  duties  of  a  scientific  practical  surveyor.  The  daily 
conversation  and  the  countless  little  hints  and  suggestions 
of  such  a  mentor  as  his  highly-educated  brother  Law 
rence  were  to  our  ingenuous  young  student,  then  in  his 
seventeenth  year,  heaven's  special  provision  suited  to  his 
case,  as  refreshing,  fertilizing  dew  to  the  surrounding 
green  pastures. 

Three  years  before  this  time,  Lawrence  had  married 
'Anne  Fairfax,  eldest  daughter  of  William  Fairfax,  of 

(52) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  53 

Fairfax  county,  Virginia,  who  had  served  in  the  British 
army  in  Spain,  the  East  Indies,  and  New  Providence. 
He  had  been  also  Governor  of  New  Providence,  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Bahamas,  and  President  of  His  Majesty's 
council  in  Virginia. 

[From  New  Providence  in  the  West  Indies,  after  some 
years  of  service  there,  William  Fairfax  had  been  trans 
ferred  to  Salem,  Massachusetts,  upon  his  request  for  a 
change  from  the  unfavorable  climate  of  the  Bahamas; 
and  there  his  daughter  Anne  was  born  —  a  Massachusetts 
girl  therefore ;  there  also  Anne's  mother  died,  and  a 
Salem  lady,  who  had  been  her  intimate  friend,  became 
in  due  time  her  father's  second  wife.  After  nine  years  at 
Salem,  in  charge  of  the  customs  there,  William  Fairfax 
was  persuaded  by  Lord  Thomas  Fairfax,  of  whom  he 
was  a  cousin,  to  settle  in  Virginia,  as  agent  for  the  sur 
vey,  sale,  and  general  care  of  the  lands  held  by  Lord 
Fairfax.  The  fine  estate  of  Belvoir,  five  miles  down  the 
Potomac  from  Mount  Vernon,  was  the  home  of  William 
Fairfax,  with  his  Massachusetts  wife,  while  his  Massa 
chusetts  daughter  was  the  mistress  of  Mount  Vernon.  In 
both  of  these  houses  George  Washington  was  at  home,  as 
he  also  was  with  Lord  Fairfax  at  Greenway  Court,  a 
house  which  he  occupied.] 

The  alliance  of  Lawrence  Washington  with  a  daughter 
of  such  a  person  opened  the  way  for  his  brother  George's 
acquaintance  with  the  Fairfax  family,  and  eventually  for 
his  intimate  friendship  with  the  most  prominent  member 
of  the  family,  Thomas,  the  sixth  Lord  Fairfax,  who  was 
a  man  of  education  and  of  great  moral  worth.  He  was 
a  graduate  of  Oxford  University,  and  the  contributor,  it 
is  said,  of  some  of  the  papers  in  Addison's  Spectator. 
He  held  a  commission  also  in  a  regiment  of  horse. 

Descended  from   an   ancient  baronial   family,  and  in- 


54  WASHINGTON. 

heriting  a  large  fortune,  his  lordship  had  moved  in  the 
best  circles  of  English  society.  It  was  his  lot  however 
to  be  grievously  disappointed  in  an  affair  of  the  heart. 
He  sought  seclusion  from  the  gay  world.  On  visiting 
his  American  estates  in  Virginia,  which  he  inherited  from 
his  mother,  he  was  charmed  with  the  people,  the  country, 
and  the  climate;  and  he  resolved  to  bid  adieu  to  old 
associates  and  to  settle  in  the  New  World. 

His  mother  was  Catharine,  daughter  of  Thomas,  Lord 
Culpeper,  and  the  estates  in  Virginia,  which  he  inherited 
from  her,  comprehended,  according  to  the  original  grant 
which  Lord  Culpeper  received  from  Charles  II,  all  the 
lands  between  the  Potomac  and  Rappahannock  rivers. 
These  lands,  it  was  estimated,  contained  5,700,000  acres.* 
They  included  a  tract  of  country  comprising  about  a  sev 
enth  part  of  the  present  area  of  Virginia,  and  are  now 
divided  into  twenty-one  counties,  f  For  several  years 
William  Fairfax,  as  his  lordship's  agent,  superintended 
these  estates. 

Lord  Thomas,  as  he  was  called,  was  a  man  of  remark 
able  appearance.  He  was  tall,  muscular,  and  swarthy, 
with  prominent  features,  and  of  an  uncommonly  large 
frame.  He  took  up  his  permanent  residence  on  a  domain 
which  he  named  "  Greenway  Court,"  thirteen  miles  south 
east  of  Winchester,  capital  of  Frederick  county.  There 
he  lived  upon  his  rents,  paying  little  attention  to  the 

*  Barnaby's  "  Travels  through  the  Middle  Settlements  in  America 
in  the  years  1759  and  1760,  with  Observations  upon  the  State  of  the 
Colonies,"  p.  159.  The  whole  State  comprises  thirty-nine  millions 
two  hundred  and  sixty-five  thousand  acres. 

t  The  counties  of  Lancaster,  Northumberland,  Richmond,  West 
moreland,  Stafford,  King  George,  Prince  William,  Fairfax,  Loudon, 
Fauquier,  Culpeper,  Clarke,  Madison,  Page,  Shenandoah,  Hardy, 
Hampshire,  Morgan,  Berkeley,  Jefferson,  and  Frederick. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  55 

cultivation  of  his  grounds,  for  he  preferred  the  wildness 
of  primeval  forest  scenery.  He  led  the  life  of  a  bachelor 
and  occupied  a  single  clapboard  story-and-a-half  house.* 
From  the  abundance  of  his  pecuniary  means,  he  dis 
pensed  his  hospitalities  and  benefactions,  especially  among 
the  middle  and  lower  classes  of  the  community,  in  so 
liberal  a  manner  and  in  so  noble  a  spirit  that  he  won  for 
himself  universal  admiration  and  esteem.  He  became  the 
principal  magistrate  of  Frederick  county,  and  presided  at 
the  Winchester  provincial  courts ;  and,  in  the  French  and 
Indian  War,  he  led  the  troops  of  his  county  to  the  aid 
of  Washington,  then  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Colonial 
Army  of  Virginia. 

During  the  war  for  independence  however  he  had  no 
sympathy  with  his  gallant  young  friend,  for  he  continued 
to  the  last  hour  of  his  long  life  —  having  attained  to  the 
age  of  ninety-two  —  a  loyal  subject  of  Great  Britain. 

His  death  occurred  soon  after  the  capture  of  Corn- 
wallis,  and,  it  is  said,  was  hastened  by  the  effect  produced 
upon  his  mind  by  that  event.  He  had  scarcely  heard  the 
tidings,  when  he  said  to  his  body-servant,  "  Come,  Joe, 
carry  me  to  my  bed;  for  I'm  sure  'tis  high  time  for  me 
to  die." 

He  gave  the  land  on  which  was  erected,  at  Winchester, 
the  first  Episcopal  church  built  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia. 
Under  the  chancel  of  that  church  his  body  was  deposited 
in  a  coffin  mounted  with  massive  silver;  and  when  the 
old  church  was  taken  down  and  replaced  by  the  new  one, 
his  remains  were  removed,  and  honored  with  a  renewal 
of  the  special  mark  of  distinction  previously  bestowed 

*  [Precisely  the  style  of  house  in  which  George  Washington  was 
born.] 


56  WASHINGTON. 

on  them.  A  monumental  slab  was  also  erected  to  his 
memory. 

When  first  he  met  the  future  chief,  he  had  just  come 
to  America,  at  the  age  of  fifty-seven  years,  to  reside  on 
his  domain.  He  was,  at  this  time,  an  inmate  at  Belvoir, 
the  residence  of  his  kinsman  and  agent,  a  short  distance 
from  Mount  Vernon.  There,  in  addition  to  other  sons 
and  daughters  in  the  family,  was  the  highly-educated  eld 
est  son  of  William  Fairfax,  George  William,  then  about 
twenty-two  years  of  age,  with  his  bride  and  her  sister, 
accomplished  daughters  of  Colonel  Carey,  of  Virginia. 

In  the  almost  daily  society  of  such  persons,  young 
Washington  enjoyed  rare  opportunities  for  intellectual 
and  social  culture.  His  character  was  appreciated  by 
them.  He  won  their  esteem  by  his  sterling  integrity,  his 
ingenuousness,  and  his  sound  good  sense.  And  Lord 
Thomas  was  particularly  attached  to  him. 

His  lordship,  fond  of  hunting,  kept  his  horses  and  his 
hounds.  And  his  young  American  friend,  also  greatly 
delighting  in  the  chase,  became  the  companion  of  the  old 
nobleman  in  his  favorite  sport,  and  shared  with  him  many 
of  his  adventures  "  by  field  and  flood." 

When  his  lordship  soon  after  resolved  to  reclaim  large 
portions  of  the  choicest  of  his  lands  from  settlers  who 
occupied  them  without  right  or  title,  it  was  an  essential 
prerequisite  that  the  property  should  be  surveyed  and 
divided  into. lots.  Washington's  exercises,  from  time  to 
time,  in  the  practical  use  of  his  surveyor's  instruments, 
on  his  brother's  grounds,  not  only  were  observed  with 
interest  by  the  families  at  Mount  Vernon  and  Belvoir,  but 
led  Lord  Fairfax  to  entertain  a  very  favorable  opinion 
of  his  young  friend's  acquirements.  To  him  therefore  he 
confided  the  proposed  important  and  laborious  service. 

Washington  was   then   just   entering  his    seventeenth 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  57 

year  (March,  1748).  But  he  was  remarkable  for  his 
knowledge  and  skill  as  a  practical  surveyor;  and  not  less 
for  other  qualifications,  personal  and  moral,  just  as  neces 
sary  for  the  due  performance  of  his  task. 

It  was,  on  many  accounts,  an  arduous  and  perilous 
undertaking.  But  our  youthful  adventurer,  accompanied 
by  the  Hon.  William  Fairfax's  son,  George  William,  set 
out  for  the  Alleghany  mountains  and  the  South  Branch 
of  the  Potomac  on  his  hazardous  expedition,  the  priva 
tions  and  fatigues  of  which  are  recorded  in  a  journal 
written  by  him  at  the  time.  The  entries  are  often  very 
brief  and  general ;  but  they  afford  striking  pictures  of  the 
scenes  through  which  he  passed,  and  give  many  interest 
ing  details  of  his  experiences  in  border  life,  and  in  the 
hardships  of  the  backwoodsman. 

[The  surveys  had  been  going  on  for  some  time  in  charge 
of  a  regularly-licensed  surveyor,  and  Washington  did  no 
more  than  to  take  part  in  them.  He  was  not  at  first  in 
possession  of  a  license,  which  was  necessary  to  make  a 
survey  legal.  He  merely  assisted  therefore,  or,  having 
made  a  special  survey,  secured  the  signature  on  it  of  a 
licensed  surveyor.  In  due  time  he  obtained  a  license 
and  was  able  to  authenticate  with  his  own  name  the  sur 
veys  which  he  made.  See  the  more  full  statement  later  on.] 

JOURNAL  OF  JOURNEY  OVER  THE  MOUNTAINS. 

"March  I3th  (1748).  Rode  to  his  lordship's  quarter. 
'About  four  miles  higher  up  the  river  Shenandoah,  we  went 
through  most  beautiful  groves  of  sugar-trees,  and  spent 
the  best  part  of  the  day  in  admiring  the  trees,  and  the 
richness  of  the  land. 


$8  WASHINGTON. 

"  I4th.  We  sent  our  baggage  to  Captain  Kite's,  near 
Fredericktown,  and  went  ourselves  down  the  river  about 
sixteen  miles  —  the  land  exceedingly  rich  all  the  way, 
producing  abundance  of  grain,  hemp,  and  tobacco  —  in 
order  to  lay  off  some  land  on  Gate's  Marsh  and  Long 
Marsh. 

"  1 5th.  Worked  hard  till  night,  and  then  returned. 
After  supper  we  were  lighted  into  a  room;  and  I,  not 
being  so  good  a  woodsman  as  the  rest,  stripped  myself 
very  orderly  and  went  into  the  bed,  as  they  called  it,  when, 
to  my  surprise,  I  found  it  to  be^  nothing  but  a  little  straw 
matted  together,  without  sheet  or  any  thing  else  but  only 
one  threadbare  blanket,  with  double  its  weight  of  vermin. 
I  was  glad  to  get  up  and  put  on  my  clothes  and  lie  as 
my  companions  did.  Had  we  not  been  very  tired,  I  am 
sure  we  should  not  have  slept  much  that  night.  I  made 
a  promise  to  sleep  so  no  more,  choosing  rather  to  sleep 
in  the  open  air  before  a  fire. 

"  i8th.  We  traveled  to  Thomas  Berwick's  on  the  Poto 
mac,  where  we  found  the  river  exceedingly  high  by  reason 
of  the  great  rains  that  had  fallen  among  the  Alleghanies. 
They  told  us  it  would  not  be  fordable  for  several  days, 
it  being  now  six  feet  higher  than  usual,  and  rising.  We 
agreed  to  stay  till  Monday.  We  this  day  called  to  see 
the  famed  Warm  Springs.*  We  camped  out  in  the  field 
this  night. 

"  2oth.  Finding  the  river  not  much  abated  we  in  the 
evening  swam  our  horses  over  to  the  Maryland  side. 

"21  st.  We  went  over  in  a  canoe,  and  traveled  up  the 
Maryland  side  all  day,  in  a  continued  rain,  to  Colonel 
Cresap's,  over  against  the  mouth  of  the  South  Branch, 
about  forty  miles  from  our  place  of  starting  in  the 

*  In  Bath  county,  in  the  central  part  of  Virginia. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  59 

morning,  and  over  the  worst  road,  I  believe,  that  ever 
was  trod  by  man  or  beast. 

"  23d.  Rained  till  about  2  o'clock,  and  then  cleared  up, 
when  we  were  agreeably  surprised  at  the  sight  of  more 
than  thirty  Indians  coming  from  war,  with  only  one  scalp. 
We  had  some  liquor  with  us,  of  which  we  gave  them  a 
part.  This,  elevating  their  spirits,  put  them  in  the  humor 
of  dancing.  We  then  had  a  war  dance.  After  clearing 
a  large  space  and  making  a  great  fire  in  the  middle,  the 
men  seated  themselves  around  it,  and  the  speaker  made 
a  grand  speech,  telling  them  in  what  manner  they  were 
to  dance.  After  he  had  finished,  the  best  dancer  jumped 
up  as  one  awaked  from  sleep  and  ran  and  jumped  about 
the  ring  in  a  most  comical  manner.  He  was  followed  by 
the  rest.  Then  began  their  music,  which  was  performed 
with  a  pot  half  full  of  water  and  a  deerskin  stretched  tight 
over  it,  and  a  gourd  with  some  shot  in  it  to  rattle,  and  a 
piece  of  horse's  tail  tied  to  it  to  make  it  look  fine.  One 
person  kept  rattling  and  another  drumming  all  the  while 
they  were  dancing. 

"  25th.  Left  Cresap's  and  went  up  to  the  mouth  of  Pat 
terson's  creek.  There  we  swam  our  horses  over  the 
Potomac,  and  went  over  ourselves  in  a  canoe,  and  traveled 
fifteen  miles,  where  we  camped. 

"  26th.  Traveled  up  to  Solomon  Hedge's,  Esquire,  one 
of  his  Majesty's  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  the  county  of 
Frederick,  where  we  camped.  When  we  came  to  supper, 
there  was  neither  a  knife  on  the  table  nor  a  fork,  to  eat 
with;  but,  as  good  luck  would  have  it,  we  had  knives  of 
our  own. 

"28th.  Traveled  up  the  South  Branch  —  having  come 
to  that  river  yesterday  —  about  thirty  miles  to  Mr.  J.  R/s 
(horse-jockey),  and  about  seventy  miles  from  the  mouth 
of  the  river. 


60  WASHINGTON. 

"  29th.  This  morning  went  out  and  surveyed  500  acres 
of  land.  Shot  two  wild  turkeys. 

"  30th.  Began  our  intended  business  of  laying  off  lots. 

"April  2d.  A  blowing,  rainy  night.  Our  straw,  upon 
which  we  were  lying,  took  fire;  but  I  was  luckily  pre 
served  by  one  of  our  men's  awaking  when  it  was  in  a 
flame.  We  have  run  off  four  lots  this  day. 

"  4th.  This  morning  Mr.  Fairfax  left  us  with  the  inten 
tion  to  go  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  river.  We  surveyed 
two  lots  and  were  attended  with  a  great  company  of 
people  —  men,  women,  and  children  —  who  followed  us 
through  the  woods,  showing  their  antic  tricks.  They 
seem  to  be  as  ignorant  a  set  of  people  as  the  Indians. 
They  would  never  speak  English,  but  when  spoken  to 
they  all  spoke  Dutch.  This  day  our  tent  was  blown  down 
by  the  violence  of  the  wind. 

"  6th.  The  last  night  was  so  intolerably  smoky  that  we 
were  obliged  to  leave  our  tent  to  the  mercy  of  the  wind 
and  fire.  Attended  this  day  by  the  aforesaid  company. 

"  7th.  This  day  one  of  our  men  killed  a  wild  turkey  that 
weighed  twenty  pounds.  We  surveyed  1,500  acres  of  land 
and  returned  to  Vanmeter's  about  I  o'clock.  I  took  my 
horse  and  went  up  to  see  Mr.  Fairfax.  We  slept  in  Cas- 
sey's  house,  which  was  the  first  night  I  had  slept  in  a  house 
since  we  came  to  the  Branch. 

"  8th.  We  breakfasted  at  Cassey's  and  rode  down  to 
Vanmeter's  to  get  our  company  together,  which,  when  we 
had  accomplished,  we  rode  down  below  the  Trough  to 
lay  off  lots  there.  The  Trough  is  a  couple  of  ledges  of 
mountains,  impassable,  running  side  by  side  for  seven  or 
eight  miles  and  the  river  between  them.  You  must  ride 
round  the  back  of  the  mountains  to  get  below  them.  We 
camped  in  the  woods  and  after  we  had  pitched  our  tent  and 
made  a  large  fire,  we  pulled  out  our  knapsack  to  recruit 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  61 

ourselves.  Every  one  was  his  own  cook.  Our  spits  were 
forked  sticks,  our  plates  were  large  chips.  As  for  dishes 
we  had  none. 

"  loth.  We  took  our  farewell  of  the  Branch  and  traveled 
over  hills  and  mountains  to  Coddy's,  on  Great  Cacapehon, 
about  forty  miles. 

"  I2th.  Mr.  Fairfax  got  safe  home;  and  I  to  my  brother's 
house  at  Mount  Vernon;  which  concludes  my  journal." 

He  received,  the  year  after  the  time  of  this  excursion 
(1749),  the  appointment  of  public  surveyor.  And  he 
prosecuted  the  duties  of  this  office  with  diligence,  travers 
ing  wild  lands  between  the  Potomac  and  the  Rappahan- 
nock. 

The  original  record  of  his  appointment  is  still  extant 
in  one  of  the  books  in  the  county  clerk's  office  at  the  town 
of  Fairfax,  the  county-seat  of  Culpeper.  It  is  in  these 
words : 

"  2oth  July,  1749  (o.  s.)  George  Washington,  Gent.,  pro 
duced  a  commission  from  the  president  and  master  of 
William  and  Mary  College  appointing  him  to  be  surveyor 
'of  this  county,  which  was  read,  and  thereupon  he  took  the 
usual  oaths  to  his  Majesty's  person  and  government  and 
took  and  subscribed  the  abjuration  oath  and  test  and  then 
took  the  oath  of  surveyor  according  to  law." 

The  privations  and  rough  fare  of  his  life  in  the  woods 
continued  for  three  years.  Writing  to  a  friend  he  says: 
"  Since  you  received  my  letter  in  October  last,  I  have 
not  slept  above  three  or  four  nights  in  a  bed;  but,  after 
walking  a  good  deal  all  day  I  have  lain  down  before  the 
fire  upon  a  little  hay,  straw,  fodder,  or  a  bear's-skin,  which 
ever  was  to  be  had  with  man,  wife,  and  children,  like  dogs 
and  cats,  and  happy  is  he  who  gets  the  berth  nearest  the 


62  WASHINGTON. 

fire.  Nothing  would  make  it  pass  off  tolerably  but  a  good 
reward.  A  doubloon  is  my  constant  gain  every  day  that 
the  weather  will  permit  my  going  out,  and  sometimes  six 
pistoles.*  The  coldness  of  the  weather  will  not  allow  of 
my  making  a  long  stay  as  the  lodging  is  rather  too  cold 
for  the  time  of  year.  I  have  never  had  my  clothes  off, 
but  have  lain  and  slept  in  them,  except  the  few  nights  I 
have  been  in  Fredericktown."f 

[There  is  no  indication  to  what  time  this  letter  applies ; 
but  probably  the  early  winter  (perhaps  of  1749)  *n  con 
nection  with  an  expedition  "  To  Survey  the  Land  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Little  Cacapehon  and  the  mouth  of  Fifteen 
Mile  Creek  for  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Ohio,"  as  a  "  Mem." 
set  down  by  Washington,  later  than  his  record  of  surveys 
made  in  the  expedition  of  March  and  April,  1748.  This 
"Mem."  we  shall  refer  to  again  presently,  in  the  account 
given  below  of  the  record  of  travel  and  surveys  made  by 
Washington.  There  is  no  ground  for  assuming  that  for 
three  years  the  surveying  work  was  going  on  all  the  time, 
or  the  most  of  the  time.  In  the  letter  to  "  Dear  Friend 
Robin,"  without  date,  but  in  the  "surveying"  period, 
young  Washington  writes  that  his  "  place  of  residence  at 
present  is  at  his  Lordship's  "  (then  at  the  Belvoir  Fairfax 
house),  and  he  talks  of  passing  his  time  there,  evidently 
not  just  then  engaged  in  surveying. 

The  quotations  given  above  do  not  adequately  reflect 
the  real  facts,  not  only  from  omission  of  important  items, 
but  from  failure  to  note  the  significance  of  the  whole  rec 
ord.  The  first  entry  is:  "Friday,  March  nth.  Began 
my  journey  in  company  with  Mr.  George  Fairfax,  Esq.: 

*  Equivalent  to  $20. 

t  Manuscript  letter  appended  to  his  journal,  and  addressed  to  a 
friend  whom  he  calls  "Dear  Richard."  It  is  evidently  a  rough 
draft  of  what  he  sent  to  his  friend. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  63 

we  travelled  this  day  40  miles."  The  second  entry  is: 
"  Saturday,  March  I2th.  Mr.  James  Genn,  the  surveyor, 
Came  to  us:  we  travelled  over  the  Blue  Ridge  to  Capt. 
Ashby's  on  Shenandoah  River."  Then  follows :  "  Sunday, 
March  13.  Rode  to  his  Lordship's  Quarter,"  etc. 

Mr.  James  Genn,  it  will  be  seen,  was  "the  surveyor," 
and  the  party,  having  travelled  thus  far  in  three  days,  went 
on  sixteen  miles  farther,  "  in  order  to  lay  off  some  Land 
on  Gates  Marsh  and  Long  Marsh."  On  Tuesday,  "  We 
set  out  early  with  intent  to  run  round  the  said  Land,  but 
being  taken  in  a  rain,  and  it  increasing  very  fast  obliged 
us  to  return.  It  clearing  about  one  o'clock,  we  a  second 
time  ventured  out  and  worked  hard  till  night,  then  re 
turned  to  Pennington's  (Capt.  Isaac  Pennington's,  where 
they  had  put  up  the  day  before.)  This  was  a  single  sur 
vey,  the  mere  laying  off  of  a  large  plot  of  land.  On  the 
i6th  the  party  "  set  out  early  and  finished  about  one 
o'clock,  and  then  travelled  up  to  Fredericktown ;  took  a 
review  of  the  town,  and  returned  to  our  Lodgings  where 
we  had  a  good  dinner  prepared  for  us:  wine  and  rum 
punch  in  plenty ;  and  a  good  feather  bed  with  clean  sheets." 
The  next  day  rain  detained  them,  but  on  clearing  they 
went  on  twenty-five  miles,  and  that  night  "  had  a  tolerable 
good  bed  to  lay  on."  The  following  day  travelled  thirty- 
five  miles  to  the  Potomac,  "  then  about  six  foot  higher 
than  usual  by  reason  of  the  great  rains,"  and  "  camped 
out  in  the  field  "  that  night.  The  2Oth  was  Sunday,  with 
the  river  not  much  abated,  and  in  the  evening  they  "  swam 
their  horses  over  and  carried  them  to  Charles  Polks  in 
Maryland  for  pasturage  till  the  next  morning."  Travelled 
the  next  day  up  the  Maryland  side  of  the  Potomac  about 
forty  miles  to  Colonel  Cresaps,  "  right  against  the  mouth 
of  the  South  Branch."  The  continued  rain  on  the  next 
day  kept  the  party  at  Cresaps.  The  next  day's  report 


64  WASHINGTON. 

was  of  more  rain  and  seeing  a  party  of  Indians ;  and  noth 
ing  more  than  the  Indians  again  on  the  following  day,  the 
24th.  On  the  25th  an  advance  to  Paterson's  creek,  and 
thence  fifteen  miles  up  that  stream,  and  camped  out.  Fur 
ther  up  the  stream  the  next  day  to  Solomon  Hedges ;  then 
on  Sunday,  the  day  after,  travelled  from  Hedges  over  to 
the  South  Branch,  "  in  order  to  go  about  intended  work 
of  lots."  On  Monday  went  on  up  the  South  Branch 
"  about  30  miles  to  Mr.  James  Rutlidges ; "  and  Tuesday, 
29th,  "  This  morning  went  out  and  surveyed  500  acres  of 
land,  and  went  down  to  one  Michael  Stumps  on  the  South 
Fork  of  the  Branch."  On  Wednesday,  3Oth:  "This 
morning  began  our  intended  business  of  laying  off  lots. 
We  began  at  the  boundary  line  of  the  northern  10  miles 
above  Stumps,  and  run  off  two  lots  and  returned  to 
Stumps."  Thursday,  3ist,  "  run  off  three  lots,  and  re 
turned  to  our  camping  place  at  Stumps."  Friday,  April 
ist,  "  run  off  three  lots  and  returned  to  camp."  Saturday, 
April  2d,  "  run  off  four  lots  this  day  which  reached  below 
Stumps."  On  Sunday,  the  3d,  after  a  night  in  which  the 
wind  carried  quite  off  their  tent,  so  that  they  were 
"  obliged  to  lie  the  latter  part  of  the  night  without  cover 
ing,"  "  several  persons  came  to  see  us,"  and  "  one  of  our 
men  shot  a  wild  turkey."  Monday,  April  4th :  "  This 
morning  Mr.  Fairfax  left  us  with  intent  to  go  down  by 
the  mouth  of  the  Branch.  We  did  two  lots,  and  was  at 
tended  by  a  great  company  of  people  as  we  went  through 
the  woods.  They  speak  all  Dutch.  This  day  our  tent  was 
blown  down  by  the  violentness  of  the  wind."  Tuesday, 
5th,  "  we  went  out  and  did  four  lots,  attended  by  the  same 
company  of  people."  That  night  "was  so  intolerably 
smoky  that  we  were  obliged  all  hands  to  leave  the  tent  to 
the  mercy  of  the  wind  and  fire."  On  Wednesday,  6th, 
attended  by  the  same  company  until  about  twelve  o'clock, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  65 

"  when  we  finished,"  and  travelled  down  the  Branch  about 
thirty  miles.  Caught  in  a  very  heavy  rain,  they  "  got  un 
der  a  straw  house  until  the  worst  of  it  was  over."  The 
next  morning  "  surveyed  1,500  acres  of  land  and  returned 
about  one  o'clock."  About  two  "  heard  that  Mr.  Fairfax 
was  at  Peter  Cassey's  about  two  miles  off;  took  my  horse 
and  went  up  to  see  him;  slept  in  Cassey's  house  which 
was  the  first  night  I  had  slept  in  a  house  since  I  came  up 
to  the  Branch."  Friday,  8th,  "  We  breakfasted  at  Cas 
sey's  (Washington  and  Fairfax)  and  rode  down  together 
to  Van  Metris's  to  get  all  our  company  together.  Rode 
down  below  the  Trough  in  order  to  lay  off  lots  there. 
Laid  off  one  this  day.  Camped  this  night  in  the  woods 
(instead  of  at  some  settler's  place).  After  we  had  pitched 
our  tent  and  made  a  very  large  fire,  we  pulled  out  our 
knapsack,  in  order  to  recruit  ourselves.  Every  one  was 
his  own  cook.  Our  spits  was  forked  sticks,  our  plates  a 
large  chip."  This  exceptional  experience  is  used  by  Ban 
croft  to  show  what  sort  of  hard  life  Washington  had  to 
live  as  a  surveyor.  The  record  shows  how  they  com 
monly  camped  where  a  settler's  house  was  available  for 
their  meals,  if  not  for  beds,  and  how  in  one  house  there 
were  no  knives,  "  but,  as  good  luck  would  have  it,  we  had 
knives  of  our  own  "  (at  Solomon  Hedges,  March  26th). 
Moreover,  the  very  next  day,  the  record  is,  "  Saturday, 
9th:  Set  the  surveyors  to  work,  whilst  Mr.  Fairfax  and 
myself  stayed  at  the  tent."  Their  rations  were  exhausted, 
and  they  had  to  go  without  until,  at  four  or  five  in  the 
evening,  they  "  could  get  some  from  the  neighbors,"  as 
they  had  all  along  done  until  these  two  days  deep  in  the 
woods.  The  two  young  gentlemen,  Washington  and  Fair 
fax,  were  in  charge  of  a  party  of  surveyors ;  and  on  this 
day  the  former  says  of  himself  and  his  companion,  after 
they  got  something  to  eat  in  the  evening,  "  We  then  took 
5 


66  WASHINGTON. 

leaves  of  the  rest  of  our  company,  and  rode  down  to  John 
Colins  in  order  to  set  off  the  next  day  homewards."  The 
next  day  was  Sunday,  April  loth,  and  the  two  young  men 
"travelled  over  hills  and  mountains  to  Coddy's,  on  Great 
Cacapehon,  about  forty  miles."  The  next  day  they  trav 
elled  to  Fredericktown,  and  the  day  after  a  further  long 
journey  to  get  over  the  Ridge.  A  third  day  brought  them 
home. 

These  records  show  twelve  days  of  surveying  in  thirty- 
four  days,  and  in  four  special  places,  without  the  least  at 
tempt  anywhere  at  a  general  survey.  They  do  not  show 
Washington  acting  as  a  surveyor,  but  merely  taking  a 
hand  in  the  work  being  done  by  a  party  of  surveyors.  It 
was  a  year  and  four  months  after  this  before  Washington 
had  a  license  under  which  he  could  himself  act  as  a  sur 
veyor,  and  even  then  he  did  no  more  than  to  execute 
special  surveys.  In  one  only  of  the  four  situations  men 
tioned  above  were  any  considerable  number  of  lots  sur 
veyed,  and  only  seven  days  were  necessary  for  this;  nor 
was  it  Washington's  work;  it  was  the  work  of  a  party  of 
surveyors  under  Mr.  Genn,  "  the  surveyor,"  in  which 
Washington  assisted  in  only  a  minor  way.  The  whole 
story  of  Lord  Fairfax  wanting  his  domain  surveyed,  and 
intrusting  Washington  at  sixteen  with  the  work,  and  the 
latter  going  on  as  a  surveyor  for  three  years,  until  he 
was  nineteen,  is  unhistorical.  For  the  first  half  nearly  of 
the  three  years,  until  July,  1749,  Washington  was  not  a 
surveyor  and  could  only  work  at  it  under  some  one  who 
was.  For  the  second  half,  and  a  little  more,  of  the  three 
years,  he  did  no  more  than  to  execute  special  surveys, 
laying  off  an  estate  here,  and  a  group  of  lots  there.  The 
record  of  the  early  work,  as  given  above,  has  never  been 
fully  and  correctly  given.  Even  Mr.  W.  C.  Ford's  edi- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  67 

tion,  with  all  its  pretension  to  reproduce  the  original, 
leaves  the  whole  matter  in  confusion. 

There  is  in  the  Department  of  State  at  Washington  an 
ancient  blank-book,  originally  of  very  nice  quality,  which 
has  in  it  the  record  which  Washington  made  of  the  first 
weeks  of  his  active  life,  in  March  and  April,  1748,  when 
he  was  a  youth  of  sixteen.  The  new  edition  of  "Wash 
ington's  Writings  "  draws  first  from  this  book,  and  by 
comparison  with  the  original  we  soon  see  how  Mr.  Ford 
works. 

Mr.  Ford  omits,  at  the  top  of  page  i,  volume  I,  the  title 
to  what  he  calls  "the  earliest  manuscript  that  I  have 
found,  except  his  studies  in  surveying  and  summaries  of 
his  reading,"  and  of  which  he  says  that  it  "  is  printed  from 
the  original  in  the  Department  of  State."  The  original 
begins:  "A  Journal  of  my  Journey  over  the  Mountains, 
began  Fryday  the  nth  of  March  1747-8."  Mr.  Ford  omits 
this,  and  gives  in  place  of  it,  "Journal  of  a  Survey,  1748," 
which  is  not  in  the  original.  Not  only  so,  but  Mr.  Ford 
is  entirely  wrong  in  putting  the  title  "  Journal  of  a  Sur 
vey  "  to  the  document  which  Washington  called  "  Jour 
nal  of  my  Journey." 

The  original  which  Mr.  Ford  has  used  is  in  a  small 
blank-book,  on  the  front  cover  of  which  is  a  remnant  of 
the  clasp,  showing  this  to  be  the  front  cover,  and  the  in 
scription  written  with  a  pen, 

Journey  over  the  Moun 
tains  in  1747  — 

Survey  Notes 
Youthful  letters 

Mems  &c. 

A  little  scrutiny  shows  that  at  one  and  the  same  time 
Washington  made  a  double  use  of  the  book.  On  the  first 
page,  in  the  front  of  the  book,  he  begins  a  Journal-Record 


68  WASHINGTON. 

of  his  Surveys,  as  follows:  "  March  ye  I5th,  1747-8  Sur 
veyed  for  George  Fairfax,  Esq.r.  a  Tract  of  Hand  lying 
on  Cotes  Marsh  and  Long  Marsh  beginning  at  three  Red 
Oaks  Fx  on  a  Ridge  the  No.  side  a  spring  Branch  being 
corner  to  the  623  acre  Tract/'  etc.  The  record  of  this 
survey  fills  the  first  page  and  two-thirds  of  the  second. 
The  third  page  has  the  record  of  another  survey,  begin 
ning:  "March  29,  1/48,  Surveyed  for  Mr  James  Rut- 
lidge  ye  following  a  piece  of  Land  Beginning  at  3  W.  O. 
in  ye  Manner  Line  by  a  Path  leading  to  ye  Clay  Lick,"  etc. 

On  page  4  begins  a  record  of  Surveys  of  lots,  numbered 
Lot  i,  Lot  2,  etc.,  to  Lot  20,  and  ending  at  the  top  of  page 
12.  This  record  has  the  heading  "  The  Courses  and  Dis 
tances  of  ye  Several  Lots  lay'd  of  on  ye  So  Fork  of  Wap- 
pacomo  Began  March  3oth  1748."  Lots  i  and  2  are  placed 
under  March  3Oth,  Lots  3  to  8  under  March  3ist,  Lots 
9  to  12  under  April  2d,  Lots  13  and  14,  and  the  "  Courses 
of  ye  Fork/'  under  April  4th,  Lots  15  to  18  under  April 
5th,  and  Lots  19  and  20  under  April  6th. 

On  page  13  of  the  book  follows  a  memorandum  of  "  The 
Manner  how  to  Draw  up  a  Return  when  Surveyed  for 
His  Lordship  or  any  of  ye  Family."  It  begins :  "  March 
1 5th,  1747-8  Then  Surveyed  for  George  Fairfax  Esqr. 
Three  Thousand  and  Twenty  Three  Acres  of  Land  lying 
in  Frederick  County  on  Long  Marsh  Joyning  Thomas 
Johnstones  Land  and  bounded  as  follows."  The  descrip 
tion  follows,  five  lines  on  page  13,  to  the  top  of  page  15. 
The  memorandum  indicates  that  the  return  was  to  be 
signed  as  follows : 

JAMES  GENN 
GEORGE  ASHBY 
RXCHARD  TAYLOR 
ROBERT  ASHBY  Marker 
WM.  LINDSEY  Pilot 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  69 

Germ  was,  as  we  have  seen,  an  authorized  surveyor, 
which  Washington  at  the  time  was  not,  although  he  be 
came  so  later  by  obtaining  a  license  from  William  and 
Mary  College,  upon  an  examination  duly  passed. 

The  three  following  leaves,  pages  16-21,  are  torn  out, 
with  the  writing  on  them.  Page  22  has,  on  the  top  half, 
"The  Courses  of  the  Town  of  Alexandria,"  and  "The 
Measures  of  the  River,"  with  half  a  dozen  lines  under  the 
latter  head.  Then  begins  a  series  of  letters,  or  drafts,  the 
first,  addressed  to  "  Dear  Sir,"  breaking  off  at  the  top  of 
the  next  page,  and  directly  followed,  to  the  middle  of  page 
25,  with  a  letter  addressed,  "  Dear  Friend  John."  Sub 
stantially  the  same  letter,  addressed,  "  Dear  Friend  Robin," 
follows,  from  the  top  of  page  26  to  the  middle  of  page  28. 
A  letter,  addressed  "  Dear  Sally,"  follows  on  pages  29  and 
30.  At  the  top  of  page  31  a  letter  was  begun,  "  Dear  Sir 
It  would  be  the  greatest  satisfaction,"  and  then  broken 
off,  but  these  few  words  show  a  care  with  the  pen  distinctly 
better  than  the  usual  hand  of  the  writer,  but  not  another 
hand.  There  comes  next  a  "  Memorandum  to  have  my 
Coat  made  by  the  following  Directions,"  which  extends 
to  the  middle  of  page  32.  Thence  forward  pages  33  to  50 
are  blank.  Pages  52  to  55  had  been  torn  out,  apparently 
blank,  and  a  letter,  addressed  "  Dear  Richard,"  is  written 
on  pages  51  and  56.  At  the  top  of  page  57  is  written: 
"  Mem.  To  Survey  the  Land  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Little 
Cacapehon  and  the  Mouth  of  Fifteen  Mile  Creek  for  the 
gentlemen  of  the  Ohio  Com  : "  Two-thirds  of  the  next  page, 
the  58th,  contains  a  letter  beginning:  "I  heartily  con 
gratulate  you  on  the  happy  news  of  my  Brother's  safe  ar 
rival  in  health  in  England,  and  am  joy'd  to  hear  that  his 
stay  is  likely  to  be  so  short."  The  next  thirty-five  pages 
are  blank,  counting  two  in  one  place,  and  eight  in  another, 
torn  out. 


70  WASHINGTON. 

Then  we  come  to  writing  which  is  the  other  side  up, 
being  thirty-four  pages,  and  two  or  three  blank  pages, 
which  begin  from  the  other  end  of  the  volume,  the  back 
end.  On  pages  I  to  24  occurs  what  Washington  entitled, 
"A  Journal  of  my  Journey  over  the  Mountains,  began 
Fryday  the  nth  of  March  1747-8."  It  is  very  plain  that 
while  entering  in  the  front  of  the  book  his  Surveys,  in  the 
form  both  of  records  and  of  a  journal,  Washington  turned 
the  book  round  and  entered  his  journal  of  travel.  Mr. 
Ford  copies  the  journal  of  travel  (as  we  have  done  above\ 
omits  the  title  which  stands  at  the  head  of  the  first  page 
of  the  document  itself,  and  puts  to  it  the  title  properly 
belonging  to  the  document  in  the  front  end  of  the  book, 
which  he  does  not  copy,  the  journal-record  of  surveys. 
Mr.  Ford's  first  page  thus  begins  with  an  inexcusable  omis 
sion  of  what  Washington  wrote,  and  a  substitution  of 
something  written  by  himself,  which  is  inapplicable  and 
untrue. 

In  a  note  to  his  false  title,  Mr.  Ford  carries  error  and 
misstatement  still  further.  He  says :  "  This  is  the  earliest 
manuscript  of  Washington's  that  I  have  found,  except  his 
studies  in  surveying  and  his  summaries  of  his  reading,  and 
is  printed  from  the  original  in  the  Department  of  State. 
It  possesses  little  interest  apart  from  its  early  date.  Lord 
Fairfax  claimed  under  a  patent  of  James  II  all  of  what 
is  now  the  lower  end  of  the  Shenandoah  valley,  and  it  was 
by  his  directions  that  Washington  surveyed  it."  There 
are  about  as  many  errors  as  phrases  in  this  note.  The 
claim  of  Lord  Fairfax  was  simply  that  of  inheritance  from 
his  mother,  daughter  of  Lord  Thomas  Culpeper,  who 
finally  held  a  limited,  though  still  immense,  estate,  under 
an  agreement  on  his  part  which  very  greatly  modified  the 
effect  of  the  original  patent.  The  limit,  however,  of  the 
estate,  as  Culpeper's  daughter  left  it  to  her  son,  is  very 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  71 

inadequately  described  by  saying  "  the  lower  end  of  the 
Shenandoah  valley,"  since  it  went  well  into  the  Alleghany 
mountains  beyond.  And,  whatever  were  the  limits,  it  is 
most  incorrect  to  say  that  "  Washington  surveyed  it." 
One  of  the  earliest  letters  of  Washington  speaks  of  "  the 
other  Surveyors,"  in  connection  with  his  request  for  direc 
tions  as  to  "  the  Surveying  of  Cacapehon."  Both  before 
Washington  began,  and  while  he  was  engaged,  there  were 
"  other  surveyors,"  who  must  have  done  much  more  than 
he  did;  and  in  this  first  instance  Washington,  even  if  he 
had  general  direction  as  well  as  gave  assistance,  was  not 
himself  the  surveyor.  His  journal  of  the  second  day  says, 
as  we  have  seen,  "  Mr.  James  Genn,  the  Surveyor,  came 
to  us."  His  memorandum  of  a  proper  return  of  one  of 
the  surveys  shows  that  it  was  to  bear  the  signature  of 
Genn  as  surveyor,  and  the  names  of  four  others,  two 
chainmen,  a  marker  and  a  pilot,  and  not  Washington's 
name  at  all.  The  journal  of  April  Qth  says :  "  Set  the 
Surveyors  to  work,  whilst  Mr.  Fairfax  and  myself  stayed 
at  the  tent."  The  fact  was  that  Washington  was  not  yet 
a  surveyor;  and  that  when,  nearly  a  year  and  a  half  later, 
he  took  out  a  license  and  thus  became  one,  he  was  by  no 
means  the  only  one,  and  did  not  anything  like  survey  the 
domain  at  large  of  Lord  Fairfax.  No  one  in  fact  "  sur 
veyed  it,"  in  the  sense  of  a  general  survey.  Here  and 
there  estates,  farms,  or  lots  were  marked  off  by  reference 
only  to  arbitrarily  chosen  points  and  bounds. 

Mr.  Ford  says  that  the  Journal  of  a  Journey  is  the  earli 
est  manuscript,  etc.;  but  this  leaves  out  of  view  the  much 
greater  amount  of  matter  which  Washington  wrote  in  the 
front  of  the  volume,  at  the  back  end  of  which,  reversing 
the  book,  he  wrote  the  journal  of  his  journey.  This  mat 
ter  consists  of  a  record  of  the  surveys  made,  and  of  the 
series  of  letters,  some  idea  of  which  we  have  given.  With 


72  WASHINGTON. 

very  slight  exceptions  the  whole  is  of  extreme  interest, 
and  ought  to  have  been  printed,  with  ample  notes  of  ex 
planation.  It  is  certainly  of  interest  to  find  from  two  por 
tions  of  what  Mr.  Ford  leaves  out,  that  the  first  survey 
made  was  to  mark  off  for  George  William  Fairfax  an 
estate  of  3,023  acres,  on  Long  Marsh.  Every  word  of  the 
letters  which  follow  the  record  of  surveys  should  be  given, 
as  only  by  seeing  all  can  one  judge  what  they  really  are, 
whether  they  are  mere  drafts  never  used,  or  actual  letters, 
and  what  autobiographical  significance  they  have. 

Mr.  Ford  says  that  he  has  printed  from  the  original. 
His  preface  tells  us  of  his  rule  that  "  wherever  possible, 
the  original  is  used,"  and  he  further  says,  "  I  have  been 
specially  fortunate  in  my  copyist,  to  whose  industry  and 
accuracy  I  gladly  pay  some  tribute."  But  as  early  as  the 
tenth  line  on  the  first  page  there  is  the  palpable  blunder  of 
reading  "  spent  the  last  part  of  the  Day  in  admiring  the 
Trees  and  Richness  of  the  Land,"  when  the  original  most 
plainly  has  "  best  part  of  the  Day."  In  the  thirteenth  line 
of  page  2,  in  "  Had  we  not  have  been,"  the  "  have  "  is  care 
lessly  left  out.  At  the  twentieth  and  twenty-sixth  lines 
on  page  3,  "  men  "  is  read  for  "  they,"  and  "  full "  is  in 
serted  into  "  Pot  half  of  water."  In  line  6,  page  4,  "  our  " 
is  inserted  into  "  knives  of  own,"  and  "  own  "  bracketed 
as  not  in  the  text,  when  it  is  there  most  plainly.  At  line 
4,  page  5,  "  by  "  is  carelessly  put  for  "  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Branch ;  "  at  line  18  we  have  "  up  till  about  12  o'clock," 
for  "untill."  On  page  6,  at  line  18,  "untill  about  4"  has 
the  "  about "  left  out,  while  the  next  line  omits  the  "  our  " 
in  "  We  then  took  our  leaves." 

These  half  score  of  perfectly  palpable  and  needless  mis 
takes,  within  half  a  dozen  pages,  bring  us  to  page  7,  twenty- 
five  lines  of  which  are  occupied  with  the  "  Dear  Richard  " 
letter,  "  printed  from  the  original,"  and,  as  Mr.  Ford's 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  73 

preface  promises,  with  "  the  fulness  and  accuracy  of  detail 
even  to  an  extreme/'  every  letter,  punctuation,  or  want 
of  it,  use  of  capital  letters,  bad  spelling,  etc.,  etc.,  to  meet 
"  the  requirements  of  the  modern  historical  method/'  The 
"  industry  and  accuracy  "  of  "  my  copyist,"  in  this  letter 
of  twenty-five  lines,  must  have  gone  on  a  vacation,  as  the 
copy  printed  by  Mr.  Ford  contains  eighty-five  variations 
from  the  perfectly  legible  and  plain  original.  It  is  in  fact 
from  some  previously  printed  copy,  which  a  corrector  had 
altered  throughout,  and  not  even  a  glance  at  the  original 
has  been  taken,  sufficient  to  detect  so  large  an  omission 
as  that  of  the  words  "  like  a  Negro,"  in  the  close  of  the 
letter.  The  original  has,  "  I  have  never  had  my  Cloths 
of  but  lay  and  sleep  in  them  like  a  Negro  except  the  few 
Nights  I  have  lay'n  in  Frederick  Town."  Mr.  Ford  has  it, 
"  I  have  never  had  my  clothes  off,  but  lay  &  sleep  in 
them,  except  the  few  nights  I  have  lay'n  in  Frederic  Town." 
An  editor  and  copyist  who  can't  together  see  a  Negro  so 
conspicuously  manifest  will  have  to  be  content  with  being 
a  mutual  admiration  society  of  two.  The  other  chief  errors 
of  Mr.  Ford's  copy  of  this  letter  are  hardly  less  excusable. 
The  original  says,  "  Dubbleloon,"  "  Birth  nearest  the  fire," 
"  Parcel  of  Doggs  or  Catts,"  "  Little  Hay  Straw  Fodder 
or  bairskin,"  but  Mr.  Ford  has  "  doubloon,"  "  berth,"  "  par 
cel  of  dogs  and  cats,"  and  "little  hay,  straw,  fodder,  or 
bearskin,"  quite  as  if  young  Master  Washington  had  not 
only  written  more  correctly  than  Lord  Bacon  and  Shakes 
peare,  but  as  correctly  as  we  do  now. 

Mr.  Ford  next  gives  the  "  Dear  Friend  Robin  "  letter ; 
twenty-six  lines  of  text,  which  again  is  not  printed  from 
the  original,  but  from  a  copy  altered  from  that.  Pretend 
ing  that  it  is  accurately  copied,  Mr.  Ford  yet  gives  it  to 
us  with  fifty-one  variations  from  the  original.  Thus 


74  WASHINGTON. 

"  makes  me  endeavour  "  is  read  "  I  make  one  endeavor ;  " 
and  although  most  of  the  other  words  are  as  in  the  orig 
inal,  the  spelling,  punctuation,  and  use  of  capitals  are  ac 
cording  to  a  corrected  copy.  A  note  to  this  letter  gives 
"A  curious  memorandum," — that  about  the  making  of  a 
coat, —  and  in  ten  lines  there  are  fifty-one  variations  from 
the  original.  Mr.  Ford  says  of  this  memorandum  that  it, 
"judging  from  the  hand-writing,  belongs  to  this  period." 
He  does  not  tell  us  whether  his  accurate  copyist  concurs 
in  this  sapient  judgment.  The  simple  fact  is  that  the 
memorandum  occurs  as  one  item  among  the  others  in  this 
early  little  book,  like  a  brick  laid  into  a  wall,  and  there  is 
not  the  smallest  chance  to  judge  about  it,  it  so  manifestly 
goes  with  the  other  items.  And  this  is  but  one  slight 
illustration  of  the  false  pretenses  made  by  Mr.  Ford  as 
an  editor,  collector,  annotator,  etc.  He  says  of  the  "  Jour 
nal,"  as  we  have  seen :  "  This  is  the  earliest  manuscript 
that  /  have  found."  These  three  last  words  are  pure  false 
pretense.  The  manuscript  in  question,  and  the  other  early 
manuscripts,  were  all  "  found "  before  Mr.  Ford's  time 
and  labors.  They  repose  in  the  library  of  the  Department 
of  State,  and  Mr.  Ford  has  the  leave  to  see  them,  which  any 
one  can  have.  Not  only  has  Mr.  Ford  not  looked  up  any 
of  the  material  to  which  he  thus  refers,  but  he  has  not 
looked  at  it  enough  to  reproduce  it  correctly.  The  manu 
script  book  which  he  pretends  to  have  "  found,"  with  its 
double  character  (i)  a  Journal  of  Surveys,  followed  by 
other  papers,  reading  from  the  front  of  the  book  through 
about  sixty  pages,  and  (2)  a  "  Journal  of  my  Journey  over 
the  Mountains,"  reading  from  the  back  end  of  the  book 
through  twenty-four  pages,  Mr.  Ford  sees  in  only  its  sec 
ond  character,  and  copying  this  he  puts  to  it,  not  its  own 
title,  but  that  belonging  to  the  book  in  its  other  character. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  75 

These  experiences  in  the  wilderness  essentially  served 
important  purposes  which  were  to  be  accomplished  in  the 
future  ordering  of  events,  and  in  which  America  and 
humanity  at  large  were  interested. 

They  established  his  reputation  as  a  young  man  of 
energy,  diligence,  ability,  and  integrity.  He  might  have 
lingered,  without  reproach,  among  the  pleasures  of  Mount 
Vernon  and  of  Belvoir ;  for  his  society  ever  was  the  delight 
of  his  brother  Lawrence,  and  at  the  hospitable  mansion  and 
in  the  elegant  society  of  the  Fairfaxes  he  would  always  have 
received  a  hearty  welcome.  But  it  was  his  manly  choice 
faithfully  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  his  chosen  occupation  as  a 
land  surveyor,  although  required  by  them  to  brave  the  dan 
gers  and  endure  the  hardships  and  privations  of  life  in 
the  woods.  None  that  knew  him  needed  any  further  proofs 
of  his  title  to  their  esteem  and  confidence. 

Another  important  result  of  his  forest  discipline  was  the 
development  of  his  naturally  vigorous  frame.  He  was  re 
quired  to  ride  for  days  together  on  horseback  through  wild 
regions,  or  to  traverse  them  afoot,  continually  encounter 
ing  difficulties  which  put  to  a  severe  test  his  agility  and 
strength,  and  thus  so  exercised  his  physical  powers  that 
while  he  was  yet  in  youth  he  had  the  aspect,  the  port,  and 
the  muscle  of  maturity. 

The  nature  of  his  occupation  contributed  also  to  his 
ability,  when  casting  his  eye  over  an  extensive  region  to 
form  at  a  glance  a  correct  estimate  of  distances,  which  to 
any  one  who  was  inexpert  seemed  marvelous.  And  he 
learned  by  long  practice  to  discover  in  the  dim  disance  and 
identify  objects  which  no  common  eye  could  see. 

In  his  forest  experience  he  made  yet  another  valuable 
acquisition.  This  was  his  familiar  acquaintance  with  the 
habits  and  opinions  of  backwoodsmen.  He  met  them  in 
their  rambles,  took  part  with  them  in  their  hunting  excur- 


76  WASHINGTON. 

sions,  camped  with  them  in  the  woods,  sat  with  them  in 
their  log  cabins,  partook  of  their  coarse  fare,  and  formed 
from  his  own  observation  a  just  estimate  of  their  true  char 
acter,  so  that  afterward  when  they  became  soldiers  of  his 
armies  he  thoroughly  understood  the  secret  of  commanding 
and  directing  their  best  energies. 

And  he  enjoyed  in  his  surveying  expeditions  and  in  his 
intercourse  with  borderers  and  red  men,  very  favorable 
opportunities  for  gaining  a  knowledge  of  Indian  life  in  its 
best  and  its  worst  phases.  He  heard  from  the  lips  of  the 
backwoodsman,  his  spirit-stirring  tales  of  the  savage 
cruelties  and  of  the  cunning  and  the  treachery  which  made 
the  word  Indian  a  signal  of  alarm.  He  ascertained  also 
by  means  of  his  personal  intercourse  with  these  wild  men, 
that  there  were  combined  with  their  worst  traits  some  of 
a  far  less  repugnant  nature.  A  knowledge  of  their  social 
habits,  their  opinions,  their  prejudices,  predilections,  and 
superstitions,  their  artifices  in  war,  and  the  best  modes 
of  conciliating  and  controlling  or  of  contending  with  and 
overpowering  them,  he  acquired  in  the  very  regions  where 
they  made  their  haunts. 

There  was  moreover  an  important  mental  influence  de 
rived  from  his  frequenting  primeval  forests  and  moving 
among  the  sights  and  sounds  associated  with  them.  Such 
sights  and  sounds  do  not  affect  only  the  poetic  and  im 
aginative,  they  find  a  ready  response  in  every  ingenuous 
and  susceptible  mind.  The  very  silence  of  the  deep  woods 
is  significant,  and  when  night  shuts  out  all  that  the  eye 
finds  in  them  that  is  of  interest,  their  solemn  gloom  broken 
only  by  the  glare  of  the  camp-fire  or  by  the  light  of  the 
pale  moon  and  twinkling  stars,  awakens  thoughts  and 
emotions  which  produce  a  deep  and  durable  impression  on 
the  soul.  A  familiarity  with  nature,  especially  in  the  wild 
grandeur  of  her  mountain  and  forest  scenerv  ever  has 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  77 

exerted  a  powerful  influence  upon  the  human  mind  and 
heart. 

While  making  his  surveys  Washington  was  frequently 
led  to  visit  Greenway  Court,  and  he  would  sometimes  tarry 
there  for  a  few  days.  On  these  occasions  he  indulged 
with  his  lordship  in  his  favorite  field  sports,  availed  him 
self  of  the  rare  advantages  afforded  by  his  well-selected 
library,  and  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  his  edifying  and  instruc 
tive  conversation.  It  appears  from  the  young  surveyor's 
diary  and  it  is  a  significant  record,  that  instead  of  light 
literature,  he  now  devoted  his  hours  for  reading  chiefly  to 
Addison's  Spectator  and  the  History  of  England. 

During  occasional  intermissions  of  severe  duty,  he  re 
sorted  either  to  his  loved  home  at  his  mother's,  or  to  the 
delightful  residence  of  his  brother  Lawrence,  at  Mount 
Vernon.  His  attachment  to  this  brother  was  always 
ardent  and  devoted.  Lawrence  was  not  only  an  accom 
plished  gentleman,  possessed  of  those  qualities  which  com 
mand  deference,  excite  regard,  and  kindle  affection,  but 
he  had  the  practical  experience  of  a  soldier's  life;  and,  as 
an  active  member  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses, 
he  was  familiarly  acquainted  with  political  affairs.  From 
intercourse  with  him,  his  brother  George  continued  to 
gather  stores  of  valuable  knowledge. 

His  employment  as  a  surveyor  kept  him  busily,  use 
fully,  and  profitably  occupied.  And  he  relied  upon  this 
employment  for  his  support,  not  anticipating  by  loans  the 
revenues  to  be  derived  from  his  patrimonial  inheritance. 

His  father  had  bequeathed  to  the  eldest  son,  Lawrence, 
the  estate  afterward  called  Mount  Vernon.  To  Augustine, 
the  second  son  of  his  first  wife,  he  had  given  the  old 
homestead  in  Westmoreland  county.  And  George,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-one,  was  to  inherit  the  house  and  lands  in 
Suffolk  county.  As  yet  however  he  derived  no  benefit 


78  WASHINGTON. 

from  this  landed  property.  But  his  industry  and  diligence 
in  his  laborious  occupation  supplied  him  with  abundant 
pecuniary  means.  His  habits  of  life  were  simple  and  eco 
nomical;  he  indulged  in  no  gay  and  expensive  pleasures; 
in  early  youth  a  good  boy,  he  had  now  become  an  indus 
trious  young  man,  and  he  was  maturing  his  discipline  for 
a  step  yet  higher. 

When,  in  due  course  of  time,  he  received  his  inheritance, 
unimpaired  and  unencumbered,  and  in  addition  to  it  the 
large  estate  of  Mount  Vernon,  bequeathed  to  him  by  his 
brother  Lawrence,  and  also  of  valuable  lands  in  Berkeley 
county,  he  was  intellectually  and  morally  qualified  to  enter 
upon  the  duties,  fulfil  the  obligations,  and  dispense  the 
hospitalities  and  bounties  of  an  opulent  planter;  intelli 
gent,  honorable,  and  every  way  exemplary. 

[Washington  did  not  receive  the  full  property  interest 
of  Mount  Vernon  until  the  life  interest  in  it  of  the  widow 
of  Lawrence  Washington  had  expired.  He  made  an  ar 
rangement  for  possession  under  which  he  paid  to  her  and 
her  second  husband  an  annual  sum  sufficient  to  materially 
draw  upon  his  resources. 

Lodge  says  of  the  early  developments  of  character  in 
Washington  and  of  the  means  by  which  they  were  brought 
about : 

"While  Washington  was  working  his  way  through  the 
learning  purveyed  by  Mr.  Williams,  he  was  also  receiving 
another  education,  of  a  much  broader  and  better  sort, 
from  the  men  and  women  among  whom  he  found  himself, 
and  with  whom  he  made  friends.  Chief  among  them  was 
his  eldest  brother,  Lawrence,  fourteen  years  his  senior, 
who  had  been  educated  in  England,  had  fought  with  Ver 
non  at  Carthagena,  and  had  then  returned  to  Virginia,  to 
be  to  him  a  generous  father  and  a  loving  friencL  As  the 
head  of  the  family,  Lawrence  Washington  had  received 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  79 

the  lion's  share  of  the  property,  including  the  estate  at 
Hunting  Creek,  on  the  Potomac,  which  he  christened 
Mount  Vernon,  after  his  admiral,  and  where  he  settled 
down  and  built  him  a  goodly  house.  To  this  pleasant  spot 
George  Washington  journeyed  often  in  vacation  time,  and 
there  he  came  to  live  and  further  pursue  his  studies,  after 
leaving  school  in  the  autumn  of  1747. 

"  Lawrence  Washington  had  married  the  daughter  of 
William  Fairfax,  the  proprietor  of  Belvoir,  a  neighboring 
plantation,  and  the  agent  for  the  vast  estates  held  by  his 
family  in  Virginia.  George  Fairfax,  Mrs.  Washington's 
brother,  had  married  a  Miss  Carey,  and  thus  two  large 
and  agreeable  family  connections  were  thrown  open  to  the 
young  surveyor  when  he  emerged  from  school.  The  chief 
figure,  however,  in  that  pleasant  winter  of  1747-48,  so  far 
as  an  influence  upon  the  character  of  Washington  is  con 
cerned,  was  the  head  of  the  family  into  which  Lawrence 
Washington  had  married.  Thomas,  Lord  Fairfax,  then 
sixty  years  of  age,  had  come  to  Virginia  to  live  upon  and 
look  after  the  kingdom  which  he  had  inherited  in  the  wilder 
ness.  He  came  of  a  noble  and  distinguished  race.  Grad 
uating  at  Oxford  with  credit,  he  served  in  the  army,  dab 
bled  in  literature,  had  his  fling  in  the  London  world,  and 
was  jilted  by  a  beauty  who  preferred  a  duke,  and  gave  her 
faithful  but  less  titled  lover  an  apparently  incurable  wound. 
His  life  having  been  thus  early  twisted  and  set  awry,  Lord 
Fairfax,  when  well  past  his  prime,  had  determined  finally 
to  come  to  Virginia,  bury  himself  in  the  forests,  and  look 
after  the  almost  limitless  possessions  beyond  the  Blue 
Ridge,  which  he  had  inherited  from  his  maternal  grand 
father,  Lord  Culpeper,  of  unsavory  Restoration  memory. 
It  was  a  piece  of  great  good  fortune  which  threw  in  Wash 
ington's  path  this  accomplished  gentleman,  familiar  with 
courts  and  camps,  disappointed,  but  not  morose,  disillu- 


80  WASHINGTON. 

sioned,  but  still  kindly  and  generous.  From  him  the  boy 
could  gain  that  knowledge  of  men  and  manners  which  no 
school  can  give,  and  which  is  as  important  in  its  way  as 
any  that  a  teacher  can  impart. 

"  Lord  Fairfax  and  Washington  became  fast  friends. 
They  hunted  the  fox  together,  and  hunted  him  hard.  They 
engaged  in  all  the  rough  sports  and  perilous  excitements 
that  Virginia  winter  life  could  afford,  and  the  boy's  bold 
and  skilful  riding,  his  love  of  sports,  and  his  fine  temper, 
commended  him  to  the  warm  and  affectionate  interest  of 
the  old  nobleman.  Other  qualities,  too,  the  experienced 
man  of  the  world  saw  in  his  young  companion,  a  high  and 
persistent  courage,  robust  and  calm  sense,  and,  above  all, 
unusual  force  of  will  and  character.  Washington  im 
pressed  profoundly  everybody  with  whom  he  was  brought 
into  personal  contact,  a  fact  which  is  one  of  the  most 
marked  features  of  his  character  and  career,  and  one  which 
deserves  study  more  than  almost  any  other.  Lord  Fair 
fax  was  no  exception  to  the  rule.  He  saw  in  Washington 
not  simply  a  promising,  brave,  open-hearted  boy,  diligent 
in  practicing  his  profession,  and  whom  he  was  anxious  to 
help,  but  something  more ;  something  which  so  impressed 
him  that  he  confided  to  this  lad  a  task  which,  according 
to  its  performance,  would  affect  both  his  fortune  and  his 
peace.  In  a  word,  he  trusted  Washington,  and  told  him, 
as  the  spring  of  1748  was  opening,  to  go  forth  and  survey 
the  vast  Fairfax  estates  beyond  the  Ridge,  define  their 
boundaries,  and  save  them  from  future  litigation.  With 
this  commission  from  Lord  Fairfax,  Washington  entered 
on  the  first  period  of  his  career.  He  passed  it  on  the  fron 
tier,  fighting  nature,  the  Indians,  and  the  French.  He 
went  in  a  schoolboy;  he  came  out  the  first  soldier  in  the 
Colonies  and  one  of  the  leading  men  of  Virginia.  Let  us 
pause  a  moment  and  look  at  him  as  he  stands  on  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  81 

threshold  of  this  momentous  period,  rightly  called  mo 
mentous  because  it  was  the  formative  period  in  the  life  of 
such  a  man. 

"  He  had  just  passed  his  sixteenth  birthday.  He  was 
tall  and  muscular,  approaching  the  stature  of  more  than 
six  feet  which  he  afterward  attained.  He  was  not  yet 
filled  out  to  manly  proportions,  but  was  rather  spare,  after 
the  fashion  of  youth.  He  had  a  well-shaped,  active  figure, 
symmetrical  except  for  the  unusual  length  of  the  arms, 
indicating  uncommon  strength.  His  light  brown  hair  was 
drawn  back  from  a  broad  forehead,  and  grayish-blue  eyes 
looked  happily,  and  perhaps  a  trifle  soberly,  on  the  pleas 
ant  Virginia  world  about  him.  The  face  was  open  and 
manly,  with  a  square,  massive  jaw,  and  a  general  expres 
sion  of  calmness  and  strength.  "  Fair  and  florid/'  big 
and  strong,  he  was,  take  him  for  all  in  all,  as  fine  a  speci 
men  of  his  race  as  could  be  found  in  the  English  Colonies. 

"  Let  us  look  a  little  closer  through  the  keen  eyes  of  one 
who  studied  many  faces  to  good  purpose.  The  great 
painter  of  portraits,  Gilbert  Stuart,  tells  us  of  Washing 
ton  that  he  never  saw  in  any  man  such  large  eye-sockets, 
or  such  a  breadth  of  nose  and  forehead  between  the  eyes, 
and  that  he  read  there  the  evidence  of  the  strongest  pas 
sions  possible  to  human  nature.  John  Bernard,  the  actor, 
a  good  observer,  too,  saw  in  Washington's  face,  in  1797* 
the  signs  of  an  habitual  conflict  and  mastery  of  passions, 
witnessed  by  the  compressed  mouth  and  deeply  indented 
brow.  The  problem  had  been  solved  then;  but  in  1748, 
passion  and  will  alike  slumbered,  and  no  man  could  tell 
which  would  prevail,  or  whether  they  would  work  together 
to  great  purpose  or  go  jarring  on  to  nothingness.  He 
rises  up  to  us  out  of  the  past  in  that  early  springtime  a 
fine,  handsome,  athletic  boy,  beloved  by  those  about  him, 
who  found  him  a  charming  companion  and  did  not  guess 
6 


go  WASHINGTON. 

that  he  might  be  a  terribly  dangerous  foe.  He  rises  up 
instinct  with  life  and  strength,  a  being  capable,  as  we 
know,  of  great  things,  whether  for  good  or  evil,  with  hot 
blood  pulsing  in  his  veins  and  beating  in  his  heart,  with 
violent  passions  and  relentless  will  still  undeveloped,  and 
no  one  in  all  that  jolly,  generous  Virginian  society  even 
dimly  dreamed  what  that  development  would  be,  or  what 
it  would  mean  to  the  world. 

"  Lord  Fairfax  was  so  much  pleased  by  the  report  that 
he  moved  across  the  Blue  Ridge,  built  a  hunting  lodge 
preparatory  to  something  more  splendid  which  never  came 
to  pass,  and  laid  out  a  noble  manor,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Greenway  Court.  He  also  procured  for  Wash 
ington  an  appointment  as  a  public  surveyor,  which  con 
ferred  authority  on  his  surveys  and  provided  him  with 
regular  work.  Thus  started,  Washington  toiled  at  fiis 
profession  for  three  years,  living  and  working  as  he  did 
on  his  first  expedition.  .  .  .  And  while  he  worked  and 
earned  he  kept  an  observant  eye  upon  the  wilderness,  and 
bought  up  when  he  could  the  best  land  for  himself  and 
his  family,  laying  the  foundations  of  the  great  landed 
estate  of  which  he  died  possessed. 

"  There  was  also  a  lighter  and  pleasanter  side  to  this 
hard-working  existence,  which  was  quite  as  useful  and 
more  attractive  than  toiling  in  the  woods  and  mountains. 
The  young  surveyor  passed  much  of  his  time  at  Green- 
way  Court,  hunting  the  fox  and  rejoicing  in  all  field  sports 
which  held  high  place  in  that  kingdom,  while  at  the  same 
time  he  profited  much  in  graver  fashion  by  his  friendship 
with  such  a  man  as  Lord  Fairfax.  There,  too,  he  had  a 
chance  at  a  library,  and  his  diaries  show  that  he  read  care 
fully  the  history  of  England  and  the  essays  of  the  '  Spec 
tator/  Neither  in  early  days  nor  at  any  other  time  was 
he  a  student,  for  he  had  few  opportunities,  and  his  life  from 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  83 

the  beginning  was  out  of  doors  and  among  men.  But  the 
idea  sometimes  put  forward  that  Washington  cared  noth 
ing  for  reading  or  for  books  is  an  idle  one.  He  read  at 
Greenway  Court  and  everywhere  else  when  he  had  a 
chance,  and  he  read  well  and  to  some  purpose,  studying 
men  and  events  in  books  as  he  did  in  the  world,  and  though 
he  never  talked  of  his  reading,  preserving  silence  on  that 
as  on  other  things  concerning  himself,  no  one  ever  was 
able  to  record  an  instance  in  which  he  showed  himself 
ignorant  of  history  or  of  literature.  He  was  never  a 
learned  man,  but  so  far  as  his  own  language  could  carry 
him  he  was  an  educated  one.  Thus  while  he  developed 
the  sterner  qualities  by  hard  work  and  a  rough  life,  he  did 
not  bring  back  the  coarse  habits  of  the  backwoods  and  the 
camp-fire,  but  was  able  to  refine  his  manners  and  improve 
his  mind  in  the  excellent  society  and  under  the  hospitable 
roof  of  Lord  Fairfax." 

Lodge's  assumption  that  "  another  education  "  than  that 
of  his  four  years'  schooling  played  a  part  of  importance 
in  the  preparation  of  Washington  for  his  career  is  as  just 
as  it  is  important ;  and  it  is  correct  to  make  great  account 
of  the  brotherly  tutorship  of  Lawrence,  the  fine  quality 
and  large  variety  of  the  influences  represented  by  the  elder 
William  Fairfax  and  his  family  at  Belvoir ;  and  the  weight 
of  services  rendered  by  Lord  Fairfax;  but  the  statement 
that  the  latter,  out  of  special  trust,  commissioned  him,  in 
the  spring  of  1748,  "  to  go  forth  and  survey  the  vast  Fair 
fax  estates,  define  their  boundaries,  and  save  them  from 
future  litigation,"  is  a  deplorable  example  of  ignorance 
and  credulity  setting  the  imagination  at  work  upon  an 
utterly  baseless  tradition.  Lord  Fairfax  had  already  put 
his  trust  in  plain  "  Mr.  Genn,  the  Surveyor,"  as  young 
Washington's  own  report  calls  him,  with  four  other  per 
sons  required,  with  the  surveyor,  to  make  a  legal  survey 


84  WASHINGTON. 

party,  and  by  their  five  signatures  authentic  a  survey. 
The  part  played  by  Washington  was  that  of  going  along 
with  the  surveying  party,  and  giving  such  assistance  as 
the  circumstances  permitted,  which  cannot  have  been 
much  more  than  general  oversight  and  some  minor  ser 
vice,  because  the  law  required  the  essential  running  of 
lines  and  making  of  measurements  to  be  done  by  the 
legally  qualified  surveyor's  men.  Washington  tells  how 
a  survey,  and  all  surveys,  made  for  Lord  Fairfax,  must  be 
reported,  and  the  five  names  required  to  be  signed  do  not 
include  his  own. 

We  know,  moreover,  from  Washington's  own  account, 
that  the  surveys  executed  in  the  spring  of  1748  amounted 
to  only  a  laying  off  of  special  lots,  only  one  large  one  in 
the  first  place  reached,  and  only  a  few  in  each  of  two  other 
places,  while  the  most  considerable  work  lasted  only  seven 
days  and  covered  the  survey  of  only  a  comparatively  small 
fragment  of  the  vast  Fairfax  estate.  Not  only  was  there 
no  trust  in  Washington  for  the  month's  job  of  travel  and 
surveying,  but  there  was  no  such  task  contemplated  as  a 
general  "  survey  of  the  vast  Fairfax  estates ; "  and  if  there 
had  been  there  could  not  possibly  have  been  any  thought 
of  giving  the  task  to  young  Washington,  a  mere  young 
gentleman  amateur,  whose  work,  however  well  done, 
would  have  had  no  legal  value;  nor  could  a  large  corps 
of  surveyors  have  reported  in  thirty-two  days,  as  Lodge 
says  that  Washington  did,  in  a  way  to  give  Lord  Fairfax 
satisfaction  over  an  executed  survey  of  his  millions  of 
acres  of  Virginia  valleys  and  mountain  wilderness. 

Lodge  most  unfortunately  appears  to  say  that  Wash 
ington  went  into  the  surveying  business  a  schoolboy  and 
came  out  the  first  soldier  in  the  Colonies.  This,  however, 
is  mere  unlucky  carelessness.  He  means  to  count  the 
surveying  years  as  the  threshold  of  the  first  period  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  85 

about  ten  years,  but  reference  to  any  such  first  period  is 
misleading.  That  first  period  began  after  the  surveying 
years,  which  were  years  of  preparation  far  more  than  they 
were  of  employment,  and  of  preparation  with  which  the 
surveying  work,  which  was  the  merest  occasional  bread 
and  butter  work,  had  very  little  to  do.  The  statement  that 
Lord  Fairfax  procured  for  Washington  an  appointment 
as  a  public  surveyor,  in  consequence  of  the  pleasure  given 
him  by  the  surveys  made  in  March- April,  1748,  by  Wash 
ington  is  wholly  an  error.  "  Mr.  Genn,  the  surveyor," 
had  made  the  surveys,  and  the  whole  was  too  small  and 
commonplace  a  matter  to  call  for  special  recognition.  It 
was  a  year  and  three  months  later  that  Washington  got, 
not  an  appointment  to  the  office,  but  a  license,  such  as 
various  persons  held,  to  act  as  a  legally  qualified  surveyor. 
As  Washington  was  at  the  date  of  getting  his  license  seven 
teen  years  and  five  months  old,  he  did  not  from  that  date 
"  toil  at  his  profession  for  three  years."  Moreover,  there 
was  no  "  profession  "  in  the  case.  Lord  Fairfax  himself 
held  a  license,  which  was  no  more  than  a  permit  to  direct 
the  running  of  lines  and  measuring  of  lands,  and  authenti 
cate  the  record  by  an  official  signature.  What  Lodge 
himself  says  of  how  Washington  passed  his  time,  shows 
very  plainly  that  he  was  not  primarily  a  working  surveyor, 
and  that  he  did  not  "  toil  for  three  years,  living  and  work 
ing  as  he  did  on  his  first  expedition."  One  other  such 
expedition  he  probably  took  part  in,  in  the  autumn  of 
1749,  in  surveying  lands  for  the  Ohio  Company,  and  quite 
likely  he  was  himself  "  the  surveyor  "  in  this  case,  and 
was  out  a  longer  time  than  one  the  expedition  of  March- 
April,  1748. 

Lodge's  attempt  to  throw  light  on  Washington's  char 
acter  at  his  entrance  upon  his  seventeenth  year  would  have 
been  to  the  purpose  if  he  had  stopped  with  the  very  just 


86  WASHINGTON. 

sketch  of  what  Washington  as  a  youth  of  sixteen  appeared 
to  be;  but  the  references  to  Stuart  and  to  Bernard  could 
not  be  more  wide  of  the  mark.  The  Bernard  incident 
brings  out  most  delightfully  the  charm  and  beauty  of 
Washington's  humanism,  and  the  single  touch  about  signs 
of  an  habitual  conflict  and  mastery  of  passions  was  a  de 
plorably  false,  as  it  was  a  scandalously  venturesome,  guess. 
All  that  Bernard  saw,  or  could  see,  were  indications  of  ex 
treme  sensibility,  and  it  needed  knowledge  far  beyond 
Bernard's  to  tell  in  what  form  that  depth  of  feeling  would 
come  out  in  conduct  and  character.  The  whole  career 
of  Washington  gives  the  lie  to  no  matter  whose  charge 
that  there  were  any  passions  in  his  nature  calculated  to 
lower  his  character  or  cause  a  moment  of  blameworthy 
conduct.  Extreme  outburst  of  feeling  was  no  more  than 
a  rare  possibility,  and  never  then  of  feeling  not  profoundly 
just  and  perfectly  natural  to  a  noble  nature.  As  to  what 
Stuart  read,  it  was  as  ignorant  and  baseless  a  reading  as 
could  well  be  made.  The  student  who  can  quote  Stuart 
to  any  such  purpose  as  Lodge  does  loses  through  his  eye 
for  an  anecdote  Andes  and  Alps  of  evidence,  attestations 
filling  both  America  and  Europe,  to  the  almost  divine 
perfection  of  the  temper  of  Washington. 

The  assumption  under  which  Lodge  speaks  of  Wash 
ington  in  his  youth  as  "  a  being  capable  of  great  things, 
whether  for  good  or  evil,  with  hot  blood  pulsing  in  his 
veins  and  beating  in  his  heart,  with  violent  passions  and 
relentless  will  still  undeveloped,"  while  "  no  one  even 
dimly  dreamed  what  that  development  would  be,"  is  con 
trary  absolutely  to  all  that  the  latest  science  can  tell  us 
and  all  that  the  most  certain  history  can  testify.  No  fact 
of  knowledge  carries  greater  significance  or  bears  a  more 
sure  character  than  the  origin  from  birth  of  great  genius, 
of  remarkable  powers,  of  all  the  great  things,  whether  for 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  87 

good  or  evil,  of  the  human  being ;  and  no  fact  of  the  story 
of  Washington  means  more  for  his  history  or  rests  on 
ampler  testimony  than  the  possession  by  him  from  his 
birth  of  the  self-control,  the  balance  of  character,  the  large 
and  genial  humanism  which  were  the  glory  of  his  meridian. 
There  was  no  impression  from  his  later  life  in  what  Gen 
eral  Braddock  saw  in  Washington  on  the  threshold  of  his 
great  career,  and  set  down  as  follows,  shortly  before  that 
bloody  battle  in  which  he  fell : 

"Is  Mr.  Washington  among  your  acquaintances?  If 
not,  I  recommend  you  to  embrace  the  first  opportunity  to 
form  his  friendship.  He  is  about  twenty-three  years  of 
age;  with  a  countenance  both  mild  and  pleasant,  prom 
ising  both  wit  and  judgment.  He  is  of  comely  and  digni 
fied  demeanor,  at  the  same  time  displays  much  self-reliance 
and  decision.  He  strikes  me  as  being  a  young  man  of 
extraordinary  and  exalted  character,  and  is  destined  to 
make  no  inconsiderable  figure  in  our  country." 

The  "hot  blood,"  "violent  passions,"  and  "relentless 
will "  might  have  come  through  inheritance  from  one 
parent,  but  if  they  had  so  come  they  would  have  persisted 
through  life ;  and  the  evidence  is  complete  that  neither 
the  later  years  nor  the  earlier  knew  anything  of  the  kind. 
Lodge  himself  says  of  Washington  as  Braddock  saw  him : 

"He  also  made  warm  friends  with  the  English  officers, 
and  was  treated  with  consideration  by  his  commander. 
The  universal  practice  of  all  Englishmen  was  to  behave 
contemptuously  to  the  colonists,  but  there  was  something 
about  Washington  which  made  this  impossible.  They  all 
treated  him  with  the  utmost  courtesy,  vaguely  conscious 
that  beneath  the  pleasant,  quiet  manner  there  was  a 
strength  of  character  and  ability  such  as  is  rarely  found, 
and  that  this  was  a  man  whom  it  was  unsafe  to  affront. 
There  is  no  stronger  instance  of  Washington's  power  of 


88  WASHINGTON. 

impressing  himself  upon  others  than  that  he  commanded 
now  the  respect  and  affection  of  his  general,  who  was  the 
last  man  to  be  easily  or  favorably  affected  by  a  young  pro 
vincial  officer." 

It  is  entirely  without  warrant,  and  with  the  worst  pos 
sible  discrimination,  that  Lodge  adds  to  his  thoroughly 
fine  indication  of  the  rare  gentleman  that  Washington  was 
seen  to  be,  that  he  also  appeared  to  be  "  a  man  whom  it 
was  unsafe  to  affront."  Braddock  and  his  companions 
could  not  possibly  have  thought  that  any  course  they 
chose  to  take  might  prove  "  unsafe,"  and  the  evidence 
shows  beyond  question  that  they  saw  only  what  Braddock 
expressed.] 


CHAPTER  IV. 

HIS  VOYAGE  TO  BARBADOES. 

1751-1752. 

THE  health  of  Lawrence  Washington  awakened  at 
this  time  saddening  apprehensions.  A  deeply- 
seated  lung  affection,  from  which  he  long  suffered, 
had  induced  him  to  take  a  voyage  to  England.  This  gave 
no  relief.  He  then  resorted,  but  in  vain,  to  the  Bath 
Springs  of  Virginia.  And  now,  at  the  instance  of  his  medi 
cal  advisers,  he  proposed  to  sail  for  Barbadoes,  which  was 
deemed  at  that  time  the  healthiest  island  in  the  West  In 
dian  archipelago. 

He  sailed  September  28  (1751),  accompanied  by  his 
brother  George,  and  reached  the  island  on  the  third  day 
of  November.  But  the  experiment  of  a  few  weeks'  resi 
dence  proved  utterly  unavailing.  It  was  determined  there 
fore  to  try  the  delightful  climate  of  the  Bermudas  (Feb 
ruary,  1752.)  George  was  in  the  mean  time  to  repair  to 
Virginia,  and  to  return  with  Lawrence's  wife,  that  she 
might  join  her  husband  in  the  spring. 

Lawrence  accordingly  sailed  to  the  Bermudas  (March, 
1752).  Before  the  lapse  of  many  days  after  his  arrival  how 
ever  he  wrote  discouragingly :  "  I  have  now  got  to  my 
last  refuge,  where  I  must  receive  my  final  sentence.  If  I 
grow  worse,  I  shall  hurry  Tiome  to  my  grave."  Soon  con 
vinced  that  he  should  no  longer  listen  to  the  flattery  of 


90  WASHINGTON. 

hope,  he  did  not  tarry  at  the  Bermudas  for  his  wife  and 
brother,  but  he  informed  them  of  his  intention  to  return 
home  without  delay.  This  he  happily  accomplished.  But 
it  was  only  to  linger  for  a  little  while,  and  then  (July  26, 
1752),  at  the  early  age  of  thirty-four  years  to  be  removed 
by  death  from  his  wife  and  his  only  child,  an  infant 
daughter. 

To  this  daughter  he  bequeathed  Mount  Vernon.  But 
she  died  at  an  early  age,  and  the  estate,  according  to 
provisions  of  the  bequest  in  that  event,  descended  to  the 
favorite  brother,  George.  Their  father,  Augustine  Wash 
ington,  had  expressed  a  desire  in  his  will,  that  should  Law 
rence  die  without  issue,  George  might  inherit  this  estate. 
Such  a  parental  preference  was  calculated  to  throw  around 
it  a  sacred  interest.  And  it  thus  became  forever  associated 
with  the  august  name  of  the  Father  of  his  Country.  It  was 
his  happy  home,  his  calm  retreat  from  life's  cares  and  trials, 
and  his  place  of  sepulture. 

While  at  Barbadoes  with  his  brother  he  contracted  the 
small-pox,  from  which  he  suffered  severely.  He  bore  with 
him  through  life,  some  of  the  familiar  marks  usually  left 
by  that  disease.  But  his  voyage  to  the  island,  his  short 
residence  there,  and  his  voyage  home  left  far  more  pleasing 
reminiscences. 

In  the  exercise,  both  of  his  habitual  intelligent  observa 
tion  of  men  and  things  and  of  his  characteristic  diligence 
and  industry,  he  kept  a  journal  in  which  he  entered,  while 
at  sea,  a  daily  copy  of  the  ship's  log-book  together  with  his 
own  remarks;  and,  while  on  land,  a  brief  notice  of  every 
thing  that  arrested  his  attention. 

At  Barbadoes  he  took  notes  of  the  state  of  civil  and 
military  affairs ;  of  agriculture,  commerce,  and  social  life ; 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  91 

and  many  of  his  observations  are  indicative  of  qualities 
and  attainments  rarely  to  be  met  with  in  a  young  man  of 
but  nineteen  years  of  age. 

The  following  are  among  his  records  at  the  island: 

"  November  4,  1751.  This  morning  received  a  card  from. 
Major  Clarke,  welcoming  us  to  Barbadoes  with  an  in 
vitation  to  breakfast  and  dine  with  him.  We  went ;  myself 
with  some  reluctance  as  the  small-pox  was  in  the  family. 
We  were  received  in  the  most  kind  and  friendly  manner 
by  him.  Mrs.  Clarke  was  much  indisposed,  insomuch  that 
we  had  not  the  pleasure  of  her  company.  But  in  her  place 
officiated  Miss  Roberts,  her  niece,  and  an  agreeable  young 
lady.  After  drinking  tea  we  were  again  invited  to  Mr. 
Carter's,  and  were  desired  to  make  his  house  ours  till  we 
could  provide  lodgings  agreeable  to  our  wishes;  which 
offer  we  accepted. 

"  5th.  Early  this  morning  came  Dr.  Hilary,  an  eminent 
physician,  recommended  by  Major  Clarke,  to  pass  his 
opinion  on  my  brother's  disorder ;  which  he  did  in  a  favor 
able  light,  giving  great  assurances  that  it  was  not  so  fixed 
but  that  a  cure  might  be  effectually  made.  In  the  cool  of 
evening  we  rode  out  accompanied  by  Mr.  Carter,  to  seek 
lodgings  in  the  .country  as  the  Doctor  advised ;  and  we 
were  perfectly  enraptured  with  the  beautiful  prospects 
which  every  side  presented  to  our  view  —  the  fields  of  cane, 
corn,  fruit-trees,  etc.,  in  a  delightful  green.  We  returned 
without  accomplishing  our  intentions. 

"  7th.  Dined  with  Major  Clarke  and  by  him  was  intro 
duced  to  the  surveyor-general  and  the  judges,  who  likewise 
dined  there.  In  the  evening  they  complaisantly  accom 
panied  us  in  another  excursion  into  the  country  to  choose 
lodgings.  We  pitched  on  the  house  of  Captain  Croftan, 


92  WASHINGTON. 

commander  of  James's  Fort.  He  was  desired  to  come  to 
town  next  day  to  propose  terms.  We  returned  by  the  way 
of  Needham's  Fort. 

"8th.  Came  Captain  Croftan  with  his  proposals,  which, 
though  extravagantly  dear,  my  brother  was  obliged  to  ac 
cept.  Fifteen  pounds  a  month  were  his  terms,  exclusive  of 
liquor  and  washing,  which  we  find.  In  the  evening  we 
removed  some  of  our  things  up  and  went  ourselves.  It  is 
very  pleasantly  situated  near  the  sea  and  about  a  mile  from 
town.  The  prospect  is  extensive  by  land  and  pleasant  by 
sea,  as  we  command  a  view  of  Garlyle  Bay  and  the  shipping. 

"  9th.  Received  a  card  from  Major  Clarke,  inviting  us 
to  dine  with  him  at  Judge  Maynard's  to-morrow.  He  had 
a  right  to  ask,  being  a  member  of  a  club  called  '  The  Beef 
steak  and  Tripe/  instituted  by  himself. 

if  loth.  We  were  genteelly  received  by  Judge  Maynard 
and  his  lady,  and  agreeably  entertained  by  the  company. 
They  have  a  meeting  every  Saturday — this  being  Judge 
Maynard's  day.  After  dinner  there  was  the  greatest  collec 
tion  of  fruits  set  on  the  table  that  I  have  yet  seen  —  the 
granadilla,  sapadilla,  pomegranate,  sweet  orange,  water 
melon,  forbidden  fruit,  apples,  guavas,  etc.,  etc.  We  re 
ceived  invitations  from  every  gentleman  there.  Mr.  War 
ren  desired  Major  Clarke  to  show  us  the  way  to  his  house. 
Mr.  Hacket  insisted  on  our  coming  Saturday  next  to  his, 
it  being  his  day  to  treat  with  beefsteak  and  tripe.  But 
above  all,  the  invitation  of  Mr.  Maynard  was  most 
kind  and  friendly.  He  desired  and  even  insisted,  as 
well  as  his  lady,  on  our  coming  to  spend  some  weeks 
with  him,  and  promised  that  nothing  should  be  wanting  to 
render  our  stay  agreeable.  My  brother  promised  he  would 
accept  the  invitation  as  soon  as  he  should  be  a  little  dis 
engaged  from  the  doctors. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  93 

"  1 5th.  Was  treated  with  a  ticket  to  see  the  play  of 
'  George  Barnwell '  acted.  The  characters  of  Barnwell  and 
several  others  were  said  to  be  well  performed.  There  was 
music  adapted  and  regularly  conducted. 

"  i /th.  Was  strongly  attacked  with  the  smallpox.  Sent 
for  Dr.  Lanahan,  whose  attendance  was  very  constant  till 
my  recovery  and  going  out  • —  which  was  not  till  Thursday, 
the  twelfth  of  December. 

"  December  i2th.  Went  to  town  and  called  on  Major 
Clarke's  family  who  had  kindly  visited  me  in  my  illness, 
and  contributed  all  they  could  in  sending  me  the  neces 
saries  which  the  disorder  required.  On  Monday  last  began 
the  Grand  Session ;  and  this  day  was  brought  on  the  trial 
of  Colonel  C,  a  man  of  opulence  and  of  infamous  char 
acter.  He  was  brought  in  guiltless  and  saved  by  a  single 
evidence,  who  was  generally  reckoned  to  have  been 
suborned. 

"  22d.  Took  leave  of  my  brother,  Major  Clarke,  and 
others,  and  embarked  on  board  the  '  Industry  '  for  Virginia. 
Weighed  anchor  and  got  out  of  Carlyle  Bay  about  twelve 
o'clock. 

"  The  Governor  of  Barbadoes  seems  to  keep  a  proper 
state,  lives  very  retired  and  at  little  expense,  and  is  a  gen 
tleman  of  good  sense.  As  he  avoids  the  error  of  his  pre 
decessor,  he  gives  no  handle  for  complaint ;  but,  at  the  same 
time,  by  declining  much  familiarity  he  is  not  over-zealously 
beloved. 

"  There  are  several  singular  risings  in  this  island,  one 
above  another,  so  that  scarcely  any  part  is  deprived  of 
a  beautiful  prospect,  both  of  sea  and  land;  and  what  is 
contrary  to  observation  in  other  countries,  each  elevation 
is  better  than  the  next  below. 


94  WASHINGTON. 

"There  are  many  delicious  fruits,  but  as  they  are  par 
ticularly  described  by  Mr.  Hughes  in  his  Natural  History 
of  the  island,  I  shall  say  nothing  further  than  that  the  China 
orange  is  good.  The  avagavo  pear  is  generally  much  ad 
mired,  though  none  pleases  my  taste  so  well  as  the  pine. 

"  The  earth  in  most  parts  is  extremely  rich  and  as  black 
as  our  richest  marsh-meadows.  The  common  produce  of 
the  cane  is  from  forty  to  seventy  polls  of  sugar,  each  poll 
valued  at  twenty  shillings,  out  of  which  a  third  is  deducted 
for  expenses.  Many  acres  last  year  produced  in  value 
from  one  hundred  and  forty  to  one  hundred  and  seventy 
pounds,  as  I  was  informed  by  credible  authority ;  though 
that  was  in  ginger,  and  a  very  extraordinary  year  for  the 
sale  of  that  article. 

"  How  wonderful  that  such  a  people  should  be  in  debt, 
and  not  be  able  to  indulge  themselves  in  all  the  luxuries 
as  well  as  necessaries  of  life !  Yet  so  it  happens.  Estates 
are  often  alienated  for  debts.  How  persons,  coming  to 
estates  of  two,  three,  or  four  hundred  acres  —  which  are 
the  largest  —  can  want,  is  to  me  most  wonderful.  One- 
third  of  their  land,  or  nearly  that  portion,  is  generally  in 
train  for  harvest.  The  rest  is  in  young  cane,  Guinea-corn 
—  which  greatly  supports  their  negroes  ^-  yams,  plantains, 
potatoes,  and  the  like ;  and  some  part  is  left  waste  for  stock. 
Provisions  are  generally  very  indifferent,  but  much  better 
than  the  same  quantity  of  pasturage  would  afford  in  Vir 
ginia.  The  very  grass  that  grows  among  their  corn  is  not 
lost,  but  carefully  gathered  for  provender  for  their  stock. 

"  Hospitality  and  a  genteel  behavior  are  shown  to  every 
gentleman  stranger  by  the  gentlemen  inhabitants.  Taverns 
they  have  none,  except  in  the  towns,  so  that  travelers  are 
obliged  to  go  to  private  houses.  The  people  are  said  to 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  95 

live  to  a  great  age  where  they  are  not  intemperate.  They 
are  however  very  unhappy  in  regard  to  their  officers'  fees, 
which  are  not  paid  by  any  law.  They  complain  particularly 
of  the  provost-marshal  or  sheriff-general  of  the  island, 
patented  at  home  and  rented  at  eight  hundred  pounds  a 
year.  Every  other  officer  is  exorbitant  in  his  demands. 

"  There  are  few  who  may  be  called  middling  people. 
They  are  very  rich  or  very  poor ;  for  by  a  law  of  the  island, 
every  gentleman  is  obliged  to  keep  a  white  person  for  every 
ten  acres,  capable  of  acting  in  the  militia,  and  consequently 
the  persons  so  kept  cannot  be  very  poor.  They  are  well 
disciplined,  and  appointed  to  their  several  stations  so  that 
in  any  alarm,  every  man  may  be  at  his  post  in  less  than  two 
hours.  They  have  large  intrenchments  cast  up  wherever 
it  is  possible  to  land,  and  as  nature  has  greatly  assisted, 
the  island  may  not  improperly  be  said  to  be  one  entire  forti 
fication." 

Among  the  illustrations  of  character  afforded  by  these 
minutes  may  be  particularly  noted,  a  lively  sense  of  gen 
erous  and  kind  hospitalities,  a  practical  interest  in  agricul 
tural  pursuits,  a  soldier's  observation  of  military  works,  and 
sagacious  views  of  the  moral  and  political  state  of  society. 
It  may  be  remarked  also,  that  the  journalist's  usual  calm 
ness  of  mind  is  at  once  changed  to  a  glow  of  emotion  by  the 
charms  of  natural  scenery,  so  that  he  could  indite,  "  We 
were  perfectly  enraptured  with  the  beautiful  prospects 
which  every  side  presented  to  our  view."  And  we  have 
here,  in  striking  contrast  to  this,  an  instance  of  his  char 
acteristic  slight  regard  to  personal  inconvenience  and  dis 
comfort,  by  his  mentioning  in  brief  and  general  terms  the 
fact  of  his  being  assailed  by  a  malignant  and  deforming 
contagion :  "  Was  strongly  attacked  with  the  smallpox. 


96  WASHINGTON. 

Sent  for  Dr.  Lanahan,  whose  attendance  was  very  con 
stant  till  my  recovery  and  going  out." 

In  all  this  there  are  discoverable  in  embryo,  those  very 
qualities  of  sound  good  sense  and  refined  emotion  which 
ever  after  were  prominent  in  him,  as  the  gentleman,  the 
soldier,  and  the  planter;  and  especially,  a  concern  for  the 
welfare  of  others,  and  a  reserve  in  what  related  to  self,  in 
all  his  public,  social,  and  domestic  occupations,  and 
eventually,  in  his  rural  retirement  at  the  close  of  his  career. 


PART    II. 

HIS  MILITARY  APPOINTMENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

WASHINGTON  A  MAJOR. 

1751-1754. 

IT  was  in  the  year  1751  that  Washington  received  his 
first  military  appointment.  This  was  occasioned  by 
preparations  in  Virginia  to  meet  an  emergency 
created  by  French  claims  to  a  great  part  of  the  British 
territories  in  America. 

At  the  time  when  Edward  III  of  England  asserted  his 
right  to  the  French  throne,  at  the  beginning  of  the  four 
teenth  century,  a  spirit  of  implacable  alienation  was  en 
gendered  between  the  two  rival  powers;  and,  fostered  by 
their  rancorous  altercations  and  sanguinary  wars,  it  at 
length  reached  the  climax  of  their  settled  national 
antipathy. 

Four  hundred  years  had  now  elapsed.  During  this 
period  America  was  discovered  and  colonies  of  the  two 
nations  settled  on  its  soil.  The  British  occupied  the 
Atlantic  coast  and  the  mouths  of  rivers,  and  were  in  pos 
session  of  all  the  harbors  of  the  Continent.  The  French 
settlements  were  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
the  Mississippi. 

Had  it  been  the  policy  of  both  nations  simply  to  pro- 
7  (97) 


98  WASHINGTON. 

mote  the  welfare  of  their  respective  colonies,  the  time 
would  have  been  far  distant  when  national  rancor  could 
devise  the  pretext  for  a  bloody  conflict.  But  while  the 
policy  of  Great  Britain  was  to  strengthen  her  settlements 
along  the  seaboard,  that  of  France  was  to  make  acquisi 
tions  of  regions  in  the  interior,  and  eventually  to  limit 
her  rival's  western  progress  by  the  natural  cordon  of  the 
Alleghanies. 

So  unscrupulous  was  the  ambition  of  France  in  the 
adoption  of  measures  to  attain  her  object,  that,  finding 
herself  excluded  from  all  the  harbors,  it  was  seriously 
proposed  —  and  that  too  at  a  time  when  the  rival  nations 
were  in  comparative  amity  —  to  make  conquest  of  the 
city  of  New  York.  It  was  unhesitatingly  admitted  that 
this  would  be  a  flagrant  outrage  of  the  law  of  nations; 
but,  said  De  Callieres,  who  recommended  the  measure  to 
his  countrymen,  it  has  the  sanction  of  necessity.*  Thus 
the  contest  was  in  reality  between  social  progress  and 
territorial  aggrandizement. 

On  three  occasions  between  the  middle  of  the  seven 
teenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  when  the  parent  coun 
tries  were  in  arms  against  each  other,  their  respective 
colonists  in  America  were  tempted  to  engage  in  bloody 
conflict. 

James  II  of  England,  driven  from  his  throne  by  subjects 
of  strongly  Protestant  prejudices,  and  supplanted  by 
William,  Prince  of  Orange,  and  his  Queen,  Mary,  found 
a  refuge  at  the  court  of  Louis  XIV  of  France,  who 
not  only  extended  to  him  cordial  sympathy,  but  espoused 
his  cause  in  the  seven  years'  contest,  known  as 
"  King  William's  War."*  During  this  period  the  tragic 

*  L^gitime  par  la  necessite. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  99 

deeds  perpetrated  by  the  French  and  Indians  in  America, 
were  marked  with  great  ferocity  and  cruelty.  And  the 
retaliation  which  these  deeds  provoked  was,  although  far 
less  abhorrent,  fearfully  desolating.  Port  Royal  in  Acadie 
was  captured  and  twice  plundered.  Vigorous  measures 
were  adopted  also  for  the  conquest  of  all  the  French  pos 
sessions  in  Canada.  At  length  however  the  Treaty  of 
Ryswick  (1697)  stayed  for  a  time  the  malignant  strife  in 
which  both  parties  had  associated  with  themselves  hordes 
of  fierce,  merciless  savages. 

The  death  of  James  II  gave  occasion  for  another  rup 
ture  between  France  and  England.  The  claim  to  the 
British  throne  inherited  by  James's  son,  James  Francis 
Edward,  Prince  of  Wales,  was  maintained  by  Louis  XIV, 
who  desired  that  Queen  Anne,  who  was  James's  daughter 
and  England's  choice,  should  be  supplanted  by  the 
Prince,  commonly  known  as  the  "  Pretender."  Now 
began  "  Queen  Anne's  War"  (1702),  which  continued  for 
eleven  years  to  embroil  the  colonists.  The  sanguinary 
scenes  of  the  preceding  war  were  re-enacted  by  the 
French  and  Indians.  And  the  English  colonists  once 
more  engaged  in  a  successful  expedition  against  Port 
Royal,  which  had  been  restored  to  France.  But  peace 
once  more  was  proclaimed  after  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
(1713);  and  now,  for  almost  half  a  century,  British  col 
onists  were  relieved  from  the  visitation  of  calamities  such 
as  once  had  desolated  their  happy  homes. 

But  a  new  disagreement  arrayed  England  and  France 
against  each  other,  and  their  colonies  in  America  partook 
of  the  evils  of  another  war.  The  powers  of  Europe  had 
formally  stipulated,  in  the  terms  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanc 
tion  (1744),  to  secure  the  Austrian  succession  to  the 
Archduchess  Marie  Theresa,  Queen  of  Hungary.  George 
II  strictly  kept  the  pledge  given  by  Great  Britain.  Louis. 


100  WASHINGTON. 

XIV  of  France  disregarded  it.  And  moreover  he 
covertly  abetted  Spain  in  a  war  with  England  respecting 
certain  rights  of  commerce;  and  also  encouraged  and 
assisted  the  young  Pretender,  Prince  Charles  Edward, 
grandson  of  James  II,  in  asserting  his  father  the  elder 
Pretender's  claim  to  the  British  scepter.  Hence  the  two 
great  nations  were  involved  once  more  in  war;  and  their 
subjects  in  America  were  soon  again  committing  hostili 
ties  which  constituted  what  is  known  among  us  as  "  King 
George's  War."  The  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (1748) 
brought  this  to  a  close  and  restored  to  France  Louisburg 
and  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton;  important  acquisitions 
made  by  the  British-American  colonists  three  years 
before. 

The  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  was  however  as  inef 
fectual  as  all  others  made  to  arrest  and  quench  the  heredi 
tary  feuds  which  set  at  irreconcilable  variance  nations 
whose  opinions,  predilections,  and  religious  doctrines  and 
worship,  as  well  as  their  habitual  antipathies,  conspired 
to  make  them  natural  enemies. 

As  early  as  the  year  1715  Colonel  Spottiswoode,  then 
Governor  of  Virginia,  urged,  with  great  earnestness,  upon 
the  British  government  the  absolute  necessity  of  making 
vigorous  resistance  to  the  aggressive  policy  of  France. 
But  his  representations,  deemed  extravagant,  were  then 
unheeded.  In  the  year  1751  however  such  was  the 
progress  of  the  adventurous  intruders  that  it  was  found 
advisable  in  Virginia  to  take  precautionary  measures  of 
defense.  The  colony  was,  with  a  view  to  this,  divided 
into  districts,  in  each  of  which  there  was  an  adjutant- 
general  or  military  inspector  with  the  rank  of  major,  who 
was  to  keep  the  militia  in  constant  readiness  for  action. 

One  of  these  military  districts  was  intrusted  to  Wash 
ington.  He  was  then  but  nineteen  years  of  age ;  yet  his 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  101 

early  predilections  had  induced  him  to  study  some  of  the 
best  popular  treatises  on  the  art  of  war.  His  brother 
Lawrence,  Adjutant  Muse  of  Westmoreland,  who  was  a 
comrade  of  Lawrence's  in  the  West  Indies,  Jacob  Van- 
braam,  a  skilful  fencer,  and  other  soldiers  of  experience, 
had  already  imparted  to  him  a  knowledge  of  tactics,  of 
the  manual  exercise,  and  of  the  use  of  the  sword ;  and  he 
was  recognized  as  a  well-educated  officer. 

He  entered  with  great  zeal  upon  his  duties.  When 
Robert  Dinwiddie  the  next  year  became  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Virginia,  the  colony  was  divided  into  four 
military  districts.  Major  Washington's  conduct  had  al 
ready  won  for  him  a  good  report.  He  was  appointed  for 
the  northern  division.  The  counties  comprehended  in 
this  division  he  promptly  and  statedly  traversed;  and  he 
soon  effected  the  thorough  discipline  of  their  militia  for 
warlike  operations. 

It  was  amid  the  various  and  peculiar  duties  required 
by  this  position  that  his  characteristic  qualities  first  had 
free  exercise.  His  natural  dignity  commanded  a  ready 
tribute  of  respect;  his  ability  was  universally  acknowl 
edged  with  deference ;  and  his  integrity,  industry,  and 
devotion  to  the  duties  of  his  office  exerted  that  magic 
and  authoritative  influence,  which  is  accorded  to  an  hon 
ored  leader,  whom,  it  was  now  manifest,  a  high  destiny 
awaited.  And  his  present  military  discipline  proved  to 
be  the  very  schooling  for  the  great  exploits  by  which  he 
was  to  be  qualified  to  act  as  chief  defender  of  the  cause 
of  the  united  colonies  and  to  protect  them  from  the  ter 
rific  bolts  of  vengeance  with  which  they  were  to  be 
assailed.  By  a  remarkable  synchronism  Dr.  Franklin 
this  very  year  made  his  memorable  experiments  in  elec 
tricity  by  which  he  discovered  that,  in  the  ordering  of 
Providence,  means  are  provided  to  divest  the  thunder- 


102  WASHINGTON. 

cloud  of  its  destructive  power,  and  to  render  its  frowns 
and  threats  harmless.* 

When  Major  Washington  had  for  two  years  been  busily 
occupied  in  his  office  the  Lieutenant-Governor  and  his 
council  were  informed  of  new  and  formidable  operations 
of  the  French ;  of  their  preparation  to  establish  posts  and 
erect  fortifications  on  the  western  border ;  of  their  troops 
having  crossed  the  northern  lakes  on  the  way  to  the  Ohio, 
and  having  ascended  the  Mississippi  from  New  Orleans; 
and  of  their  bold  and  avowed  purpose  to  adopt  all  neces 
sary  measures  to  possess  themselves  of  the  whole  extent 
of  territory  from  Louisiana  to  Canada. 

The  hearts  of  the  people  of  the  Old  Dominion  throbbed 
with  an  intense  feeling.  The  Lieutenant-Governor,  who 
had  received  orders  from  the  Right  Honorable  Earl  of 
Holdernesse  and  instructions  from  the  King,  resolved  to 
depute  at  once  a  special  commissioner  to  the  commandant 
of  the  French  on  the  Ohio,  for  the  purpose  of  learning 
from  him  his  intentions  and  ascertaining  his  authority. 

It  was  an  expedition  of  more  than  500  miles,  chiefly 
through  an  inhospitable  wilderness,  and  among  savages. 
The  difficulty  and  the  danger  to  be  encountered  required 
great  caution  in  selecting  the  person  to  whom  the  com 
mission  was  to  be  intrusted.  The  Lieutenant-Governor 
did  not  hesitate  however  to  appoint  Major  Washington, 
who  cheerfully  consented  to  perform,  to  the  best  of  his 
ability,  the  arduous  services  required.  He  was  now  but 
twenty-one  years  of  age.  Yet  his  discipline  as  a  surveyor 
of  wild  lands  and  his  military  experience  as  an  adjutant, 
eminently  fitted  him  for  this  particular  duty.  The  Gov- 

*  Dr.  Franklin's  experiments  were  made  in  June,  1752.  See  his 
Works,  vol.  V,  p.  177.  Boston,  1844. 


LIRE  AND  TIMES.  103 

ernor,  who  was  a  Scotchman,  facetiously  said  on  the  occa 
sion  when  he  observed  the  alacrity  of  the  young  major: 
"  Ye're  a  braw  lad,  and  gin  you  play  your  cards  weel,  my 
boy,  ye  shall  hae  nae  cause  to  rue  your  bargain." 

His  instructions  to  the  major  explain  the  nature  of  the 
commission,  and  comprehensively  set  forth  the  existing 
state  of  things: 

"  Whereas  I  have  received  information  of  a  body  of 
French  forces  being  assembled  in  a  hostile  manner  on 
the  river  Ohio,  intending  by  force  of  arms  to  erect  certain 
forts  on  the  said  river  within  this  territory  and  contrary 
to  the  dignity  and  peace  of  our  sovereign,  the  King  of 
Great  Britain: 

"  These  are  therefore  to  require  and  direct  you,  the 
said  George  Washington,  forthwith  to  repair  to  Logstown 
on  the  said  river  Ohio ;  and,  having  there  informed  your 
self  where  the  said  French  forces  have  posted  themselves, 
thereupon  to  proceed  to  such  place ;  and  being  there  ar 
rived,  to  present  your  credentials  together  with  my  letter 
to  the  chief  commanding  officer,  and  in  the  name  of  his 
Britannic  Majesty  to  demand  an  answer  thereto. 

"  On  your  arrival  at  Logstown  you  are  to  address  your 
self  to  the  Half-King,  to  Manacatoocha,  and  other  the 
sachems  of  the  Six  Nations;  acquainting  them  with  your 
orders  to  visit  and  deliver  my  letter  to  the  French  com 
manding  officer,  and  desiring  the  said  chiefs  to  appoint 
you  a  sufficient  number  of  their  warriors  to  be  your  safe 
guard  as  near  the  French  as  you  may  desire,  and  to  wait 
your  further  direction. 

"  You  are  diligently  to  inquire  into  the  numbers  and 
force  of  the  French  on  the  Ohio  and  the  adjacent  country ; 
how  they  are  likely  to  be  assisted  from  Canada ;  and  what 
are  the  difficulties  and  conveniences  of  that  communica 
tion,  and  the  time  required  for  it. 


104  WASHINGTON. 

"  You  are  to  take  care  to  be  truly  informed  what  forts 
the  French  have  erected,  and  where;  how  they  are  gar 
risoned  and  appointed,  and  what  is  their  distance  from 
each  other,  and  from  Logstown ;  and,  from  the  best  intel 
ligence  you  can  procure,  you  are  to  learn  what  gave  occa 
sion  to  this  expedition  of  the  French ;  how  they  are  likely 
to  be  supported,  and  what  their  pretensions  are. 

"  When  the  French  commandant  has  given  you  the 
required  and  necessary  dispatches,  you  are  to  desire  of 
him  a  proper  guard  to  protect  you,  as  far  on  your  return 
as  you  judge  for  your  safety,  against  any  straggling  In 
dians  or  hunters  that  may  be  ignorant  of  your  character 
and  molest  you. 

"  Wishing  you  good  success  in  your  negotiation,  and  a 
safe  and  speedy  return,  I  am,  &c. 

"  ROBERT  DINWIDDIE. 

"  WILLIAMSBURG,  $oth  October. 

The  Governor  furnished  him  at  the  same  time  with 
credentials,  in  which  he  speaks  of  "  reposing  especial  trust 
and  confidence "  in  his  "  ability,  conduct,  and  fidelity." 
And  he  furnished  also  a  passport,  commanding  all  his 
Majesty's  subjects,  and  requiring  "  all  in  alliance  and 
amity  with  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,"  "  to  be  aiding 
and  assisting  as  a  safeguard  "  to  his  express  messenger. 

Only  twenty-four  hours  for  preparation  had  elapsed 
when  the  "  braw  lad  "  set  out  on  the  last  day  of  October, 
1753.  His  attendants  at  first  were  his  old  fencing-master, 
Vanbraam,  and  two  servants.  Vanbraam,  acquainted 
with  the  French  language,  was  to  be  interpreter.  They 
were  afterward  joined  by  an  interpreter  of  Indian  lan 
guages,  John  Davidson;  by  an  experienced  backwoods 
man,  Christopher  Gist,  as  guide;  and  by  four  other 
persons  hired  as  "  servitors." 


MARTHA    WASHINGTON. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  105 

Major  Washington's  journal  of  his  tour  on  this  occa 
sion,  brief  as  it  is,  is  a  document  of  great  and  general 
interest.  It  tells,  in  terms  pleasingly  characteristic,  his 
experience  and  observations  in  his  important  mission. 

The  subjoined  extracts,  while  they  illustrate  the  course 
of  our  narrative,  afford  specimens  of  his  unpretending 
but  significant  daily  records. 

TOUR  OVER  THE  ALLEGHANY  MOUNTAINS. 

"  I  was  commissioned  and  appointed  by  the  Honorable 
Robert  Dinwiddie,  Esq.,  Governor  of  Virginia,  to  visit  and 
deliver  a  letter  to  the  commandant  of  the  French  forces 
on  the  Ohio,  and  set  out  on  the  intended  journey  on  the 
same  day.  The  next  I  arrived  at  Fredericksburg  and  en 
gaged  Mr.  Jacob  Vanbraam  to  be  my  French  interpreter, 
and  proceeded  with  him  to  Alexandria,  where  we  provided 
necessaries.  From  thence  we  went  to  Winchester  and 
got  baggage,  horses,  etc.;  and  from  thence  we  pursued 
the  new  road  to  Wills  Creek,  where  we  arrived  on  the 
I4th  of  November.  *  *  * 

"  The  excessive  rains  and  vast  quantity  of  snow  which 
had  fallen  prevented  our  reaching  Mr.  Frazier's,  an  Indian 
trader,  at  the  mouth  of  Turtle  creek,  on  the  Monongahela 
river,  until  Thursday  the  twenty-second.  *  *  * 

"  The  waters  were  quite  impassable  without  swimming 
our  horses,  which  obliged  us  to  get  the  loan  of  a  canoe 
from  Frazier,  and  to  send  Barnaby  Currin  and  Henry 
Steward*  down  the  Monongahela  with  our  baggage,  to 
meet  us  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  about  ten  miles;  there  to 
cross  the  Alleghany. 

*  These  persons  were  two  of  the  four  hired  "  servitors."  Barnaby 
Currin  was  an  Indian  trader. 


106  WASHINGTON. 

"As  I  got  down  before  the  canoe,  I  spent  some  time  in 
viewing  the  rivers  and  the  land  in  the  Fork,  which  I  think 
extremely  well  situated  for  a  fort,  as  it  has  the  absolute 
command  of  both  rivers.  The  land  at  the  point  is  twenty 
or  twenty-five  feet  above  the  common  surface  of  the  water, 
and  a  considerable  bottom  of  flat,  well-timbered  land 
around  it,  very  convenient  for  building.  The  rivers  are 
each  a  quarter  of  a  mile  or  more  across,  and  run  here  very 
nearly  at  right  angles;  Alleghany  bearing  northeast,  and 
Monongahela  southeast.  The  former  of  these  two  is  a 
very  rapid  and  swift-running  water;  the  other  deep  and 
still,  without  any  perceptible  fall. 

"About  two  miles  from  this,  on  the  southeast  side  of 
the  river,  at  the  place  where  the  Ohio  Company  intended 
to  erect  a  fort,  lives  Shingiss,  King  of  the  Delawares.  We 
called  upon  him  to  invite  him  to  council  at  Logstown. 

"As  I  had  taken  a  good  deal  of  notice  yesterday  of  the 
situation  at  the  Fork,  my  curiosity  led  me  to  examine 
this  more  particularly,  and  I  think  it  greatly  inferior,  either 
for  defense  or  advantages  —  especially  the  latter.  For 
a  fort  at  the  Fork  would  be  equally  well  situated  on  the 
Ohio  and  have  the  entire  command  of  the  Monongahela, 
which  runs  up  our  settlement,  and  is  extremely  well 
designed  for  water  carriage  as  it  is  of  a  deep,  still  nature. 
Besides,  a  fort  at  the  Fork*  might  be  built  at  much  less 
expense  than  at  the  other  places.  *  *  * 

"  Shingiss  attended  us  to  the  Logstown,  where  we  ar 
rived  between  sunsetting  and  dark,  the  twenty-fifth  day 
after  I  left  Williamsburg.  *  *  * 

"As  soon  as  I  came  into  town,  I  went  to  Monacatoocha 
(as  the  Half-King  was  out  at  his  hunting  cabin  on  Little 
Beaver  creek,  about  fifteen  miles  off),  and  informed  him 

*  The  spot  here  designated  is  the  site  of  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  107 

by  John  Davidson,  my  Indian  interpreter,  that  I  was  sent 
a  messenger  to  the  French  general,  and  was  ordered  to 
call  upon  the  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  acquaint 
them  with  it.  I  gave  him  a  string  of  wampum  and  a 
twist  of  tobacco,  and  desired  him  to  send  for  the  Half- 
King  (which  he  promised  to  do,  by  a  runner,  in  the  morn 
ing),  and  for  other  sachems.  I  invited  him  and  the  other 
great  men  present  to  my  tent,  where  they  stayed  about 
an  hour  and  returned.  *  *  * 

"  November  25th.  Came  to  town  four  of  ten  French 
men,  who  had  deserted  from  a  company  at  the  Kuskuskas, 
which  lies  at  the  mouth  of  this  river.  *  *  * 

"  I  inquired  into  the  situation  of  the  French  on  the 
Mississippi,  their  numbers  and  what  forts  they  had  built. 
They  informed  me  that  there  were  four  small  forts  be 
tween  New  Orleans  and  the  Black  Islands,  garrisoned 
with  about  thirty  or  forty  men  and  a  few  small  pieces  in 
each* ;  that  at  New  Orleans,  which  is  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  there  are  thirty-five  companies  of  forty  men 
each,  with  a  pretty  strong  fort  mounting  eight  carriage 
guns;  and  at  the  Black  Islands  there  are  several  com 
panies  and  a  fort  with  six  guns. 

"  The  Black  Islands  are  about  130  leagues  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio,  which  is  about  350  above  New 
Orleans.  They  also  acquainted  me  that  there  was  a 
small  palisadoed  fort  on  the  Ohio  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Obaish,  about  sixty  leagues  from  the  Mississippi. 
The  Obaish  heads  near  the  west  end  of  Lake  Erie  and 
affords  the  communication  between  the  French  on  the 
Mississippi  and  those  on  the  lakes.  The  deserters  came 
up  from  the  lower  Shannoah  town  with  one  Brown,  an 
Indian  trader,  and  were  going  to  Philadelphia. 

"About  3  o'clock  this  evening  the  Half-King  came  to 


108  WASHINGTON. 

town.     *     *     *     He  told  me  he  was  received  in  a  very 
stern  manner  by  the  late  [French]  commander. 

"26th.  We  met  in  council  at  the  long  house  about  9 
o'clock  where  I  spoke  to  them  as  follows : 

"  '  Brothers. —  I  have  called  you  together  in  council 
by  order  of  your  brother,  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  to 
acquaint  you  that  I  am  sent  with  all  possible  dispatch  to 
visit  and  deliver  a  letter  to  the  French  commandant  of 
very  great  importance  to  your  brothers,  the  English,  and 
I  dare  say  to  you,  their  friends  and  allies. 

" '  I  was  desired,  brothers,  by  your  brother,  the  Gov 
ernor,  to  call  upon  you,  the  sachems  of  the  nations,  to 
inform  you  of  it  and  to  ask  your  advice  and  assistance 
to  proceed  the  nearest  and  best  road  to  the  French.  You 
see,  brothers,  I  have  gotten  thus  far  on  my  journey. 

" '  His  Honor  likewise  desired  mei  to  apply  to  you  for 
some  of  your  young  men  to  conduct  and  provide  provi 
sions  for  us  on  our  way  and  be  a  safeguard  against  those 
French  Indians  who  have  taken  up  the  hatchet  against 
us.  I  have  spoken  thus  particularly  to  you,  brothers, 
because  his  Honor,  our  Governor,  treats  you  as  good 
friends  and  allies,  and  holds  you  in  great  esteem.  To 
confirm  what  I  have  said  I  give  you  this  string  of 
wampum.' 

"  After  they  had  considered  for  some  time  on  the  above 
discourse  the  Half-King  got  up  and  spoke: 

'  Now,  my  brother,  in  regard  to  what  my  brother,  the 
Governor,  had  desired  of  me  I  return  you  this  answer : 

'  I  rely  upon  you  as  a  brother  ought  to  do,  as  you 
say  we  are  brothers  and  one  people.  We  shall  put  heart 
in  hand  and  speak  to  our  fathers,  the  French,  concerning 
the  speech  they  made  to  me  and  you  may  depend  that  we 
will  endeavor  to  be  your  guard. 

'  Brother,  as  you  have  asked  my  advice,  I  hope  you 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  109 

will  be  ruled  by  it  and  stay  until  I  can  provide  a  company 
to  go  with  you.  The  French  speech  belt  is  not  here;  I 
have  to  go  for  it  to  my  hunting  cabin.  Likewise  the 
people  whom  I  have  ordered  in  are  not  yet  come  and  can 
not  until  the  third  night  from  this;  until  which  time, 
brother,  I  must  beg  you  to  stay. 

' '  I  intend  to  send  the  guard  of  Mingoes,  Shannoahsr 
and  Delawares,  that  our  brothers  may  see  the  love  and 
loyalty  we  bear  them.' 

"As  I  had  orders  to  make  all  possible  dispatch  and 
waiting  here  was  very  contrary  to  my  inclination,  I 
thanked  him  in  the  most  suitable  manner  I  could,  and  told 
him  that  my  business  required  the  greatest  expedition, 
and  would  not  admit  of  that  delay.  *  *  * 

"  30th.  We  set  out  about  9  o'clock  with  the  Half-King, 
Jeskakatke,  White  Thunder,  and  the  Hunter,  and  traveled 
on  the  road  to  Venango,  where  we  arrived  on  the  fourth 
of  December,  without  anything  remarkable  happening 
but  a  continued  series  of  bad  weather. 

"  This  is  an  old  Indian  town  situated  at  the  mouth  of 
French  creek,  on  the  Ohio,  and  lies  near  north,  about 
sixty  miles  from  the  Logstown,  but  more  than  seventy 
the  way  we  were  obliged  to  go. 

"  We  found  the  French  colors  hoisted  at  a  house  from 
which  they  had  driven  Mr.  John  Frazier,  an  English 
subject.  I  immediately  repaired  to  it  to  know  where  the 
commander  resided.  There  were  three  officers,  one  of 
whom,  Captain  Joncaire,  informed  me  that  he  had  the 
command  on  the  Ohio,  but  that  there  was  a  general 
officer  at  the  near  fort,  where  he  advised  me  to  apply  for 
an  answer.  He  invited  us  to  sup  with  them  and  treated 
us  with  the  greatest  complaisance. 

"  The  wine,  as  they  dosed  themselves  pretty  plentifully 
with  it,  soon  banished  the  restraint  which  at  first  appeared 


HO  WASHINGTON. 

in  their  conversation  and  gave  a  license  to  their  tongues 
to  reveal  their  sentiments  more  freely. 

"  They  told  me  that  it  was  their  absolute  design  to  take 
possession  of  the  Ohio,  and  by  G — d  they  would  do  it, 
for,  that  although  they  were  sensible  the  English  could 
raise  two  men  for  their  one,  they  knew  their  motions 
were  too  slow  and  dilatory  to  prevent  any  undertaking 
of  theirs. 

"  They  pretend  to  have  an  undoubted  right  to  the  river 
from  a  discovery  made  by  one  La  Salle  sixty  years  ago ; 
and  the  rise  of  this  expedition  is  to  prevent  our  settling 
on  the  river  or  waters  of  it,  as  they  heard  of  some  fami 
lies  moving  out  in  order  thereto. 

"  From  the  best  intelligence  I  could  get  there  have  been 
1,500  men  on  this  side  of  Ontario  lake.  But  upon  the 
death  of  the  general  all  were  recalled  to  about  600  or  700, 
who  were  left  to  garrison  four  forts,  150  or  thereabout  in 
<each.  The  first*  of  them  is  on  French  creek,  near  a  small 
lake  about  sixty  miles  from  Venango  near  north-north 
west;  the  next  lies  on  Lake  Erie,  where  the  greater  part 
of  their  stores  is  kept,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  other. 
From  this  it  is  120  miles  to  the  carrying-place  at  the  Falls 
of  Lake  Erie,  where  there  is  a  small  fort  at  which  they 
lodge  their  goods  in  bringing  them  from  Montreal,  the 
place  from  which  all  their  stores  are  brought. 

"The  next  fort  lies  about  twenty  miles  from  this  on 
Ontario  lake.  Between  this  fort  and  Montreal  there  are 
three  others,  the  first  of  which  is  nearly  opposite  to  the 
English  fort  Oswego.  From  the  fort  on  Lake  Erie  to 
Montreal  is  about  600  miles,  which,  they  say,  requires  no 

*[This  first  fort,  within  fifteen  miles  of  Lake  Erie,  was  the  final 
point  of  the  journey;  it  was  about  560  miles  from  Williamsburg. 
The  journey  to  it  had  taken  forty-one  days.] 


UFE  AND  TIMES.  HI 

more  (if  good  weather)  than  four  weeks'  voyage  if  they 
go  in  barks  or  large  vessels  so  that  they  may  cross 
the  lake,  but  if  they  come  in  canoes  it  will  require 
five  or  six  weeks,  for  they  are  obliged  to  keep  under 
the  shore.  *  *  * 

"  December  7th.  Monsieur  La  Force,  commissary  of 
the  French  stores,  and  three  other  soldiers,  came  over  to 
accompany  us  up.  We  found  it  extremely  difficult  to  get 
the  Indians  off  to-day,  as  every  stratagem  had  been  used 
to  prevent  their  going  up  with  me.  *  *  * 

"At  12  o'clock  we  set  out  for  the  fort  and  were  pre 
vented  arriving  there  until  the  eleventh  by  excessive  rains, 
snows,  and  bad  traveling  through  many  mires  and 
swamps.  *  *  * 

"  I2th.  I  prepared  early  to  wait  upon  the  commander 
and  was  received  and  conducted  to  him  by  the  second 
officer  in  command.  I  acquainted  him  with  my  business 
and  offered  my  commission  and  letter,  both  of  which  he 
desired  me  to  keep  until  the  arrival  of  Monsieur  Reparti, 
captain  at  the  next  fort,  who  was  sent  for  and  expected 
every  hour. 

"  This  commander  is  a  knight  of  the  Military  Order  of 
St.  Louis  and  named  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre.  He  is  an 
elderly  gentleman  and  has  much  the  air  of  a  soldier.  He 
was  sent  over  to  take  the  command  immediately  upon  the 
death  of  the  late  general  and  arrived  here  about  seven 
days  before  me. 

"At  2  o'clock  the  gentleman  who  was  sent  for  arrived, 
when  I  offered  the  letter,  etc.,  again,  which  they  received, 
and  adjourned  into  a  private  apartment  for  the  captain 
to  translate,  who  understood  a  little  English.  After  he 
had  done  it  the  commander  desired  I  would  walk  in  and 
bring  my  interpreter  to  peruse  and  correct  it,  which  I 
did. 


112  WASHINGTON. 

"  1 3th.  The  chief  officers  retired  to  hold  a  council  of 
war  which  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  taking  the  dimen 
sions  of  the  fort  and  making  what  observations  I  could. 

"  It  is  situated  on  the  south  or  west  fork  of  French 
creek,  near  the  water,  and  is  almost  surrounded  by  the 
creek  and  a  small  branch  of  it,  which  form  a  kind  of 
island.  Four  houses  compose  the  sides.  The  bastions 
are  made  of  piles  driven  in  the  ground,  standing  more 
than  twelve  feet  above  it  and  sharp  at  top  with  port  holes 
cut  for  cannon,  and  loop  holes  for  the  small  arms  to  fire 
through.  There  are  eight  six-pound  pieces  mounted  in 
each  bastion  and  one  piece  of  four  pound  before  the  gate. 
In  the  bastions  are  a  guardhouse,  chapel,  doctor's  lodg 
ing,  and  the  commander's  private  store,  round  which  are 
laid  platforms  for  the  cannon  and  men  to  stand  on.  There 
are  several  barracks  without  the  fort  for  the  soldiers* 
dwellings,  covered,  some  with  bark  and  some  with  boards, 
made  chiefly  of  logs.  There  are  also  several  other  houses, 
such  as  stables,  smith's  shop,  etc. 

"  I  could  get  no  certain  account  of  the  number  of  men 
here,  but,  according  to  the  best  judgment  I  could  form, 
there  are  a  hundred,  exclusive  of  officers,  of  whom  there 
are  many.  *  *  * 

"  I4th.  As  the  snow  increased  very  fast,  and  our  horses 
daily  became  weaker,  I  sent  them  off  unloaded,  *  *  * 
intending  myself,  to  go  down  by  water.  *  *  * 

[The  return  from  the  French  station  was  with  a  canoe, 
plentifully  stocked  with  provisions,  liquors,  and  all  needed 
supplies,  through  the  courtesy  of  the  French  com 
mandant.] 

"  I  was  inquiring  of  the  commariBer  by  what  authority 
he  had  made  prisoners  of  several  of  our  English  subjects : 
He  told  me  that  the  country  belonged  to  them,  that  no 
Englishman  had  a  right  to  trade  upon  those  waters,  and 


LIRE  AND  TIMES.  113 

that  he  had  orders  to  make  every  person  prisoner  who  at 
tempted  it  on  the  Ohio  or  the  waters  of  it.  *  *  •  * 

"  This  evening  I  received  an  answer  to  his  Honor  the 
Governor's  letter,  from  the  commandant. 

"  1 5th.  The  commandant  ordered  a  plentiful  store  of 
liquor  and  provisions  to  be  put  on  board  our  canoes,  and 
appeared  to  be  extremely  complaisant,  though  he  was  ex 
erting  every  artifice  that  he  could  invent  to  set  our  Indians 
at  variance  with  us  and  prevent  their  going  until  after  our 
departure,  presents,  rewards,  and  everything  that  could  be 
suggested  by  him  or  his  officers. 

"  I  cannot  say  that  ever  in  my  life  I  suffered  so  much 
anxiety  as  I  did  in  this  affair.  I  saw  that  every  stratagem 
which  the  most  fruitful  brain  could  invent  was  practiced  to 
win  the  Half-King  to  their  interest.  *  *  * 

"  i6th.  We  had  a  tedious  and  very  fatiguing  passage 
down  the  creek.  Several  times  we  had  like  to  have  been 
staved  against  rocks,  and  many  times  were  obliged,  all 
hands,  to  get  out  and  remain  in  the  water  half  an  hour  or 
more,  getting  over  the  shoals.  At  one  place  the  ice  had 
lodged  and  made  it  impassable  by  water ;  we  were  therefore 
obliged  to  carry  our  canoe  across  the  neck  of  land,  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  over.  We  did  not  reach  Venango  until  the  twenty- 
second,  where  we  met  with  our  horses.  *  *  * 

"  23d.  Our  horses  were  now  so  weak  and  feeble  and  the 
baggage  so  heavy  (as  we  were  obliged  to  provide  all  the 
necessaries  which  the  journey  would  require),  that  we 
doubted  much  their  performing  it.  Therefore  myself  and 
others,  except  the  drivers  who  were  obliged  to  ride,  gave 
up  our  horses  for  packs  to  assist  along  with  the  baggage. 

"  I  put  myself  in  an  Indian  walking  dress  and  continued 

with  them  three  days,  until  I  found  there  was  no  probability 

of  their  getting  home  in  any  reasonable  time.    The  horses 

became  less  able  to  travel  every  day,  the  cold  increased 

8 


114  WASHINGTON. 

very  fast,  and  the  roads  were  becoming  much  worse  by  a 
deep  snow  continually  freezing,  therefore  as  I  was  un 
easy  to  get  back  to  make  report  of  my  proceedings  to 
his  Honor  the  Governor,  I  determined  to  prosecute  my 
journey  the  nearest  way  through  the  woods  on  foot. 

"Accordingly  I  left  Mr.  Vanbraam  in  charge  of  our  bag 
gage,  with  money  and  directions  to  provide  necessaries 
from  place  to  place  for  themselves  and  horses  and  to  make 
the  most  convenient  dispatch  in  traveling. 

"  I  took  my  necessary  papers,  pulled  off  my  clothes,  and 
tied  myself  up  in  a  matchcoat.  ^Then  with  gun  in  hand  and 
pack  on  my  back  in  which  were  my  papers  and  provisions, 
I  set  out  with  Mr.  Gist,  fitted  in  the  same  manner,  on  Wed 
nesday,  the  twenty-sixth. 

"  The  day  following  just  after  we  had  passed  a  place 
called  Murdering  Town  (where  we  intended  to  quit  the  path 
and  steer  across  the  country  for  Shannopin's  Town),  we 
fell  in  with  a  party  of  French  Indians  who  had  lain  in  wait 
for  us.  One  of  them  fired  at  Mr.  Gist  or  me  not  fifteen 
steps  off  but  fortunately  missed.  We  took  this  fellow  into 
custody  and  kept  him  until  about  9  o'clock  at  night,  then 
let  him  go  and  walked  all  the  remaining  part  of  the  night 
without  making  any  stop  that  we  might  get  the  start  so  far 
as  to  be  dut  of  the  reach  of  their  pursuit  the  next  day,  since 
we  were  well  assured  they  would  follow  our  track  as  soon 
as  it  was  light. 

"  The  next  day  we  continued  traveling  until  quite  dark, 
and  got  to  the  river  about  two  miles  above  Shannopin's. 
We  expected  to  find  the  river  frozen,  but  it  was  not,  only 
about  fifty  yards  from  each  shore.  The  ice,  I  suppose,  had 
broken  up  above  for  it  was  driving  in  vast  quantities. 

"  There  was  no  way  for  getting  over  but  on  a  raft  which 
we  set  about  with  but  one  poor  hatchet  and  finished  just  af 
ter  sunsetting.  This  was  a  whole  day's  work,  we  next  got 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  115 

it  launched  then  went  on  board  of  it  and  set  off.  But  be 
fore  we  were  half  way  over  we  were  jammed  in  the  ice  in 
such  a  manner  that  we  expected  every  moment  our  raft  to 
sink  and  ourselves  to  perish.  I  put  out  my  setting  pole 
to  try  to  stop  the  raft  that  the  ice  might  pass  by,  when  the 
rapidity  of  the  stream  threw  it  with  so  much  violence  against 
the  pole  that  it  jerked  me  out  into  ten  feet  of  water,  but  I 
fortunately  saved  myself  by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the 
raft  logs.  Notwithstanding  all  our  efforts  we  could  not 
get  to  either  shore  but  were  obliged  as  we  were  near  an 
island  to  quit  our  raft  and  make  to  it. 

"  The  cold  was  so  extremely  severe  that  Mr.  Gist  had 
all  his  ringers  and  some  of  his  toes  frozen,  and  the  water 
was  shut  up  so  hard  that  we  found  no  difficulty  in  getting 
off  the  island  on  the  ice  in  the  morning  and  went  to  Mr. 
Frazier's.  We  met  here  with  twenty  warriors  who  were 
going  to  the  southward  to  war,  but  coming  to  a  place  on 
the  head  of  the  Great  Kenhawa  where  they  found  seven 
people  killed  and  scalped  (all  but  one  woman  with  very 
light  hair),  they  turned  about  and  ran  back  for  fear  the  in 
habitants  should  rise  and  take  them  as  the  authors  of  the 
murder.  They  report  that  the  bodies  were  lying  about  the 
house  and  some  of  them  much  torn  and  eaten  by  the  hogs. 
By  the  marks  which  were  left  they  say  they  were  French 
Indians  of  the  Ottaway  nation  who  did  it. 

"As  we  intended  to  take  horses  here  and  it  required 
some  time  to  find  them,  I  went  up  about  three  miles  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Youghiogheny  to  visit  Queen  Aliquippa,  who 
had  expressed  great  concern  that  we  passed  her  in  going 
to  the  fort.  I  made  her  a  present  of  a  matchcoat  and  a 
bottle  of  rum,  which  latter  was  thought  much  the  better 
present  of  the  two. 

"  Tuesday,  the  ist  of  January  (1754),  we  left  Mr.  Frazier's 
house   and  arrived  at   Mr.    Gist's,   at   Monongahela,   the 


H6  WASHINGTON. 

second,  where  I  bought  a  horse  and  saddle.  The  sixth,  we 
met  seventeen  horses  loaded  with  materials  and  stores  for 
a  fort  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  and  the  day  after  some 
families  going  out  to  settle.  This  day  we  arrived  at  Wills 
Creek,  after  as  fatiguing  a  journey  as  it  is  possible  to  con 
ceive,  rendered  so  by  excessive  bad  weather. 

"  From  the  first  day  of  December  to  the  fifteenth  there 
was  but  one  day  on  which  it  did  not  rain  or  snow  inces 
santly,  and  throughout  the  whole  journey  we  met  with  noth 
ing  but  one  continued  series  of  cold,  wet  weather,  which 
occasioned  very  uncomfortable  lodgings,  especially  after  we 
had  quitted  our  tent,  which  was  some  screen  from  the  in 
clemency  of  it. 

"  On  the  eleventh,  I  got  to  Belvoir  where  I  stopped  one 
day  to  take  necessary  rest,  and  then  set  out  and  arrived  in 
Williamsburg  the  sixteenth,  when  I  waited  upon  his  Honor 
the  Governor, with  the  letter  I  had  brought  from  the  French 
commandant,  and  to  give  an  account  of  the  success  of  my 
proceedings." 

Captain  Gist  also  kept  a  journal  of  this  expedition.*  And 
some  passages  of  it  afford  an  interesting  commentary  on 
what  Washington  has  more  briefly  recorded : 

"  Wednesday,  26th.  The  major  desired  me  to  set  out  on 
foot  and  leave  our  company  as  the  creeks  were  frozen  and 
our  horses  could  make  but  little  way.  Indeed,  I  was  un 
willing  he  should  undertake  such  a  travel  who  had  never 
been  used  to  walking  before  this  time.  But  as  he  insisted 
on  it  we  set  out  with  our  packs,  like  Indians,  and  traveled 
eighteen  miles.  That  night  we  lodged  at  an  Indian  cabin 
and  the  major  was  much  fatigued.  It  was  very  cold.  All 

*  Published  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Third  Series, 
vol.  V. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  117 

the  small  runs  were  frozen  so  that  we  could  hardly  get  water 
to  drink. 

"  Thursday,  27th.  We  rose  early  in  the  morning  and  set 
out  about  2  o'clock.  Got  to  Murdering  Town,  on  the 
southeast  fork  of  Beaver  creek.  Here  we  met  with  an  In 
dian  whom  I  thought  I  had  seen  at  Joncaire's,  at  Venango, 
when  on  our  journey  up  to  the  French  fort.  This  fellow 
called  me  by  my  Indian  name  and  pretended  to  be  glad  to 
see  me.  He  asked  us  several  questions,  as,  how  we  came 
to  travel  on  foot,  when  we  left  Venango,  where  we  parted 
with  our  horses,  and  when  they  would  be  there.  Major 
Washington  insisted  on  traveling  the  nearest  way  to  the 
forks  of  the  Alleghany.  We  asked  the  Indian  if  he  could 
go  with  us  and  show  us  the  nearest  way.  The  Indian 
seemed  very  glad  and  ready  to  go  with  us.  Upon  which 
we  set  out,  and  the  Indian  took  the  major's  pack.  We 
traveled  very  briskly  for  eight  or  ten  miles  when  the  major's 
feet  grew  sore  and  he  very  weary,  and  the  Indian  steered 
too  much  northeastwardly. 

"  The  major  desired  to  encamp  on  which  the  Indian 
asked  to  carry  his  gun.  But  he  refused  that  and  then 
the  Indian  grew  churlish  and  pressed  us  to  keep  on, 
telling  us  that  there  were  Ottawa  Indians  in  these  woods 
and  that  they  would  scalp  us  if  we  lay  out,  but  to  go  to 
his  cabin  and  we  should  be  safe.  I  thought  very  ill  of  the 
fellow  but  did  not  care  to  let  the  major  know  I  mistrusted 
him.  But  soon  he  mistrusted  him  as  much  as  I.  He  said 
he  could  hear  a  gun  to  his  cabin  and  steered  us  more 
northwardly.  We  grew  uneasy,  and  then  he  said  that  two 
whoops  might  be  heard  to  his  cabin.  We  went  two  miles 
farther.  Then  the  major  said  he  would  stay  at  the  next 
water,  and  we  desired  the  Indian  to  stop  at  the  next 
water.  But  before  we  came  to  water  we  came  to  a  clear 
meadow.  It  was  very  light  and  there  was  snow  on  the 


118  WASHINGTON. 

ground.  The  Indian  made  a  stop  and  turned  about.  The 
major  saw  him  point  his  gun  toward  us  and  fire.  Said 
the  major,  '  Are  you  shot? '  '  No/  said  I.  Upon  this  the 
Indian  ran  forward  to  a  big  standing  white  oak  and  went 
to  loading  his  gun,  but  we  were  soon  with  him.  I  would 
have  killed  him  but  the  major  would  not  suffer  me  to  kill 
him. 

"  We  let  him  charge  his  gun.  We  found  he  put  in  a 
ball.  Then  we  took  care  of  him.  The  major  or  I  always 
stood  by  the  guns.  We  made  the  Indian  make  a  fire  for  us 
by  a  little  run,  as  if  we  intended  to  sleep  there.  I  said  to 
the  major,  'As  you  will  not  have  him  killed  we  must  get 
him  away  and  then  we  must  travel  all  night/  Upon  this 
I  said  to  the  Indian,  '  I  suppose  you  were  lost,  and  fired 
your  gun/  He  said  that  he  knew  the  way  to  his  cabin  and 
that  it  was  but  a  little  way.  '  Well/  said  I,  '  do  you  go 
home,  and  as  we  are  much  tired,  we  will  follow  your  track 
in  the  morning,  and  here  is  a  cake  of  bread  for  you  and 
you  must  give  us  meat  in  the  morning.'  He  was  glad  to 
get  away.  I  followed  him  and  listened  until  he  was  fairly 
out  of  the  way.  Then  we  set  out  about  half  a  mile,  when 
we  made  a  fire,  set  our  compass  and  fixed  our  course,  and 
traveled  all  night.  In  the  morning  we  were  at  the  head  of 
Piney  creek. 

"  Friday,  28th.  We  traveled  all  the  next  day  down  the 
said  creek,  and  just  at  night  we  found  some  tracks  where 
Indians  had  been  hunting.  We  parted  and  appointed  a 
place,  a  distance  off  where  to  meet,  it  being  then  dark.  We 
encamped  and  thought  ourselves  safe  enough  to  sleep. 

"  Saturday,  29th.  We  set  out  early,  got  to  Alleghany, 
made  a  raft  and  with  much  difficulty  got  over  to  an  island 
a  little  above  Shannopin's  Town.  The  major  having  fallen 
in  from  off  the  raft,  and  my  fingers  being  frost-bitten,  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  119 

the  sun  down  and  it  being  very  cold,  we  contented  our 
selves  to  encamp  upon  the  island.  It  was  deep  water  be 
tween  us  and  the  shore,  but  the  cold  did  us  some  service 
for  in  the  morning  it  was  frozen  hard  enough  for  us  to  pass 
over  on  the  ice." 

Thus  was  this  expedition  accomplished  through  rain  and 
snow,  in  mid-winter,  in,  intensely  cold  weather,  and  amid 
sufferings  and  perils  that  required  the  constant  exercise 
of  extraordinary  resolution,  fortitude,  and  endurance. 

The  future  chief,  habited  like  an  Indian,  with  his  gun  in 
his  hand  and  his  pack  on  his  back,  traversing  the  trackless 
wilderness,  attended  by  only  one  companion,  making  his 
way  through  "  many  mires  and  swamps,"  fording  streams, 
struggling  for  his  life  in  the  rapid  current  of  a  river, 
sometimes  carrying  his  canoe,  and  "  many  times  obliged 
to  remain  in  the  water  half  an  hour  or  more,  getting  over 
shoals,"  camping  out  in  the  woods  and  fields,  encompassed 
by  hostile  savages,  amid  hardships  almost  beyond  the 
power  of  his  iron  constitution  to  endure,  and  exposed 
to  the  danger  of  instant  death  by  the  rifle  of  his  treacherous 
Indian  guide !  Who  can  fail  to  recognize  here  the  Divine 
Hand  that  preserved  him  amid  all  his  sufferings  and  dan 
gers,  and  that  turned  aside  the  deadly  ball  aimed  at  him? 
And  who  can  fail  to  admire  in  his  treatment  of  a  mur 
derous  savage  his  noble  generosity  of  soul. 

Washington's  Journal  was  submitted  to  Governor  Din- 
widdie.  The  conduct  of  the  young  major  met  with  his  Ex 
cellency's  entire  approval,  and  created  also  a  general  senti 
ment  of  admiration. 

[Washington's  journal  of  his  expedition  to  the  Ohio 
to  challenge  the  right  of  French  troops  to  trespass  on 
ground  claimed  by  England  was  at  once  printed,  in  Vir 
ginia  and  in  England,  and  made  him  known  to  all  who 


120  WASHINGTON. 

took  note  in  Europe  of  world  movements.  Sparks  says 
here: 

"  To  make  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  people, 
and  if  possible  to  work  them  up  to  some  degree  of  enthu 
siasm,  and  excite  their  indignation  against  the  invaders, 
Governor  Dinwiddie  caused  Major  Washington's  journal 
to  be  published.  It  was  copied  into  nearly  all  the  news 
papers  of  the  other  Colonies.  In  London  it  was  reprinted, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  government,  and  accounted  a 
document  of  much  importance,  as  unfolding  the  views  of 
the  French,  and  announcing  the  iirst  positive  proof  of  their 
hostile  acts  in  the  disputed  territory." 

Governor  Dinwiddie  was  convinced  by  the  report  of  his 
emissary  that  the  French  were  preparing  to  appear  in 
force  on  the  Ohio  the  next  spring,  and  that  prompt  meas 
ures  to  anticipate  the  French  movements  were  necessary. 
He  summoned  the  Virginia  Legislature  to  meet  at  an 
early  day,  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  Dominion,  as 
Virginia  was  then  called.  He  also  wrote  letters  to  the 
governors  of  the  other  provinces  calling  on  them  for  aid, 
in  view  of  the  common  danger.  To  New  York  and  the 
New  England  Colonies  he  suggested  the  sending  of  troops 
toward  Canada,  for  the  effect  that  it  might  have  to  pre 
vent  the  French  commander  there  from  sending  reinforce 
ments  to  the  Ohio.  The  proceeding  looked  in  the  direc 
tion  of  union,  not  to  say  distinct  confederation. 

"  These  appeals,"  says  Sparks,  "  were  of  little  avail ;  the 
governors  had  received  no  instructions ;  funds  for  military 
objects  were  not  at  their  disposal ;  and  the  assemblies  were 
slow  to  impose  taxes  even  for  the  support  of  their  own 
governments.  Some  persons  doubted  the  authority  of  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  to  meddle  in  so  grave  a  matter; 
others  were  not  convinced  that  the  French  had  encroached 
upon  the  King's  lands ;  and  others  regarded  it  as  a  national 


WASHINGTON    ON   HIS   MISSION    TO    THE    OHIO. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  121 

concern,  in  which  the  Colonies  had  no  right  to  interfere 
without  direct  orders  and  assistance  from  the  King.  If 
treaties  have  been  violated,  said  they,  it  is  not  for  us  to 
avenge  the  insult  and  precipitate  a  war  by  our  zeal  and 
rashness. 

"  In  short,  the  call  was  premature,  and  there  was  little 
hope  of  co-operation  from  the  other  Colonies.  Messen 
gers  were  dispatched  to  the  southern  Indians,  the  Catawbas 
and  Cherokees,  inviting  them  to  join  in  repelling  a  com 
mon  enemy,  who  had  already  engaged  in  their  behalf  the 
powerful  nations  of  Chippewas  and  Ottowas.  Reliance 
was  also  placed  on  the  friendship  of  the  Twigtwees,  Dela- 
wares,  and  other  tribes  beyond  the  Ohio. 

"  When  the  Assembly  met,  a  difference  of  opinion  pre 
vailed  as  to  the  measures  that  ought  to  be  pursued;  but 
£10,000  were  finally  voted  for  the  defense  of  the  Colony, 
cloaked  under  the  title  of  an  act  "  for  the  encouragement 
and  protection  of  the  settlers  on  the  Mississippi."  The 
Governor's  equanimity  was  severely  tried.  The  King's 
prerogative  and  his  own  dignity  he  thought  were  not 
treated  with  due  respect.  So  obtuse  were  some  of  the 
burgesses  that  they  could  not  perceive  the  justice  of  the 
King's  claims  to  the  lands  in  question,  and  they  had  the 
boldness  to  let  their  doubts  be  known  in  a  full  assembly. 
"  You  may  well  conceive,"  said  the  Governor  in  writing 
to  a  friend,  "  how  I  fired  at  this ;  that  an  English  Legisla 
ture  should  presume  to  doubt  the  right  of  His  Majesty 
to  the  interior  parts  of  this  continent,  the  back  of  his  do 
minions."  And,  alluding  to  one  of  the  members,  he  added, 
"  How  this  French  spirit  could  possess  a  person  of  his  high 
distinction  and  sense,  I  know  not."  Another  point  was 
still  more  annoying  to  him.  The  Assembly  appointed 
commissioners  to  superintend  the  appropriation  of  the 
funds.  This  act  he  took  as  a  slight  to  himself,  since  by 


122  WASHINGTON. 

virtue  of  his  office  the  disposal  of  money  for  public  uses 
ougKt  to  rest  exclusively  with  the  Governor.  Such  was 
his  view  of  the  matter,  and  he  declared  that  nothing  but 
the  extreme  urgency  of  the  case  should  have  induced  him 
to  sign  the  bill. 

"  To  the  Earl  of  Holdernesse  he  complained  of  the  way 
ward  temper  and  strange  doings  of  the  Assembly.  "  I  am 
sorry  to  find  them,"  said  he,  "  very  much  in  a  republican 
way  of  thinking;  and,  indeed,  they  do  not  act  in  a  proper 
constitutional  way,  but  make  encroachments  on  the  pre 
rogative  of  the  crown,  in  which  some  former  governors 
have  submitted  too  much  to  them;  and,  I  fear,  without  a 
very  particular  instruction,  it  will  be  difficult  to  bring 
them  to  order."] 

By  order  of  the  Governor  and  council  two  companies  of 
a  hundred  men  each  were  raised  in  the  northern  countries 
and  Major  Washington  was  intrusted  with  the  chief  com 
mand  of  them.  His  journal  was  published  by  order  of  the 
Governor,  was  widely  circulated  in  Virginia  and  other  col 
onies,  and  was  reprinted  in  England,  at  the  instance  of  the 
British  government  as  an  unmasking  of  the  secret  and  un 
warrantable  designs  of  France. 

Supplied  with  the  appropriation  for  "  the  encourage 
ment  and  protection  of  settlers  on  the  Mississippi,  the 
Governor  increased  the  number  of  companies  to  six,  of 
fifty  men  each.  Major  Washington  was  spoken  of  as  the 
most  suitable  leader  of  the  proposed  enterprise  in  which 
these  companies  were  to  be  engaged,  but  in  a  manner 
worthy  of  his  character,  he  declined  the  post. 

In  a  letter  to  Richard  Corbin,  a  member  of  the  Governor's 
council,  he  says  (March,  1754): 

"  In  a  conversation  with  you  at  Green  Spring  you  gave 
me  some  room  to  hope  for  a  commission  above  that  of 
major,  and  to  be  ranked  among  the  chief  officers  of  this 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  123 

expedition.  The  command  of  the  whole  forces  is  what  I 
neither  look  for,  expect,  nor  desire,  for  I  must  be  impartial 
enough  to  confess  it  is  a  charge  too  great  for  my  youth 
and  inexperience  to  be  intrusted  with. 

"  Knowing  this,  I  have  too  sincere  a  love  for  my  country 
to  undertake  that  which  may  tend  to  the  prejudice  of  it. 
But  if  I  could  entertain  hopes  that  you  thought  me  worthy 
of  the  post  of  lieutenant-colonel,  and  would  favor  me  so  far 
as  to  mention  it  at  the  appointment  of  officers  I  could  not 
but  entertain  a  true  sense  of  the  kindness. 

"  I  flatter  myself  that  under  a  skillful  commander,  or 
man  of  sense  —  whom  I  most  sincerely  wish  to  serve  under 
—  with  my  own  application  and  diligent  study  of  my  duty 
I  shall  be  able  to  conduct  my  steps  without  censure  and 
in  time  render  myself  worthy  of  the  promotion  that  I 
shall  be  favored  with  now.'** 

[The  reply  of  Mr.  Corbin,  acknowledged  by  Washing 
ton  from  Alexandria,  March  20,  1754,  was :  "  Dear 
George:  I  enclose  you  your  commission.  God  prosper 
you  with  it.  Your  Friend,  Richard  Corbin."] 

The  newly  raised  companies  were  placed  under  Col. 
Joshua  Fry  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Washington. 

Large  grants  of  land  on  the  Ohio  river  were  promised 
as  a  bounty  to  the  troops.  The  British  ministry  also  au 
thorized  the  Governor  to  summon  two  companies  from 
New  York  and  one  from  South  Carolina,  and  North  Caro 
lina  voted  supplies  and  troops. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Washington  having  collected  at  Al 
exandria  by  enlistment,  two  companies,  set  out  with  them 
on  the  second  day  of  April  (1754),  and  at  Wills  Creek  he 
was  joined  on  the  twentieth  by  Captain  Stephen  with  an* 
other  company. 

But  soon  intelligence  of  a  daring  outrage  committed 
by  the  French  was  conveyed  to  him.  They  had  descended 


WASHINGTON. 

the  river  from  Venango,  with  a  military  force  said  to  be 
"  upwards  of  a  thousand  men,"  with  eighteen  pieces  of 
cannon,  sixty  bateaux,  and  three  hundred  canoes,  under 
command  of  Captain  Contrecceur,  and  had  expelled  from 
their  post  a  party  acting  under  the  direction  of  the  Ohio 
Company. 

This  company,  an  association  of  Virginia  and  Maryland 
planters  and  London  merchants,  who  proposed  to  settle 
lands  on  the  Ohio,  had  received  from  the  King  in  the  year 
1749  a  grant  of  600  acres,  with  the  exclusive  right  of  trade 
with  the  neighboring  Indians ;  and  had  sent  out  a  party  of 
thirty  men  to  build  a  fort  at  or  near  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio. 

[This  company  was  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Trent,  an  officer  closely  connected  with  the  trader  Cro- 
ghan.] 

Captain  Trent  also  was  occupied  there  in  enlisting  men 
from  among  the  traders  to  form  a  company  that  should 
co-operate  with  the  troops  under  Major  Washington.  But 
at  the  time  when  Captain  Contrecceur  appeared  Captain 
Trent  and  his  lieutenant,  Frazier,  were  absent  and  Ensign 
Ward  was  in  command.  He  had  with  him  no  more  than 
forty-one  men,  including  the  Ohio  Company's  party.  The 
rash  thought  of  resistance  he  could  not  entertain.  At  the 
threatening  as  well  as  peremptory  summons  of  the  French 
captain,  who  allowed  him  but  an  hour  for  consideration,  he 
capitulated.  On  the  next  day  he  proceeded  with  'his  men 
to  the  mouth  of  Redstone  creek. 

The  French  now  seized  the  post  thus  vacated ;  they  com 
pleted  the  unfinished  work,  and  they  named  it,  in  honor  of 
the  Governor-General  of  Canada,  "  Fort  Duquesne/' 

This  flagrant  act,  the  warrant  and  the  signal  for  a  de 
cided  opposition,  was  the  commencement  of  hostilities 
which  continued  for  seven  years  and  which  constitute  what 
is  known  as  the  Seven  Years'  War  (1754-1761),  or  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  125 

French  and  Indian  War,  an  important  period  in  our  ante- 
revolutionary  annals. 

[The  imperialism  which  has  characterized  English  de 
velopments  throughout*  the  world  came  into  play  for  de 
termination  of  the  destiny  of  North  America  at  the  mo 
ment  when  young  Washington  was  just  over  the  threshold 
of  active  life.  The  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  signed  Octo 
ber  18,  1748,  in  confident  hope  of  the  peace  of  Europe, 
left  open  an  immense  possibility  of  contest  in  America 
for  dominion  throughout  the  vast  unsettled  region  over 
which  hung  the  star  of  empire  beyond  the  Alleghanies 
and  from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Gulf.  Within  the  limits 
of  what  England  claimed  as  her  domain,  France  had 
planted  not  only  trading  posts  and  block-houses,  but  a 
score  of  forts,  and  the  eagles  of  conquest  were  on  the 
wing  over  the  forests  from  Canada  to  the  Ohio.  A  num 
ber  of  London  merchants  and  Virginia  adventurers  had 
secured,  in  1749,  a  charter  granting  to  them,  under  the 
name  of  "  the  Ohio  Company,"  half  a  million  acres  of 
land  on  the  Ohio,  upon  condition  of  the  settlement  within 
seven  years  of  100  families,  the  building  of  a  fort  at  their 
own  cost,  and  -the  maintenance  of  defense  against  the  In 
dians.  Thomas  Lee,  president  of  the  council  of  Vir 
ginia,  was  its  first  manager;  Augustine  and  Lawrence 
Washington,  older  half-brothers  of  George  Washington, 
were  in  it,  and  on  Mr.  Lee's  death  the  management  was 
in  the  hands  of  Lawrence  Washington.  But  before  the 
company  could  begin  operations  the  French,  early  in  1749, 
had  begun  to  assert  possession  through  a  deputy  of  the 
Governor  of  Canada,  Celeron  de  Bienville,  at  the  head  of 
300  men.  To  emphasize  this  invasion  the  French  fastened 
upon  trees,  anH  also  buried  in  the  earth,  leaden  plates  in 
scribed  with  tEe  claims  of  France  to  all  the  lands  on  the 
Ohio  and  its  tributaries.  They  also  gave  to  the  Indians 


12$  WASHINGTON. 

presents  and  speeches  of  good-will,  and  warned  them  not 
to  trade  with  the  English.  Traders  from  Pennsylvania 
found  in  the  region  they  challenged  as  intruders,  and  sent 
notifications  to  Governor  Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  that 
English  traders  would  be  vigorously  dealt  with  for  tres 
pass  on  French  domain.  It  was  of  importance  to  Penn 
sylvania  to  preserve  friendship  and  trade  with  the  Indian 
tribes,  and  early  in  October,  1749,  Governor  Hamilton 
sent  George  Croghan,  an  old  and  capable  trader,  to  un 
dertake  to  put  in  execution  plans  for  a  general  council  of 
all  the  Indian  tribes  at  Logstown,  on  the  Ofiio,  in  the 
spring  of  1750.  About  the  same  time  the  Ohio  Company 
dispatched  a  noted  pioneer  and  experienced  woodsman, 
Christopher  Gist,  to  make  exploration  for  lands  on  the 
Ohio  and  its  branches,  to  get  information  of  value  to  set 
tlers,  and  to  deal  with  the  Indian  tribes. 

Both  Croghan  and  Gist  made  their  way  to  Logstown, 
an  Indian  village  a  little  farther  down  the  Ohio  than  the 
site  where  Pittsburg  now  is,  and  the  seat  of  a  Seneca  chief 
of  great  note,  who  was  known  as  the  Half-King,  because 
of  his  subordinate  relation  to  the  great  Iroquois  confed 
eracy  and  his  headship  of  the  mixed  tribes  which  had 
"  gone  West "  to  the  Ohio  and  its  branches  from  the  more 
eastern  seats  of  Indian  power  and  population.  Croghan 
was  at  Logstown  before  Gist,  and  had  gone  thence  into 
the  heart  of  the  Ohio  lands,  to  Muskingum,  and  brought 
together  there  under  the  English  flag  all  the  agents  of  his 
extensive  trade  among  the  Indians.  Gist  overtook  Cro 
ghan  at  Muskingum,  and  at  a  council  of  the  natives  held 
there  gave  them  an  invitation  from  the  Governor  of  Vir 
ginia  to  visit  him  and  receive  a  large  present  of  goods 
sent  by  the  great  English  King  to  his  Ohio  children. 
Visits  by  the  two  English  emissaries  to  the  Delawares 
and  the  Shawnees  on  the  Scioto  met  with  equal  welcome, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  12? 

and  from  thence  the  two  went  north  200  miles  to  the  In 
dian  town  of  Piqua,  beyond  the  Miami  river,  the  seat  of 
the  four  tribes  who  formed  the  most  powerful  confederacy 
of  the  Great  West.  Here  Croghan  secured  engagements 
of  friendship  with  Pennsylvania,  and  Gist  took  pledges 
from  the  chiefs  that  they  would  attend  the  council  at  Logs- 
town  the  next  spring. 

During  the  proceedings  here,  two  Ottawas,  sent  from 
the  French,  appeared  on  the  scene  with  two  kegs  of 
"  milk  "  (i.  e.,  brandy)  and  a  roll  of  ten  pounds  of  tobacco ; 
but  no  impression  was  made  by  these  ambassadors;  on 
the  contrary  they  were  served  with  notice  that  the  tribes 
on  the  Ohio  would  join  the  great  Six  Nations  Indian  con 
federacy,  bordering  on  Lake  Ontario,  in  maintaining 
friendship  with  the  English.  The  Ottawas,  therefore,  tak 
ing  the  "  milk  "  and  tobacco,  and  leaving  their  curses,  re 
turned  whence  they  came. 

The  Six  Nations  had  represented  to  the  English  that  at 
some  former  time  they  had  conquered  all  the  way  to  the 
Mississippi  on  the  north  of  the  Ohio,  and  on  the  basis  of 
this  figment  of  imperialism  they  had  made  over  that  region 
to  the  English  for  "  milk,"  tobacco,  and  other  luxuries  of 
civilization.  The  dwellers  in  the  region  were  not  con 
sulted,  and  ignorance  of  any  conquest  such  as  the  Six 
Nations  alleged  was  universal  among  them. 

The  French,  on  their  part,  alleged  discovery  and  occu 
pation.  Father  Marquette,  one  of  the  heroic  characters 
of  missionary  exploration,  had  come  to  Canada  in  1666; 
had  founded  a  mission  at  the  eastern  end  of  Lake  Superior ; 
had  gone  the  next  year  to  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas ;  upon 
their  break-up  under  Sioux  attack,  had  accompanied  the 
Hurons  to  Mackinaw  and  established  there  a  mission  with 
a  chapel;  and,  on  hearing  here  of  the  great  river  in  the 
West,  had,  in  1669,  prepared  to  go  in  search  of  it.  Pend- 


128  WASHINGTON. 

ing  the  execution  of  this  purpose,  orders  came  to  him  to 
join  a  younger  explorer,  of  Canadian  birth,  Louis  Joliet, 
in  a  thorough  exploration  of  the  whole  course  of  the 
unknown  stream. 

The  two  explorers,  with  five  companions,  set  off  in  May 
in  two  canoes,  their  course  being  by  way  of  Green  Bay, 
Fox  river,  and  a  portage,  to  the  Wisconsin  river,  and  down 
that  stream  to  its  mouth  —  thus  entering  the  Mississippi 
June  17,  1673.  Near  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  as  they  went 
south,  savages  told  them  that  a  ten  days'  journey  would 
bring  them  to  the  sea;  and  upon  reaching  the  mouth  of 
the  Arkansas  it  was  evident  to  them  that  the  stream  led 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  that  its  lower  course  might 
bring  them  within  reach  of  Spanish  capture.  Here,  there 
fore,  having  made  a  journey  of  2,500  miles,  they  returned 
up  the  Mississippi  to  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois,  and,  pass 
ing  up  that  river,  reached  Green  Bay  in  September.  After 
detention  there  by  sickness  for  a  year,  Marquette  set  out 
on  a  journey  to  Kaskaskia,  on  the  river  of  that  name  in  the 
Illinois  country,  five  miles  above  its  mouth  and  only  two 
miles  from  the  Mississippi, —  one  of  the  six  Illinois  points 
where  the  French  built  up  settlements.  Marquette's  jour 
ney  to  this  point  was  interrupted  by  his  infirmities  and 
the  severe  December  cold,  at  the  portage  on  the  Chicago ; 
and  only  after  staying  there  over  the  winter  was  he  able 
to  go  on  at  the  close  of  March,  1675,  and  reach  Kaskaskia 
in  April.  Erecting  a  chapel  and  celebrating  Easter  in  it, 
the  now  infirm,  worn-out  explorer  set  out  to  return  to 
Mackinaw,  but  having  gone  so  far  as  the  passage  across 
Lake  Michigan,  to  the  mouth  of  a  small  stream,  which 
later  bore  his  name,  his  rest  on  a  bed  of  leaves  in  the 
shadow  of  forest  trees  was  the  end,  May  18,  1675. 

In  1680  Father  Hennepin  explored  the  Mississippi  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  and 


L/FE  AND  TIMES. 

in  1682,  La  Salle,  who  had  come  to  Canada  as  an  ad 
venturer  in  1666,  made  a  journey  covering  the  Mississippi 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  La 
Salle  had  in  August,  1679,  sailed  with  De  Tonti,  a  vet 
eran  Italian,  through  the  chain  of  lakes  to  Green  Bay,  in 
the  northwestern  part  of  Lake  Michigan;  and  had  gone 
thence  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph  river,  at  the  south 
eastern  part  of  the  lake,  and  established  there  a  trading 
post,  which  he  called  Fort  Miami.  From  this  point  he 
went  up  the  St.  Joseph,  crossed  over  to  the  Kankakee, 
paddled  down  that  stream  until  he  reached  an  Illinois 
Indian  village,  and  attempted  the  establishment  of  a  trad 
ing  post,  in  January,  1680,  on  the  site  of  the  present 
Peoria,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  Fort  Crevecoeur.  After 
putting  De  Tonti  in  charge  of  the  fort,  and  having  dis 
patched  Hennepin  to  explore  the  Illinois  and  the  Missis 
sippi  northward,  La  Salle  started  back  for  Canada,  crossed 
Michigan  from  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph  to  a  stream 
flowing  into  the  Detroit,  and,  passing  thence  overland  to 
Lake  Erie,  navigated  that  lake  to  Niagara  in  a  canoe,  and 
organized  a  party  of  twenty-three  Frenchmen  and  eigh 
teen  New  England  Indians  for  a  journey  with  supplies  to 
Fort  Crevecoeur. 

An  attack  by  the  Iroquois  on  the  Illinois  settlement  had 
compelled  De  Tonti  to  abandon  the  fort  and  return  to 
Green  Bay.  La  Salle  conducted  his  party  by  way  of  Fort 
Miami,  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph,  along  the  southern 
coast  of  Lake  Michigan,  through  the  Chicago  river  and 
across  the  Illinois,  and  thence  down  that  stream  to  the 
Mississippi.  Descending  the  Mississippi  to  its  separation 
into  three  channels,  La  Salle  explored  these  to  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  De  Tonti  conducting  the  exploration  of  the 
great  middle  channel.  At  a  suitable  spot  near  the  Gulf, 
a  cross  and  a  column  were  set  up  with  the  inscription, 
9 


13Q  WASHINGTON. 

"  Louis  the  Great,  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  April  9, 
1682,"  and  La  Salle  proclaimed  the  whole  valley  of  the 
Mississippi  and  the  region  of  its  tributaries  as  a  part  of 
the  dominion  of  France,  with  the  name  Louisiana. 

The  next  year  La  Salle  ascended  the  Mississippi,  re 
turned  to  Quebec  in  November,  went  to  France,  and  pro 
posed  to  the  King's  government  that  a  settlement  be  made 
on  the  lower  Mississippi  and  that  steps  be  taken  to  secure 
to  France  the  rich  mining  country  in  northern  Mexico, 
A  patent  was  granted,  making  La  Salle  commandant  of 
the  region  from  the  present  State  of  Illinois  to  Mexico 
and  westward  indefinitely.  Four  ships,  with  Beaujeu  as 
navigator,  sailed  August  I,  1684,  with  a  company  of  280 
persons,  but  through  the  miscalculations  of  Beaujeu  and 
his  stupid  insistence  on  his  own  views  against  La  Salle's 
better  knowledge/ the  fleet  got  as  far  beyond  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  as  the  entrance  to  Matagorda  Bay,  and 
with  the  wreck  there  of  the  storeship  on  which  most  of 
the  supplies  were,  the  debarkation  of  the  colonists,  of 
whom  not  a  few  were  characters  more  fit  for  a  prison  than 
a  plantation,  was  followed  by  Beaujeu's  desertion,  leaving 
only  a  small  ship.  The  efforts  of  La  Salle  to  begin  agri 
culture  and  trade,  after  the  erection  of  a  fort,  were  de 
feated  by  the  hostility  of  the  Indians,  and  with  what  set- 
tiers  were  killed,  and  many  perishing  by  disease,  less  than 
forty  souls  were  left  at  the  end  of  the  first  year.  Half  of 
these,  including  women  and  children,  La  Salle  left  at  the 
beginning  of  1688,  while,  with  his  brother,  two  nephews, 
and  thirteen  others,  he  set  off  to  make  his  way  through 
what  is  now  Texas  to  the  Illinois.  A  revolt,  however, 
breaking  out  very  soon,  two  of  the  ringleaders  stealthily 
murdered  one  of  the  explorer's  nephews,  and  when 
La  Salle  turned  back  to  look  for  him  he  also  was  treach 
erously  killed,  March  20,  1688.  The  remnant  of  the  col- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  131 

ony  were  either  massacred  by  the  Indians  or  made  prison 
ers  by  Spaniards  sent  to  drive  out  the  French. 

The  successor  to  La  Salle  in  French  occupation  was 
Jean  Baptiste  Le  Moyne  Bienville,  a  brother  of  Le  Moyne 
Iberville,  who  founded  a  French  settlement  at  Biloxi,  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  in  1698.  Sauville,  another 
brother,  was  appointed  Governor  of  Louisiana  in  1699, 
and  the  next  year  Bienville  constructed  a  fort  fifty-four 
miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  river.  The  death  of  Sau 
ville  in  1701  left  Bienville  in  charge  of  the  colony,  and  he 
settled  the  seat  of  government  at  Mobile,  and  soon  after 
was  joined  by  his  brother  Chateaugay,  with  seventeen  set 
tlers  from  France.  A  further  instalment  of  settlers  ar 
rived  a  little  later,  a  score  of  young  women  as  wives  for 
colonists.  Bienville  was  superseded  as  Governor  by 
Cadillac  in  1713,  and  the  latter  by  Epinay  in  1717.  The 
next  year  Bienville  founded  New  Orleans,  and  upon  war 
breaking  out  between  France  and  Spain  he  seized  Pensa- 
cola  and  put  his  brother  Chateaugay  in  command  there. 
From  1724  to  1733  Bienville  was  in  France,  and  then  for 
ten  years  he  was  again  Governor  of  Louisiana. 

At  the  date  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  (1713),  which  se 
cured  an  enlargement  of  the  conceded  colonial  claims  of 
England  (against  the  French)  in  America,  there  were  not 
over  500  Europeans  in  the  whole  region  from  the  Illinois 
to  the  Gulf.  Immediately  after  the  treaty  the  King  of 
France  granted  proprietary  rights  in  all  the  territories 
watered  by  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Illinois  to  Antoine  Crozat,  and  it  was  Crozat 
who  sent  out  Cadillac  as  Governor.  Matters  went  badly, 
and  Crozat  got  rid  of  his  interest  to  the  celebrated  specu 
lative  financier,  John  Law,  who  worked  the  disastrous 
Mississippi  scheme  with  Bienville  (as  stated  above)  as 
Governor.  After  the  founding  of  New  Orleans,  in  1718, 


132  WASHINGTON. 

seven  vessels  came  the  same  year  with  stores  and  about 
1,500  emigrants;  and  the  next  year  eleven  vessels,  in 
cluding  an  importation  of  500  negroes  from  the  Guinea 
coast.  In  1721  the  arrivals  were  1,000  white  settlers  and 
1,367  slaves.  This  was  in  the  year  following  the  bursting 
of  Law's  financial  bubble,  but  the  misfortunes  incident  to 
that  failed  to  check  the  prosperity  of  the  colony. 

In  1732  the  grant  came  to  an  end,  and  the  province  re 
verted  to  the  crown.  There  were  at  that  time  not  less  than 
4,000  white  colonists  and  2,000  slaves.  By  a  secret  treaty 
in  1762,  made  public  a  year  and  a  half  later,  and  its  pro 
visions  carried  into  effect  in  1769,  France  transferred 
Louisiana  to  Spain.  Meanwhile,  by  a  treaty  made  in  Feb 
ruary,  1763,  Louisiana  east  of  the  Mississippi,  from  the 
.sources  of  that  river  to  the  sea,  was  ceded  to  Great  Brit 
ain,  the  line,  however,  to  the  sea  passing  along  the  middle 
of  the  Iberville  river  through  the  lakes  Maurepas  and  Pont- 
»chartrain,  thus  leaving  out  all  of  what  is  now  Louisiana 
•except  the  very  small  part  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  north 
of  the  Iberville  and  lakes  line.  This  was  after  the  war  of 
.seven  years'  duration  which  we  see  Washington  at  the 
beginning  of  in  1754,  and  which  closed  with  the  French 
surrender  of  Montreal  and  of  all  Canada,  September  8, 
1760.  It  seems  pretty  evident  that  France  had,  before 
1754,  carried  on  exploration  and  settlement,  from  the  lakes 
through  the  Illinois  river  prairies  and  down  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  which  would  have  warranted  insisting 
.that  English  claims  beyond  the  Alleghanies  leave  her  what 
-is  now  Michigan  and  Illinois,  and  the  line  of  the  Missis 
sippi  to  the  Gulf;  and  had  French  operations  kept  those 
limits  there  would  have  gone  on  peaceful  developments 
'carrying  French-Canadian  power  from  tEe  east  end  of 
Lake  Erie  across  the  Michigan  and  Illinois  lands,  and 
down  to  the  Gulf  without  the  slightest  occasion  for  con- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  133 

flict  with  England  on  the  Ohio.  But  when  France,  car 
rying  a  purely  nominal  claim  up  stream  along  a  tributary 
of  the  reach  and  territorial  sweep  of  the  Ohio,  without 
action  of  any  sort  in  pursuance  of  her  claim,"  made  the 
natural  course  of  English  advance  of  colonial  occupation 
westward  an  occasion  for  purely  military  descent  from 
Canada,  with  no  pretense  of  colonization  purposes,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  with  attempts  to  rouse  the  savages  against 
English  colonization,  there  was  a  face  of  impudence  and 
wickedness  4n  it,  the  smashing  of  which,  begun  by  Wash 
ington  and  finished  seven  years  later  at  Montreal,  was 
richly  deserved.  The  claim  of  France  across  Michigan 
and  Illinois,  and  on  the  immediate  banks  of  the  Mississippi 
to  its  mouth,  may  have  been  of  the  best  in  every  respect, 
and  its  maintenance  might  have  resulted  in  a  French 
America  carried  to  the  Pacific,  with  English  extension 
nowhere  reaching  to  the  Mississippi,  yet  the  rascal  outrage 
of  appearing  in  arms  on  the  upper  Ohio,  against  English 
colonization  begun  by  the  Ohio  Company,  and  with 
"  milk  "  and  tobacco  to  buy  Indian  massacre  service,  was 
not  only  criminal  to  the  last  degree,  but  a  blunder  of  the 
worst  sort.  French  mission,  exploration,  and .  coloniza 
tion  plans  may  stand  forever  to  her  credit,  and  pursued 
on  lines  of  justice  and  wisdom  they  might  have  made 
North  America  predominantly  French,  but  French  mili 
tary  attack  upon  English  colonization,  and  appeal  to  the 
murdering  savages  to  help  carry  on  a  war  of  desolation, 
can  only  come  to  judgment  as  of  that  madness  sent  by 
the  gods  upon  those  whose  steps  take  hold  on  destruction. 
If  now  we  turn  to  England's  historic  claim,  in  contrast 
with  that  of  France,  it  is  not  writing  history  to  take  any 
notice  of  so  slight  and  so  recent  a  matter  as  some  trumpery 
dealing  with  the  Indians  south  of  Ontario,  or  with  any 


134  WASHINGTON. 

such  aboriginal  occupiers,  never  more  than  human  vermin 
infesting  lands  which  they  not  only  could  not  in  any  re 
spectable  sense  occupy,  but  which  they  made  the  stamp 
ing  ground  of  filthy  carousal  and  fearful  massacre  nearer 
the  level  of  incarnate  devils  than  of  creatures  fit  to  be 
dealt  with  as  human.  The  history  with  which  we  are  con 
cerned  is  that  of  Washington  as  a  scion  of  England,  and 
of  England  making  armed  contest  for  continental  sway; 
and  the  necessary  background  lies  in  that  past  to  which 
Washington  and  Virginia,  Washington  and  England  in 
America,  were  the  sequel.  The  hero  of  our  narrative  is 
on  the  way  to  become,  on  the  top  of  the  world,  the  great 
est  figure  of  the  English  race,  and  to  note  the  lines  which 
meet  in  him  we  must  look  back  to  the  times,  the  scenes, 
and  the  historical  figures,  which  made  Washington  and 
his  career  possible. 

The  Fourth  of  July,  which  we  celebrate  as  Independence 
Day,  ought  to  be  no  less  celebrated  as  Discovery  Day  for 
America.  It  is  the  anniversary  of  the  discovery  which 
resulted  in  an  English  North  America. 

John  Cabot,  of  Genoa  by  birth,  and  later  of  Venice,  had 
become  an  Englishman  by  residence  in  the  last  half  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  at  Bristol,  on  the  Avon,  near  the  head 
of  Bristol  Channel  —  the  great  southwestern  Seagate  to 
England. 

It  was  in  1496,  on  the  5th  of  March,  that  Henry  VII  of 
England,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign,  granted  to  John 
Cabot  and  his  sons  a  patent  empowering  them  to  seek  out, 
subdue,  and  occupy,  at  their  own  charges,  any  regions 
which  before  had  "  been  unknown  to  all  Christians."  And 
under  this  patent  the  Cabots  sailed,  on  the  2d  of  May  of 
the  next  year,  1497,  to  attempt  discovery  in  the  far  west 
of  the  North  Atlantic.  A  record  not  long  since  brought 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  135 

to  light  at  Bristol,  made  this  reference  to  the  voyage  of 
the  Cabots  across  the  North  Atlantic: 

"  This  year,  1497,  on  St.  John  the  Baptist's  Day  (June 
24,  old  style,  now  July  4),  the  land  of  America  was  found 
by  the  merchants  of  Bristowe  (Bristol ;  Brigstow  or  Bridge- 
place,  Bristow)  in  a  ship  of  Bristol  called  the  Matthew, 
the  which  said  ship  departed  from  the  port  of  Bristowe 
the  2d  of  May  and  came  home  again  6th  August  following." 

A  royal  privy  purse  record  of  August  10,  1497, — "To 
him  that  found  the  New  Isle,  £10," — appears  to  show, 
when  taken  in  connection  with  other  records,  that  the 
head  of  the  expedition,  John  Cabot,  was  awarded  £10,  on 
his  return  from  discovering  some  island  like  Newfound 
land.  The  terms  of  a  second  patent  show  that  the  main 
land  as  well  as  the  island  had  been  discovered.  This  sec 
ond  patent,  dated  February  3,  1498,  authorized  John  Cabot 
to  take  six  English  ships,  "and  them  convey  and  lede  to 
the  Land  and  Isles  of  late  found  by  the  said  John  in  oure 
name  and  by  oure  commandment." 

Exactly  what  the  discovery  thus  referred  to  was  we  may 
see  from  an  early  notice,  which  said : 

"  In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1497,  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian, 
and  his  son  Sebastian,  discovered  that  country  which  no 
one  before  his  time  had  ventured  to  approach,  on  the  24th 
of  June,  about  5  o'clock  in  the  morning.  He  called  the 
land  Terra  primum  visa,  because,  as  I  conjecture,  this  was 
the  place  that  first  met  his  eye  in  looking  from  the  sea. 
On  the  contrary,  the  island  which  lies  opposite  the  land 
he  called  the  island  of  St.  John, —  as  I  suppose  because  it 
was  discovered  on  the  festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist." 

The  common  tradition  has  been  that  a  second  expedition 
set  sail  from  Bristol  in  May,  1498,  and  after  searching  the 
coast  of  the  new  land  far  to  the  north  turned  about  and 
followed  the  coast  south  for  some  1,800  miles,  or  down 


136  WASHINGTON. 

past  the  New  England  of  a  future  day  to  what  we  know  as 
Virginia;  and  that  thus  a  large  discovery  of  continental 
land  to  the  west  of  the  North  Atlantic  was  made  by  Cabot 
on  his  two  voyages.  Both  of  these  voyages  had  been 
made  before  Columbus  had  anywhere  discovered  any  part 
of  the  continental  mainland.  To  a  date  as  late  as  August, 
1498,  Columbus  had  not  found  any  land  except  islands. 
And  when,  August  i,  1498,  he  saw  land,  near  the  mouths 
of  the  Orinoco  river  in  South  America,  he  raised  the  ques 
tion  whether  it  was  a  continental  mainland  and  a  new 
world,  and  very  confidently  decided  that  it  was  not.  At 
a  later  date  he  again  saw  a  point  of  the  coast  of  the  con 
tinent,  and  he  took  this  also  to  be  the  coast  of  an  island ; 
and  at  his  death  he  was  entirely  unconscious  that  he  had 
seen  anything  but  the  islands  which  he  so  falsely  claimed 
to  be  "the  Isles  of  India  beyond  the  Ganges,"  and  upon 
which  he  fixed  the  wholly  false  name  of  "  West  Indies." 

The  questions  of  history  which  arise  in  this  connection 
are  conclusively  dealt  with  in  an  admirable  study  recently 
published  by  Henry  Harrisse,  an  elegant  volume  of  500 
pages,  the  title  of  which  we  give  below.*  The  volume  is 
notable,  not  only  for  the  justice  of  recognition  which  it 
gives  to  John  Cabot  as  alone  the  discoverer  of  North 
America,  but  for  the  justice  of  exposure  of  the  free-and- 
easy  mendacity  of  the  son,  Sebastian,  in  pretending  to  have 
been  himself  the  author  of  what  was  accomplished  entirely 
without  him  by  his  father.  Harrisse's  own  summary  of 
the  situation,  as  he  finds  it  through  researches  that  leave 
nothing  to  be  desired,  is  as  follows : 

"  In  the  year  1497  a  Venetian  citizen,  called  Giovanni 

*  "  John  Cabot,  the  Discoverer  of  North  America,  and  Sebastian 
his  Son.  A  chapter  of  the  Maritime  History  of  England  under 
the  Tudors,  1496-1557."  By  Henry  Harrisse.  London:  Benjamin 
Franklin  Stevens.  New  York:  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.  $7.50. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  137 

Caboto,  having  obtained  letters-patent  from  Henry  VII 
the  year  previous  for  a  voyage  of  discovery,  crossed  the 
Atlantic  ocean,  and,  under  the  British  flag,  discovered  the 
continent  of  North  America. 

"  In  1498,  he  fitted  out,  in  Bristol,  a  new  expedition, 
and  again  sailed  westward;  but  scarcely  anything  further 
is  known  of  that  enterprise." 

Who  was  John  Cabot?  He  is  commonly  said  to  have 
been  a  Venetian  settled  at  Bristol  in  England ;  and  his  son 
Sebastian  is  often  said  to  have  been  an  Englishman  by 
virtue  of  birth  in  England.  Harrisse  shows  conclusively 
that  John  Cabot  was,  like  Columbus,  a  Genoese ;  that  he 
was  naturalized  in  Venice  under  a  provision  permitting 
this  to  one  who  had  been  a  resident  in  Venice  for  fifteen 
years ;  and  that  Sebastian  was  born,  not  in  England,  but 
in  Venice.  Harrisse  further  expresses  his  belief  that  John 
Cabot  removed  with  his  entire  family  to  England  in  1490; 
that  Sebastian,  when  he  first  came  to  England,  was  a  lad 
of  about  sixteen;  and  that  when  the  elder  Cabot  under 
took  his  memorable  voyage  of  1497,  ne  was  forty-six  years 
of  age,  and  his  son,  Sebastian  (left  at  home),  was  about 
twenty-three.  Harrisse  thinks  it  not  unlikely  that  the 
Cabots  came  from  Venice  to  London. 

Bristol  was  known  to  Columbus  in  1477  as  a  Port  ^rom 
which  bold  expeditions  were  sent  forth  on  the  Atlantic 
to  the  north  and  west.  To  all  appearance,  as  the  facts  are 
given  by  Harrisse,  John  Cabot's  ideas  may  have  antedated 
the  first  voyage  of  Columbus.  It  was  as  early  as  1474, 
when  John  Cabot  was  still  a  resident  of  Venice,  that  Tos- 
canelli,  upon  whose  suggestions  Columbus  acted,  was  ad 
vocating  the  project  of  reaching  Asia  by  sailing  constantly 
westward.  Evidence  exists  that  Toscanelli's  notions  with 
regard  to  lands  across  the  Atlantic  were  pretty  well  cur 
rent  in  Italy,  and  as  likely  to  have  been  known  to  Cabot 


138  WASHINGTON. 

as  to  Columbus.  The  statement  commonly  made  that 
John  Cabot  conceived  the  notion  of  a  voyage  of  discovery 
upon  hearing  of  the  success  of  the  first  voyage  of  Colum 
bus,  is  a  statement  of  Sebastian,  intrinsically  more  likely 
to  be  false  than  to  be  true.  A  trustworthy  testimony  is 
to  the  effect  that  John  Cabot  related,  in  speaking  of  his 
first  voyage  across  the  Atlantic,  that  when  he  was  at  Mecca, 
in  Arabia,  he  inquired  from  the  caravans  which  brought 
spice  to  Europe  whence  the  article  came,  and  that  in  con 
sequence  of  his  belief  in  the  sphericity  of  the  earth,  he  in 
ferred  from  their  reply  that  it  came  from  a  land  which  lay 
to  the  west,  and  that  the  project  of  his  voyage  was  based 
on  the  expectation  of  finding  a  shorter  route  to  Cathay, 
by  sailing  west.  Harrisse  quotes  a  dispatch  from  Lon 
don  of  July  25,  1498,  by  Pedro  de  Ayala,  which  said: 
"  For  the  last  seven  years  Bristol  people  have  sent  out 
every  year  two,  three,  or  four  caravels  in  search  of  the 
island  of  Brazil  and  the  Seven  Cities,  according  to  the 
fancy  of  this  Genoese."  That  the  Genoese  referred  to  was 
not  Columbus,  and  must  have  been  John  Cabot,  is  shown 
by  another  part  of  the  dispatch,  in  which  Ayala  said :  "  I 
have  seen  the  map  which  was  made  by  the  discoverer,  who 
is  another  Genoese  like  Columbus."  When  Ayala  wrote 
this  dispatch  nearly  a  year  had  elapsed  from  John  Cabot's 
return  from  his  voyage  of  discovery,  and  manifestly  the 
reference  was  to  him.  Harrisse  remarks  in  view  of  this 
reference  to  what  the  people  of  Bristol  had  been  engaged 
in  through  the  suggestion  of  John  Cabot: 

"  Efforts  of  the  kind  were  not  unfrequent  in  those  days. 
We  have  cited  in  another  work  authentic  documents  re 
ferring  to  eighteen  similar  enterprises,  projected  or  at 
tempted,  between  the  years  1431  and  1492;  that  is,  an 
terior  to  the  memorable  voyage  of  Columbus.  Ayala  re 
fers  to  attempts  of  this  kind  annually  renewed,  and  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  139 

which  the  expedition  sent  out  from  Bristol  by  John  Jay, 
Jr.,  in  July,  1480,  under  the  command  of  Thomas  Lloyd, 
gives  us  a  pretty  clear  idea.  John  Cabot  doubtless  ad 
vised,  and  may  even  have  laid  out  plans  for  such  voyages 
of  discovery  between  1490,  which  we  suppose  to  be  the 
date  of  his  first  coming  to  England  to  settle,  and  the  close 
of  1495,  when  he  submitted  his  plans  to  Henry  VII.  Be 
lief  in  the  existence  of  the  island  of  Brazil  and  of  a  great 
island  called  Antilla,  or  the  Seven  Cities,  had  existed  be 
fore  the  time  of  Columbus,  and  had  led  to  voyages  west 
ward  from  Ireland  earlier  than  the  time  of  the  Cabots." 

It  is  more  than  probable,  therefore,  that  the  only  service 
rendered  to  English  exploration  by  the  report  of  islands 
reached  by  Columbus  was  that  of  making  it  easier  to  se 
cure  the  ear  of  the  English  monarch. 

When  Henry  VII  granted  the  petition  of  John  Cabot, 
who  probably  inserted  the  names  of  his  sons  with  a  view 
to  their  inheritance  of  the  interest  and  to  any  future  prose 
cution  of  it  which  might  be  made  by  them,  they  were  au 
thorized,  "  upon  their  own  proper  costs  and  charges,  to 
seek  out,  discover,  and  find  whatsoever  isles,  countries, 
regions,  or  provinces  of  the  heathens  or  infidels,  whatso 
ever  they  be,  and  in  what  part  of  the  worlcl  soever  they 
be,  which  before  this  time  have  been  unknown  to  all 
Christians." 

Although  authorized  so  early  as  March  5,  1496,  the  ex 
pedition  did  not  sail  until  May  of  1497,  about  the  middle 
of  the  month,  Harrisse  thinks,  and  consisted  of  but  "  one 
small  ship,  manned  by  eighteen  men." 

We  hear  nothing  of  any  terrors  of  the  unknown  Atlantic 
preventing  the  bold  venture  of  a  voyage  with  so  small  a 
craft  and  a  crew  so  few  in  number.  For  more  than  500 
years  the  path  of  the  sea  from  Ireland  west  to  whatever 
might  be  beyond  had  been  more  or  less  open,  and  the 


WASHINGTON. 

expedition  under  John  Cabot,  small  as  it  was,  was  no 
more  than  average  English  courage  was  equal  to.  Cabot, 
proceeding  to  the  west  coast  of  Ireland,  sailed  toward  the 
north  and  then  west,  until  a  mainland  was  reached,  where 
the  country  was  fine  and  temperate;  where  the  sea  along 
the  shore  was  filled  with  fishes;  where  the  inhabitants 
used  snares  to  catch  game  and  needles  for  making  nets; 
where  the  tides  were  slack  and  did  not  rise  as  in  England ; 
and  returning  from  which  were  seen  two  very  large  and 
fertile  islands.  To  Harrisse  these  points  of  description 
imply  Labrador  inhabited  by  the  Eskimo,  in  perhaps  the 
vicinity  of  Cape  Chudleigh ;  and  further  Harrisse  says, 
referring  to  what  John  Cabot  reported : 

"  It  is  evident  that  the  Venetian  adventurer  and  his 
companions  were  greatly  struck  with  the  enormous  quan 
tity  of  fish  which  they  found  in  that  region.  It  surpassed 
anything  of  the  kind  they  had  ever  seen,  even  in  the  Ice 
landic  sea,  where  cod  was  then  marvelously  plentiful.  He 
dwells  at  length  and  with  evident  complacency  on  that 
fortunate  peculiarity, — '  that  sea  is  covered  with  fishes, 
which  are  taken  not  only  with  the  net,  but  also  with  a 
basket,  in  which  a  stone  is  put  so  that  the  basket  may 
plunge  into  water.  They  say  that  they  will  bring  thence 
such  a  quantity  of  fish  that  England  will  have  no  further 
need  of  Iceland,  from  which  a  very  great  commerce  of 
fish  called  stockfish  is  brought/  It  is  clear  that  the  exist 
ence  of  vast  quantities  of  cod  is  a  circumstance  which  is 
applicable  to  the  entire  transatlantic  coast  north  of  New 
England.  Yet,  however  plentiful  that  species  of  fish  may 
be  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  the  quantity  is  sur 
passed  near  the  entrance  of  Hudson's  strait.  Modern  ex 
plorers  report  that  there  cod  and  salmon  '  form  in  many 
places  a  living  mass,  a  vast  ocean  of  living  slime,  which 
accumulates  on  the  banks  of  northern  Labrador ; '  and  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  141 

spot  noted  for  its  '  amazing  quantity  of  fish '  is  the  vicinity 
of  Cape  Chudleigh,  which  the  above  details  and  other  rea 
sons  seem  to  indicate  as  the  place  visited  by  John  Cabot 
in  1497." 

The  mention  of  the  enormous  amount,  the  immense 
mass  of  codfish  in  the  sea,  is  of  very  special  significance. 
This  feature  of  the  North  Atlantic,  clear  across  from  the 
north  of  Scotland  to  Labrador,  may  be  said  to  have  deter 
mined  the  progress  of  sailing  west,  first  far  out  into  the 
Atlantic,  then  to  Iceland,  then  from  Iceland  to  Greenland, 
and  thence  to  Labrador.  For  hundreds  of  years  before 
Columbus  the  cod  in  the  sea  had  paved  the  way  from  the 
west  coast  of  Ireland  to  the  codfish  coast  of  America. 
They  tempted  and  trained  the  hardy  fishermen  to  bold 
voyaging,  until  the  bold  voyaging,  by  chance  of  the  storms 
and  stress  of  weather,  carried  involuntary  explorers  as  far 
as  Iceland. 

A  very  interesting  paper  was  recently  presented  to  the 
Viking  Club  of  London  setting  forth  facts  going  to  show 
that  the  original  ancient  "  Thule  "  was  Iceland ;  that  the 
name  was  given  by  Celtic  settlers  from  the  British  Isles; 
and  that  the  meaning  of  the  name  was  "  Isle  of  the  Sun," 
or  island  where  the  sun  does  not  go  down.  When  the 
Scandinavians  first  discovered  Iceland,  about  A.  D.  850, 
it  had  been  colonized  long  before,  to  some  small  extent 
at  least,  by  Irish  monks,  who,  observing  how  the  sun  re 
mained  above  the  horizon,  even  at  midnight,  naturally 
gave  it  a  name  which  meant  Sun-Land.  At  least  700 
years  before  Columbus,  adventurers  by  sea  from  the  coast 
of  Ireland,  to  whom  fishing  for  cod  had  made  familiar  the 
perils  of  the  deep,  were  accustomed  to  strike  boldly  out 
into  the  Atlantic  with  small  regard  to  what  might  be 
before  them,  and  whether  making  long  voyages  delib 
erately  or  being  driven  far  away  in  spite  of  themselves,  they 


WASHINGTON. 

ultimately  made  the  distance  from  Great  Britain  to  Ice 
land  and  later  that  from  Iceland  to  Greenland,  not  to 
speak  of  the  further  step  from  Greenland  to  Labrador. 
The  distance  from  the  north  of  Scotland  to  Iceland  is  500 
miles;  that  from  Norway  to  Iceland  is  600  miles.  The 
greatest  length  of  Iceland  from  east  to  west  is  300  miles, 
and  from  the  west  coast  of  Iceland  to  Greenland  is  250 
miles.  Greenland  is  continental  in  extent,  but  it  comes 
to  a  point  in  the  south,  and  this  point  about  breaks  in  the 
middle  the  sea  passage  from  Iceland  to  Labrador. 
Through  the  entire  sea  from  Norway  to  Labrador  the  cod 
have  been  a  bridge  from  the  old  world  to  the  new. 

Beyond  a  doubt  the  codfish  made  the  destiny  of  North 
America.  The  day  of  discovery,  in  which  both  the  United 
States  and  British  America  are  alike  interested,  ought  to 
be  celebrated  within  all  the  metes  and  bounds  of  the  con 
tinent,  from  the  Arctic  coasts  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  with  a  festival  of  codfish. 
The  cod  in  the  sea  were  the  stepping-stones  by  which 
Irish  adventure  and  English  enterprise  made  the  trans 
atlantic  passage  to  the  possession  of  the  northern  conti 
nent  of  the  new  world. 

That  Cabot  was  back  in  England  early  in  August  is 
proven  by  the  fact  of  an  official  record  of  August  10,  1497, 
showing  that  Henry  VII  gave  £10  as  a  reward  "  to  hym 
that  founde  the  new  isle."  What  John  Cabot  actually 
found,  however,  is  more  accurately  mentioned  in  the  new 
letters-patent  given  him  by  Henry  VII  February  3,  1498, 
and  authorizing  him  "  to  take  at  his  pleasure  VI  Englisshe 
shippes  and  them  convey  and  lede  to  the  Londe  and  Isles 
of  late  founde  by  the  seid  John." 

For  his  second  expedition  Cabot  had  no  difficulty  in 
finding  men  to  accompany  him.  An  Italian,  writing  home 
from  England  at  the  time,  said :  "  He  can  enlist  as  many 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  143 

Englishmen  as  he  pleases  and  many  of  our  own  rascals 
besides."  Harrisse  says:  "There  is  no  ground  whatever 
for  the  assertion,  frequently  repeated,  that  John  Cabot  did 
not  command  this  second  expedition,  or  that  it  was  under 
taken  after  his  death  by  his  son.  The  name  of  Sebastian 
Cabot,  who  was  not  one  of  the  grantees  in  these  new 
letters-patent,  appears  for  the  first  time,  in  connection 
with  these  voyages,  in  Peter  Martyr's  account,  printed 
twenty  years  after  the  event,  and  taken  exclusively  from 
Sebastian's  own  lips,  which,  as  we  have  shown,  is  not  a 
recommendation." 

The  second  expedition  sailed  early  in  the  spring  of  1498, 
and  at  the  end  of  July  following  the  first  news  relative  to 
its  progress  was  received  in  England.  Harrisse  thinks 
that  the  fleet  sailed  later  than  April  i,  1498,  because  of 
a  record  which  shows  that  the  King  loaned  £30  on 
that  day  to  two  persons  who  were  "  going  to  the  New 
Isle."  The  only  direct  news  concerning  the  expedition 
after  it  left  Bristol  is  a  statement  by  Pedro  de  Ayala  in  a 
dispatch  of  July  25,  1498,  that  "  News  has  been  received 
of  the  fleet  of  five  ships."  We  do  not  know  when  the  fleet 
returned  to  England,  nor  do  wre  know  where  the  fleet  went, 
nor  what  discoveries  it  made,  nor  whether  John  Cabot 
survived  the  expedition.  Our  only  information  bearing 
upon  the  matter  is  that  one  of  the  men  who  borrowed 
money  of  the  King  for  "  going  to  the  New  Isle  "  repaid 
the  loan  in  London,  June  6,  1501. 

As  to  the  regions  visited  by  John  Cabot  in  the  course 
of  his  second  voyage  of  discovery,  we  can  only  form  an 
opinion  by  inference  from  what  appears  to  have  been 
known  a  little  later,  as  in  the  year  1501,  and  which  cannot 
have  been  known  except  through  John  Cabot's  discoveries. 
A  celebrated  map,  that  of  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  made  in  1500, 
indicates  points  discovered  by  the  English.  Harrisse  in- 


144  WASHINGTON. 

fers  that  the  northernmost  represent  those  noted  by  Cabot 
during  his  first  voyage,  and  that  those  further  south  nec 
essarily  indicate  the  discoveries  of  the  expedition  of  1498. 
In  this  view,  Cabot  must  have  reached  a  vicinity  south  of 
the  Carolinas.  Harrisse  constructs  a  map  of  the  second 
voyage  of  John  Cabot,  which  indicates  that  he  sailed  south 
from  Newfoundland  past  Nova  Scotia  and  the  whole  At 
lantic  coast  to  Florida,  and  thence  took  his  course  back 
to  Bristol. 

A  point  of  great  interest  in  the  story  of  John  Cabot's 
discovery  of  North  America  is  the  question  of  the  month 
and  the  day  of  the  original  discovery  in  1497.  The  only 
report  which  we  have  makes  it  to  have  been  in  June  and 
on  the  24th  day  of  the  month,  which,  allowing  for  the 
difference  between  the  old  style  and  the  new  style,  would 
be  on  our  July  4th.  Unfortunately  the  report  comes  in 
directly  from  Sebastian  Cabot,  with  more  than  an  indica 
tion  of  its  doubtful  character.  Harrisse  discusses  the  facts 
and  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the  date  June  24th  was 
invented  in  consequence  of  finding  the  name  of  St.  John 
existing  on  maps  of  that  region,  and  that  the  story  was 
told  that  the  name  was  given  because  the  spot  was  dis 
covered  on  St.  John's  Day,  June  24th ;  but  of  this  we  can 
not  have  an  approach  to  positive  knowledge,  and  one 
may  hesitate,  if  he  chooses,  to  give  up  the  date.  It  seems 
to  have  been  a  possible  date,  if  we  suppose  that  on  the 
first  voyage  only  a  very  limited  portion  of  the  coast  was 
visited,  and  in  the  entire  absence  of  decisive  evidence  it 
seems  not  unreasonable  to  continue  the  use  of  the  date 
and  to  let  July  4th  serve  as  the  anniversary  of  Cabot's 
original  discovery. 

It  is  customary  to  assume  that  the  voyages  of  Cabot 
were  a  result  of  the  voyage  of  Columbus ;  that  he  broke 
the  ice  and  showed  the  way;  that  he,  first  in  time  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  145 

greatest  in  genius  and  courage,  set  forth  into  the  immense 
unknown  seas,  and  gave  the  impulse  by  which  all  others 
sailed  ;  and  that  to  him,  because  of  a  supremely  great  initia 
tion,  belongs  the  comprehensive  honor  of  all  the  discover 
ies  by  which  a  new  world  was  added  to  the  old.  So  ram 
pant  everywhere  has  been  this  view  that  even  our  best 
historical  accounts  are  marred  by  it,  and  not  even  our 
best  authorities  get  the  facts  in  a  right  light. 

It  is  a  grotesquely  false  representation  on  which  all  the 
honoring  of  Columbus  and  of  Spain  has  proceeded,  to  the 
neglect  of  other  and  far  higher  claims.  It  is  not  so  much 
the  Norse  claims,  going  back  to  about  looo  A.  D.,  when 
the  whole  seaway  by  Iceland  and  Greenland  to  whatever 
lay  beyond  was  familiar  to  many  adventurous  keels.  It 
is  far  more  the  claims  which  the  viking-ship  development 
of  a  later  time,  in  England  and  in  half-English  Portugal, 
presents ;  when  adventure  free  and  fearless  stood  not  upon 
royal  subsidies  and  patents  of  dominion,  and  had  no  de 
sire  to  plead  the  darkness  and  dread  disasters  of  the  seas 
in  apology  for  blasted  expectations.  There  had  been  500 
years  of  dauntless  breasting  of  all  seas  and  plunging  into 
unknown  deeps,  by  Saxon,  or  Celtic,  or  Norse  adventurers 
before  Columbus  mustered  a  trembling  courage  to  run 
before  a  favoring  wind  across  the  Atlantic. 

The  fact  is  that  ignorance  and  imagination  have  far  too 
much  shaped  the  popular  representation  of  Columbus. 
The  place  of  the  Genoese  sailor  in  the  great  age  of  dis 
covery  has  been  grossly  exaggerated.  He  is  in  reality 
the  fourth,  and  the  least  worthy,  of  the  four  heroes  of  dis 
covery  by  whose  lives  a  new  world  was  added  to  the  old 
world.  Before  him  and  above  him  were  Vespucius,  Cabot, 
and  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal,  known  for  immortal  honor 
as  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator. 

In  one  of  our  best  historical  handbooks  the  index  has 
10 


146  WASHINGTON. 

this  correct  word  — "  Columbus  discovered  the  West  In 
dies  " —  and  the  text  says  of  the  general  facts : 

"  Portugal  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  (or  about 
1400  A.  D. ;  it  was  in  fact  from  about  1418  or  1420,  seventy 
years  before  Columbus)  had  led  the  way  in  maritime  ad 
venture,  and  Portuguese  navigators  discovered  a  way  to 
India  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  [after  attempts  cov 
ering  the  whole  period  1433-1498].  Spain  was  anxious 
to  do  as  much,  and  in  1492  Columbus  had  discovered  the 
West  Indies." 

The  Portuguese  navigators,  trained  and  sent  forth  by 
Prince  Henry,  had  succeeded,  through  more  than  half  a 
century  of  daring  endeavor  (1433-1486),  in  sailing  down 
the  entire  west  coast  of  Africa  and  around  the  stormy  cape 
at  its  southern  extremity,  six  years  before  Columbus  car 
ried  out  his  utterly  baseless  scheme  for  getting  to  India 
by  sailing  west  on  the  South  Atlantic;  and  they  actually 
reached  India,  at  Calicut  on  its  southwest  coast,  ten  days 
before  Columbus  set  sail  on  his  third  voyage,  in  which 
he  first  saw  the  continental  mainland,  but  did  not  explore 
it  or  even  discover  what  it  was,  his  opinion  being  that  it 
was  not  a  new  continent  or  a  new  world. 

The  true  course  of  events  in  the  century  of  discovery, 
and  the  true  place  of  persons  in  it,  may  be  seen  from  these 
Britannica  passages;  which  correctly  refer  the  great  start 
made  all  over  the  world,  not  to  Columbus  and  Spain,  but 
to  Portugal  and  the  great  Portuguese  initiator,  far  behind 
whom  came  the  Genoese  sailor : 

"  In  the  fifteenth  century  the  time  was  approaching 
when  the  discovery  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  was  almost 
indefinitely  to  widen  the  scope  of  geographical  enterprise. 
The  great  event  was  preceded  by  the  construction  of  the 
mariner's  compass.  Encouraged  by  the  possession  of  this 
sure  guide,  by  which,  at  all  times  and  in  all  places,  he 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  147 

could  with  certainty  steer  his  course,  the  navigator  gradu 
ally  abandoned  the  method  of  sailing  along  the  shore,  and 
boldly  committed  his  bark  to  the  open  sea.  Navigation 
was  then  destined  to  make  rapid  progress.  The  growing 
spirit  of  enterprise,  combined  with  the  increasing  light  of 
science,  prepared  the  states  of  Europe  for  entering  upon 
that  great  career  of  discovery,  of  which  the  details  con 
stitute  the  materials  for  the  history  of  modern  geography. 

"  Portugal  took  the  lead  in  this  new  and  brilliant  path, 
and  foremost  in  the  front  rank  of  the  worthies  of  this  little 
hero-nation  stands  the  figure  of  Prince  Henry  the  Navi 
gator.  Until  his  day  the  pathways  of  the  human  race  had 
been  the  mountain,  the  river,  and  the  plain,  the  strait,  the 
lake,  and  the  inland  sea.  It  was  he  who  first  conceived 
the  thought  of  opening  a  road  through  the  unexplored 
ocean, —  a  road  replete  with  danger  but  abundant  with 
promise.  Prince  Henry,  born  March  4,  1394,  relinquished 
the  pleasures  of  the  court,  and  took  up  his  abode  on  the 
inhospitable  promontory  of  Sagres,  at  the  extreme  south 
western  angle  of  Europe.  To  find  the  seapath  to  the 
'  thesauris  Arabum  et  divitiis  Indies  '  was  the  object  to  which 
he  devoted  his  life.  He  collected  the  information  sup 
plied  by  ancient  geographers,  unweariedly  devoted  him 
self  to  the  study  of  navigation  and  cartography,  and  in 
vited,  with  princely  liberality  of  reward,  the  co-operation 
of  the  boldest  and  most  skilful  navigators  of  every 
country." 

The  sweep  of  Prince  Henry's  early  work  to  the  west 
reached  a  thousand  miles  into  the  Atlantic  and  made  the 
Azores  and  the  Madeira  islands  integral  parts  of  Portugal. 
To  the  south,  down  the  coast  of  Africa,  to  and  beyond  the 
Canaries,  progress  was  very  slow,  but  the  efforts  of  Henry 
not  less  persistent  and  hopeful.  The  Mohammedan  re 
ligion  had  propagated  cowardly  terror  of  the  sea,  and  had 


WASHINGTON. 

impressed  this  on  the  ignorance  and  superstition  of  Christ 
endom.  To  Prince  Henry  this  paralyzing  cowardice  was 
despicable,  and  in  1433  one  of  his  captains,  an  Englishman 
named  Giles  Jones,  or  Gil  Eannes,  carried  his  ship  past 
Cape  Bojador  on  the  African  coast,  where  the  dangers 
had  been  supposed  to  be  too  great  for  mortal  hazard. 

The  advance  southward  was  now  unsparingly  pressed , 
and  by  1446  more  than  fifty  caravels  had  reached  the 
Guinea  coast.  Prince  Henry  died  in  1460,  but  his  great 
work  did  not  die  with  him;  and  in  a  marvelous  voyager 
lasting  from  August,  1486,  to  December,  1487,  Bartholo 
mew  Dias,  sailing  13,000  miles  with  two  little  fifty-ton 
craft,  went  storm-driven  far  beyond  the  south  end  of 
Africa,  and  thence  back  to  its  east  coast,  and  home  again 
by  rounding  the  cape,  named  by  him  Tormentoso. 

This  cape  of  storms,  where,  on  a  later  voyage,  the  same 
Dias  went  down  with  his  ship,  was  called  by  the  King  of 
Portugal  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  because  of  the  expecta 
tion  now  so  strong  of  reaching  India  by  that  way,  as 
Prince  Henry  had  planned  to  do.  It  was  because  of  wise 
plans  and  confident,  just  expectations,  so  long  patiently 
pursued,  that  Portugal  let  Columbus  turn  to  Spain  with 
his  crazy  dream  of  reaching  India  by  sailing  west. 

India  was  reached  by  the  Portuguese  navigator,  Vasco 
da  Gama,  in  a  voyage  lasting  from  July,  1497,  to  May, 

1498.  When  Da  Gama  got  back  to  Lisbon  in  August, 

1499,  another  expedition  was  sent,  a  fleet  of  thirteen  ships, 
commanded  by  Pedro  Alvarez  Cabral.     It  sailed  March 
9th  in  the  year  1500,  and  through  stress  of  Atlantic  storms 
was  carried  to  the  coast  of  the  great  southern  continent, 
across  the  Atlantic  from  Africa ;  and  on  the  22d  of  April, 
1500  A.  D.,  or   May   ist  by  new  style,  its  commander 
Cabral,  took  possession  for  Portugal  of  the  great  con 
tinental  mainland  which  we  know  as  Brazil. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  149 

It  was  a  discovery  which  belonged  in  the  course  of 
events  set  in  motion  by  Prince  Henry  eighty  years  before. 
It  would  have  been  made  exactly  the  same  if  Columbus 
had  never  sailed.  It  gave  the  first  news  to  Europe  of 
continental  regions  discovered  where  Columbus  had 
found  and  had  reported  only  islands. 

Cabral  sent  the  great  news  back  to  Portugal,  and  then 
turned  his  prows  toward  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  to  make 
his  voyage  to  India.  The  fleet  met  at  sea  an  expedition 
which  had  on  board  Amerigo  Vespucius,  and  which  fol 
lowed  up  Cabral's  discovery  with  prolonged  coastwise  ex 
ploration  of  the  new  continent.  Vespucius  got  from 
Cabral  news  of  the  finding  of  a  continent,  and,  after  amply 
verifying  it  by  prolonged  explorations,  he  made  a  report, 
in  which  he  told  how  a  "  new  world  "  had  been  discovered ; 
just  what  Columbus  might  have  done  fully  two  years  earlier 
if  he  had  not  been  too  stupid  to  see  and  follow  up  the  real 
facts.  The  inevitable  result  followed.  Vespucius  was  the 
reporter  of  news  of  a  new  world,  and  because  he  got  a 
scoop  on  Columbus,  as  newspaper  men  say,  he  was  justly 
honored,  by  those  who  printed  the  news,  with  having  the 
new  world  called  Amerige,  or  America. 

It  was  thus  in  the  line  of  Prince  Henry,  and  not  in  the 
line  of  Columbus,  that  there  came  into  view  a  new  world. 
Prince  Henry  was  the  supreme  hero  of  the  age  of  discov 
ery.  The  mother  of  the  prince  was  Philippa  of  Lancaster, 
daughter  of  that  Duke  of  Lancaster,  son  to  Edward  III 
of  England,  who  was  at  one  time  the  patron  of  John 
Wyclif.  The  prince  was  thus  half  an  Englishman.  He 
was  one  of  the  finest  minds  and  fairest  characters  of  his 
time.  At  the  age  of  twenty-one  he  had  won  European 
fame  as  a  soldier,  and  when  he  began  at  twenty-two  his 
matchless  devotion  to  science  as  a  means  of  human  prog 
ress  he  was  a  figure,  as  a  young  man,  hardly  paralleled  in 


150  WASHINGTON. 

history.     The  Britannica  article  devoted  to  him  (Vol.  XT, 
672),  says : 

"  Henry  Prince  of  Portugal,  surnamed  the  Navigator, 
to  whose  enlightened  foresight  and  perseverance  the  hu 
man  race  is  indebted  for  the  maritime  discovery,  within 
one  century,  of  more  than  half  of  the  globe,  was  born  at 
Oporto  on  the  4th  of  March,  1394.  Prince  Henry  and 
his  elder  brothers,  Duarte  and  Pedro,  were  sent  out  in 
1415  on  an  expedition  against  the  important  Moorish  city 
of  Ceuta,  which,  after  much  hard  fighting,  they  succeeded 
in  taking  one  day.  Prince  Henry  pre-eminently  distin 
guished  himself  at  the  siege.  His  renown  after  this  be 
came  so  high  that  he  was  invited  severally  by  the  Pope, 
the  Emperor,  and  the  Kings  of  Castile  and  England,  to 
take  the  command  of  their  respective  armies.  The  Prince, 
however,  had  set  his  mind  on  other  and  larger  plans,  in 
volving  no  less  than  the  hope  of  reaching  Inclia  by  the 
south  point  of  Africa.  Accordingly,  in  1418-19,  he  took 
up  his  abode  on  the  extreme  southwestern  point  of  Europe, 
with  the  purpose  of  devoting  himself  to  study,  and  to  the 
direction  and  encouragement  of  the  expeditions  which  he 
proposed  to  send  forth.  There  he  erected  an  observatory, 
and  at  great  expense  procured  the  services  of  a  man  very 
skilful  in  the  art  of  navigation  and  in  the  making  of  maps 
and  instruments,  to  instruct  the  Portuguese  officers  in 
those  sciences. 

"At  first  his  efforts  seemed  to  be  crowned  with  little 
success,  and  his  various  expeditions  called  down  upon  him 
much  obloquy  from  the  nobles,  who  complained  of  such 
an  amount  of  useless  expenditure;  but  on  the  Prince 
vituperation  fell  harmless. 

"The  glory  attaching  to  the  name  of  Prince  Henry 
does  not  rest  merely  on  the  achievements  effected  during 
his  own  lifetime,  but  on  the  stupendous  subsequent  results 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  151 

in  maritime  discovery  to  which  his  genius  and  perseverance 
had  lent  the  primary  inspiration.  The  marvelous  results 
effected  within  a  century  from  the  rounding  of  Cape  Boja- 
dor  in  1433  [nearly  sixty  years  before  Columbus],  formed 
one  unbroken  chain  of  discovery,  which  originated  in  the 
genius  and  the  efforts  of  one  man.  They  were  the  stupen 
dous  issue  of  a  great  thought  and  of  indomitable  perse 
verance,  in  spite  of  twelve  years  [1420-1432]  of  costly 
failure  and  disheartening  ridicule.  Had  that  failure  and 
that  ridicule  produced  on  Prince  Henry  the  effect  which 
they  ordinarily  produce  on  other  men,  it  is  impossible  to 
say  what  delays  would  have  occurred  before  these  mighty 
events  would  have  been  realized ;  for  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  ardor,  not  only  of  his  own  soldiers,  but  of 
surrounding  nations,  owed  its  impulse  to  this  pertinacity 
of  purpose  in  him." 

Such  is  the  testimony  going  to  show  that  the  age  of 
discovery  not  only  dates  from  Prince  Henry  long  before 
Columbus,  but  was  created  by  him,  and  was  in  full  course 
to  the  true  discovery  in  the  southern  quarter  of  a  new  world 
when  Columbus  came  upon  the  scene  with  claims  and  plans 
widely  out  of  line  with  truth,  however  successful  in  hap 
pening  on  the  islands  which  he  falsely  designated  the 
"  West  Indies." 

And  there  follows  from  these  facts  the  manifest  con 
clusion  that  when  John  Cabot  sailed,  and  effected  a  dis 
covery  of  continental  mainland  fourteen  months  before 
Columbus  fooled  away  at  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco  his 
chance  to  report,  or  at  least  record  a  true  discovery  of  a 
new  continent,  he  was  doing  what  he  might  no  less  have 
done  if  Columbus  had  not  "  discovered  the  West  Indies." 

Venezuela  is  of  special  interest,  from  the  fact  of  which 
the  Britannica  speaks  as  follows : 

"  The  coast  of  Venezuela  was  the  first  part  of  the  Amen- 


152  WASHINGTON. 

can  mainland  sighted  by  Columbus,  who  during  his  third 
voyage,  in  1498,  entered  the  Gulf  of  Paria  and  sailed  along 
the  coast  of  the  delta  of  the  Orinoco.  In  the  following- 
year  a  much  greater  extent  of  coast  was  traced  out  by 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  who  was  accompanied  by  the  more  cele 
brated  Amerigo  Vespucci." 

This  brief  mention  touches  the  two  men  between  whom 
lay  the  opportunity  to  notify  the  world  that  a  new  con 
tinent  had  been  discovered, —  Columbus  on  his  third  voy 
age  and  Vespucius  a  year  later  on  his  first.  Columbus 
had  every  advantage,  and  Vespucius  was  at  every  disad 
vantage,  for  giving  out  to  Europe  and  to  all  history  new 
continental  discoveries.  Yet  Columbus  lost  his  chance ; 
deliberately  threw  it  away ;  turned  his  back  on  what  should 
have  been  the  climax  of  his  career,  and  went  steadily 
downward  and  backward,  discredited  by  apparent  failure 
and  detested  as  a  fraud ;  while  Vespucius,  seizing  his  oppor 
tunity,  although  a  later  one,  turned  in  the  news  to  a  news 
paper  man,  one  of  the  very  earliest  that  ever  had  the 
handling  of  a  printing-press,  and  by  doing  so,  happened  on 
the  great  luck  of  having  it  suggested  that  what  he  had 
himself  called  a  new  world  should  be  given  the  name,  from 
his  own  name,  of  America. 

In  the  "  Letter  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,"  describing 
his  third  voyage  to  America,  for  which  he  sailed  May  30, 
1498,  Columbus  relates  how  he  "  saw  land  at  noon  of  Tues 
day,  the  3 ist  of  July,"  and,  putting  in  for  the  land,  reached 
a  cape  which  proved  to  be  the  southeastern  point  of  the 
large  island  of  Trinidad,  lying  opposite  the  mouths  of  the 
Orinoco.  Heretofore  Columbus  had  seen  nothing  but 
islands ;  now  he  was  to  see  for  the  first  time  a  continental 
coast.  Sailing  along  the  south  coast  of  this  island,  Colum 
bus  passed  through  the  strait  between  the  southwestern 
point  of  the  island  and  the  coast*  of  the  continent  into  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  153 

great  gulf,  lying  between  the  island  and  the  delta  of  the 
Orinoco.  Here  he  found  tremendous  currents  caused  by 
the  floods  in  the  river  at,  as  is  supposed,  its  northern 
mouths.  The  delta  includes  about  200  miles  of  coast,  and 
that  part  where  Columbus  tarried  about  two  weeks  seems 
to  have  been  on  the  north.  The  main  channel  and  mouth 
of  the  river  was  discovered  by  Ojeda  later.  Columbus 
took  no  pains  to  explore  the  coast  or  even  to  ascertain 
whether  it  was  more  than  the  coast  of  an  island. 

He  had  a  peculiar  reason  for  failing  to  clo  this,  a  reason 
which  turned  upon  certain  theories  of  his.  He  had  always 
read,  he  tells  us,  that  the  world  was  spherical,  as  testified 
by  Ptolemy  and  others,  but,  he  declares,  "  I  have  come  to 
another  conclusion  respecting  the  earth,  namely,  that  it 
is  not  round,  as  they  describe,  but  of  the  form  of  a  pear, 
which  is  very  round  except  where  the  stalk  grows,  at  which 
part  it  is  most  prominent,  this  protusion  being  the  highest 
and  nearest  the  sky ;  "  or,  as  he  said  again,  "  THis  western 
half  of  the  world,  I  maintain,  is  like  the  half  of  a  very 
round  pear  having  a  raised  projection  for  the  stalk."  He 
inferred  that  "  the  extreme  blandness  of  the  temperature  " 
must  arise  "  from  this  country  being  the  most  elevated 
in  the  world  and  the  nearest  to  the  sky."  He  had  not 
learned  that  elevation,  as  by  ascent  of  a  mountain,  brings 
us  into  a  region  of  cold  even  in  the  hottest  climate  and 
under  the  most  intense  heat  of  the  sun. 

Having  thus  made  out  in  his  own  thoughts  that  he  had 
reached  the  stem  of  the  globe  where,  if  he  coulH  proceed, 
he  would  come  upon  the  topmost  elevation  of  the  world, 
he  gave  utterance  to  this  conviction :  "  I  believe  it  is  im 
possible  to  ascend  thither,  because  I  am  convinced  that  it 
is  the  spot  of  the  earthly  paradise,  whither  no  one  can  go 
but  by  God's  permission."  He  went  on  to  explain  that 
he  supposed  the  earthly  paradise  to  be  "  on  the  summit  of 


154  WASHINGTON. 

the  spot  which  I  have  described  as  being  in  the  form  of 
the  stalk  of  a  pear,"  the  approach  to  it  being  by  a  constant 
and  gradual  ascent,  such  that  "  no  one  could  ever  reach 
the  top; "  while  the  floods  which  he  had  seen  he  regarded 
as  the  abundance  of  waters  pouring  down  from  this  top 
most  spot  of  the  world.  He  thought  that  the  site  coin 
cided  with  the  opinion  of  learned  theologians,  and  further 
more  he  said :  "  The  other  evidences  agree  with  the  sup 
position,  for  I  have  never  either  read  or  heard  of  fresh 
water  coming  in  so  large  a  quantity  in  close  conjunction 
with  the  water  of  the  sea ;  the  idea  is  also  corroborated 
by  the  blandness  of  the  temperature;  and  if  the  water  of 
which  I  speak  does  not  proceed  from  the  earthly  paradise, 
it  appears  to  be  still  more  marvelous,  for  I  do  not  believe 
that  there  is  any  river  in  the  world  so  large  or  so  deep." 
Columbus  pronounced  here  his  opinion  that  the  waters  of 
the  sea,  by  holding  a  more  rapid  course  just  there,  had 
"  thus  carried  away  large  tracts  of  land  and  that  from 
hence  has  resulted  this  great  number  of  islands."  He  fur 
ther  said  in  support  of  his  idea  that  the  islands  had  been 
washed  out  to  sea  from  the  mainland.  "  These  islands 
themselves  afford  an  additional  proof  of  it,  for  all  of  them, 
without  exception,  run  lengthwise  from  west  to  east,  and 
from  the  northwest  to  the  southeast." 

The  possibility,  if  not  certainty,  of  an  immense  mainland 
open  to  discovery  distinctly  presented  itself  to  Columbus. 
Thus  he  said :  "  This  land  which  Your  Highnesses  have 
now  sent  me  to  explore  is  very  extensive,  and  I  think  there 
are  many  other  countries  in  the  south  of  which  the  world 
has  never  had  any  knowledge."  Had  Columbus  sailed  off 
to  the  south,  instead  of  leaving  it  to  Ojeda,  Vespucius,  and 
others,  he  would  have  made  and  reported  the  discovery 
of  continental  mainland.  This  he  did  not  do,  even  with 
the  overwhelming  suggestion  afforded  by  the  flood  from 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  155 

the  Orinoco  of  a  great  river  pouring  out  from  a  great 
continent.  He  finally  expressed  himself  in  these  terms : 
"  I  tHink  that  if  the  river  mentioned  does  not  proceed  from 
the  terrestrial  paradise,  it  comes  from  an  immense  tract 
of  land  situated  in  the  south,  of  which  no  knowledge  has 
been  hitherto  obtained.  But  the  more  I  reason  on  the 
subject  the  more  satisfied  I  become  that  the  terrestrial 
paradise  is  situated  in  the  spot  I  have  described." 

So  satisfied  was  Columbus  with  what  seemed  to  him  a 
pious  conclusion  that  he  made  no  effort  to  verify  either 
then  or  later  the  possibility  of  "  an  immense  tract  of  land 
situated  in  the  south  of  which  no  knowledge  has  hitherto 
been  obtained."  He  said  on  the  last  page  of  his  letter: 
"And  now,  during  the  dispatch  of  the  information  respect 
ing  these  lands  which  I  have  recently  discovered,  and  where 
I  believe  in  my  soul  the  earthly  paradise  is  situated,  the 
Adelantado  (his  brother  Bartholomew)  will  proceed  with 
three  ships  well  stocked  with  provisions  on  a  further  in 
vestigation,  and  will  make  all  the  discoveries  he  can  about 
these  parts."  Whatever  this  promise  referred  to,  nothing 
in  the  important  direction  of  southern  exploration  was  un 
dertaken.  It  is  the  more  remarkable  that  he  did  nothing 
because  the  plan  of  this  third  voyage  had  been  to  take  a 
more  southerly  course  with  a  view  to  the  possibility  of 
discovering  continental  land.  The  turn  which  both  his 
thoughts  and  his  actions  took  at  the  critical  moment  may 
have  been  determined  by  the  fact  that  he  lay  helpless  and 
blind  at  the  time  under  the  double  stroke  of  agonizing 
gout  and  a  malady  of  the  eyes.  At  any  rate,  possessed 
by  an  entirely  false  conclusion,  he  sailed  away  for  Hayti 
about  August  I5th,  and  found  both  himself  and  his  brother 
with  other  things  to  attend  to  than  the  prosecution  of  new 
discovery  to  the  south. 

One  thing,  however,  which  proved  his  undoing  he  thor- 


15G  WASHINGTON. 

oughly  attended  to ;  he  sent  home  to  Spain  the  most  glow 
ing  account  that  he  could  of  new  discoveries  and  sent  speci 
mens  of  pearls  which  had  been  found  on  the  Orinoco  coast. 
This  led  to  voyages  permitted  by  the  Spanish  crown  with 
out  reference  to  Columbus  and  for  the  special  purpose  of 
following  up  the  new  discoveries  which  Columbus  had 
promised  to  further  prosecute.  The  first  of  these  voyages 
was  that  of  Ojeda,  who  sailed  May  20,  1499,  and  Americus 
Vespucius  with  him.  Ojeda  had  the  charts  which  Colum 
bus  sent  home,  and  followed  his  track  along  the  Orinoco 
coast,  until  they  entered  a  gulf-where  some  pile  dwellings 
of  the  natives  suggested  to  them  to  leave  the  name 
Venezuela,  in  reference  to  Venice.  This  was  the  earliest 
christening  of  any  part  of  the  South  American  continent. 
Ojeda  returned  to  Spain  in  June,  1500.  Meanwhile  Pedro 
Alonzo  Nino,  who  had  been  pilot  with  Columbus  on  his 
first  voyage,  got  leave  to  sail,  and  did  sail  early  in  June, 
1499,  to  see  wnat  ne  could  discover.  He  reached  the  Ori 
noco  coast  only  fifteen  days  later  than  Ojeda,  and,  wasting 
no  time  in  exploration,  gathered  a  rich  store  of  pearls  and 
got  back  to  Spain  as  early  as  April,  1500, —  the  first  real 
evidence  of  wealth  which  could  be  had  by  sailing  to  the 
newly-discovered  lands. 

A  third  voyage  was  that  of  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon,  who 
had  been  with  Columbus  on  his  first  voyage.  He  got 
away  from  Palos  with  four  caravels  early  in  December, 
1499.  Pinzon  sailed  eager  to  explore,  and  accomplished 
what  Columbus  had  failed  to  do.  He  stood  boldly  to  the 
southwest,  crossed  the  equator,  and  on  January  20,  1500, 
saw  a  cape  which  was  probably  the  most  easterly  cape  of 
the  great  southern  continent.  Pinzon  then  sailed  north, 
passed  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon,  and  passed  the  Orinoco 
coast,  and  after  losing  two  of  his  ships,  got  back  to  Spain 
in  September,  1500. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  157 

Once  more,  Diego  de  Lepe,  sailing  from  Palos  with 
two  caravels  in  January,  1500,  discovered  still  farther  to 
the  south  the  coast  of  the  great  south  continent.  And 
finally,  the  Portuguese  commander,  Cabral,  after  De  Gama 
had  succeeded  in  sailing  round  Africa  to  India,  set  out, 
March  9,  1500,  with  a  fleet  to  repeat  De  Gama's  voyage. 
The  fleet  took  a  course  or  else  was  driven  out  of  its  way, 
so  far  to  the  southwest  as  to  be  brought,  on  April  22d,  to 
what  is  now  the  coast  of  Brazil.  After  examining  the  coast 
Cabral  took  possession  for  Portugal,  May  i,  1500,  and 
sent  a  caravel  to  Portugal  with  a  letter  carrying  the  news 
of  what  he  had  found  and  what  he  had  done. 

May  I3th  of  the  next  year,  1501,  a  new  Portuguese  fleet 
sailed  for  the  coast  which  Cabral  had  discovered.  It  met 
at  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands  Cabral's  fleet,  which  had  been 
to  India,  and  was  then  on  its  return  to  Portugal.  Vespu- 
cius  was  with  the  west-bound  fleet,  and  Cabral's  discoveries 
were  now  reported  to  him  by  Cabral's  secretary  or  inter 
preter,  Gaspero.  This  new  Portuguese  expedition,  which 
Vespucius  accompanied,  made  extended  exploration  far 
down  the  coast  of  the  new  continent.  By  the  3d  of  April, 
1502,  they  had  reached  the  latitude  of  52  degrees  south, 
and  from  thence,  being  driven  off  the  coast  by  a  gale,  they 
sailed  east  to  Africa,  and  thence  to  Lisbon,  which  they 
reached  September  jy  1502.  Vespucius  wrote  an  account 
in  1503  of  this  voyage.  The  Italian  original  of  this  ac 
count  is  lost,  but  a  Latin  translation  of  it  bore  the  title, 
*'  Mundus  Novus."  The  idea  of  it  was  that  far  to  the 
south  of  the  islands,  to  which  Columbus  had  exclusively 
given  attention,  there  was  a  new  world.  This  account, 
extensively  printed  in  1504  and  1505,  not  only  in  Latin, 
but  in  Italian,  German,  and  Dutch,  was  the  foundation  of 
the  fame  of  Vespucius. 

The  press  of  the  world  did  not  at  that  time  amount  to 


158  WASHINGTON. 

much,  but  with  all  that  there  was  Vespucius  got  in  the 
greatest  "  scoop,"  as  the  modern  reporter  says,  in  all  his 
tory.  He  effectively  reported  the  discovery  of  a  new 
world.  It  was  entirely  without  reference  to  the  altogether 
different  discoveries  of  Columbus,  and  Vespucius  himself 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  naming  of  the  new  world.  It 
was  from  those  who  printed  his  story  that  the  suggestion 
came  to  name  it  from  the  reporter,  and  the  suggestion 
proved  a  successful  one.  The  new  world,  referring  solely 
to  a  great  continental  south  mainland,  was  named  America, 
quite  separate  from  the  islands  to  which  Columbus  had 
given  the  name  of  the  Indies.  The  designation  was  later 
extended  to  include  the  north  continent  with  the  south, 
but  still  leaving  to  Columbus  the  islands  on  which  he  had 
taken  the  greatest  pains  to  fasten  the  name  of  Indies. 

Columbus,  meanwhile,  by  entirely  failing  to  prove  his 
assertions  in  regard  to  gold  and  other  wealth  in  the  Indies, 
and  by  sending  home  natives  to  be  sold  as  slaves,  had  so 
lost  the  confidence  of  Isabella  as  to  occasion  the  sending 
out  an  officer  of  the  royal  household,  Francisco  de  Boba- 
dilla,  with  a  commission  which  resulted  in  sending  Colum 
bus  back  to  Spain  as  a  criminal  in  chains;  and,  although 
he  succeeded  in  making  his  peace  with  the  Spanish  crown, 
and,  after  two  years  of  disheartening  neglect,  was  permit 
ted  to  make  a  fourth  voyage,  nothing  ever  came  of  it 
toward  procuring  for  Columbus  a  contemporary  relation 
to  any  discoveries  except  those  on  which  he  had  concen 
trated  his  own  interests,  the  islands  which  he  so  confidently 
pronounced  to  be  "  The  Isles  of  India  beyond  the  Ganges.'* 

It  is  a  circumstance  of  no  little  interest  that  experts  have 
expressed  the  opinion  that  400  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
the  Orinoco,  in  southeastern  Venezuela,  and  only  thirty 
miles  inland,  there  is  the  largest  gold  mine  on  earth.  If 
Columbus  had  been  of  a  sufficiently  exploring  spirit,  had 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  159 

been  in  health,  and  had  been  on  the  coast  at  the  proper 
season  of  the  year,  he  might  have  found  this  gold  mine, 
might  have  reported  the  discovery  of  continental  land, 
and  might  with  the  greatest  certainty  have  made  the  world 
talk  about  him  in  connection  with  a  new  world,  as  it  but 
a  little  later  did  talk  about  Vespucius. 

A  new  and  critical  Life  of  Columbus,  on  lines  of  the  real 
history  of  voyages  and  discoveries,  ought  to  be  offered  to 
the  world  from  Chicago,  in  atonement  for  the  strange 
ignorance  of  history,  so  accessible  in  the  Britannica,  with 
which  "  Columbian  "  was  written  across  the  whole  scene 
of  historical  commemoration  in  1892-3. 

When  John  Cabot,  on  our  July  4th,  landed  on  the  main 
land  of  North  America,  he  set  up  a  great  cross,  and  un 
furled  above  it  the  flag  of  England  and  the  Venetian  ban 
ner  of  St.  Mark.  The  England  of  Queen  Elizabeth  built 
on  this  foundation  and  made  possible  the  United  States  of 
North  America.  Discovery  Day  stands  above  Indepen 
dence  Day,  in  the  larger  view  of  history. 

The  London  "  Times  "  of  March  6th  published  the  fol 
lowing,  under  the  head  of  "  The  Cabot  Anniversary :  " 

"  Yesterday  was  the  four  hundredth  anniversary  of  an 
event  which  has  always  been  understood  to  mark  the 
foundation  of  the  British  Colonial  Empire.  On  March  5, 
1496,  Henry  VII  granted  a  petition  preferred  by  a  Bristol 
captain  and  his  three  sons,  praying  the  sanction  of  the 
crown  to  a  contemplated  voyage  in  search  of  unknown 
countries  believed  to  exist  beyond  the  ocean  in  northern 
latitudes.  Pursuant  to  this  petition,  which  is  still  pre 
served  in  the  public  record  office,  the  privy  seal  was  on  the 
same  day  affixed  to  the  first  charter  authorizing  its  holders 
to  hoist  the  English  flag  on  shores  hitherto  unknown  to 
Christian  people,  and  to  acquire  the  sovereignty  of  them 
for  the  English  crown.  This  charter,  granted  to  John 


160  WASHINGTON. 

Cabot  and  his  sons,  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sanctus,  stipu 
lates  that  the  grantees  shall,  after  every  voyage,  return 
to  the  port  of  Bristol;  that  they  shall  then  and  there  pay 
to  the  crown,  in  money  or  merchandise,  one-fifth  of  their 
net  profits;  that  they  shall  be  permitted  to  import  their 
merchandise  free  of  customs ;  and  that  no  English  subject 
shall  frequent  the  continents,  islands,  villages,  towns, 
castles,  and  places  discovered  by  them  without  their  license. 
The  Cabot  charter  and  the  voyages  made  pursuant  to  it 
were  always  regarded  as  the  root  of  England's  title  to  her 
American  possessions.  Charters  of  a  similar  kind  had 
been  from  time  to  time  granted  by  the  Portuguese  crown. 
While  the  Cabot  patent  disregards  the  Pope's  partition  of 
the  globe  between  Portugal  and  Spain,  it  authorizes  no 
intrusion  into  the  southern  seas  in  which  each  of  these 
powers  had  already  acquired  colonial  possessions  by  actual 
occupancy.  Columbus'  discoveries  were  as  yet  limited  to 
the  chain  of  islands  separating  the  Caribbean  sea  from  the 
Atlantic.  Cabot's  discoveries  on  his  first  voyage  are  dis 
puted  [as  to  their  exact  location],  but  it  seems  most  prob 
able  that  in  1497,  if  not  in  1496,  he  reached  the  peninsula 
of  Labrador,  and  coasted  a  considerable  part,  if  not  the 
whole,  of  its  Atlantic  shore,  leaving  the  shores  of  Newfound 
land,  which  he  mistook,  as  he  very  well  might  do,  for  two 
islands  instead  of  one,  to  starboard  on  his  return.  In  any 
case,  his  title  to  be  considered  the  first  pioneer  of  English 
colonization  is  indisputable,  and  it  is  equally  certain  that 
the  title  of  the  English  crown  to  the  shores  which  he  is 
generally  understood  to  have  reached  has  never  been  suc 
cessfully  questioned." 

The  recognition  thus  accorded  upon  the  highest  Eng 
lish  authority  to  John  Cabot  as  the  instrument  by  which 
the  northern  continent  of  the  new  world  was  secured  to 
England  instead  of  Spain  and  the  English  Colonies,  which 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  161 

became  the  United  States,  were  made  possible,  is  beyond 
all  doubt  just  and  true.  The  four  hundredth  anniver 
sary  of  the  earliest  event  to  which  our  North  America 
looks  back  is  that  noted  by  the  London  "  Times."  The 
more  important  four  hundredth  anniversary  in  1897, 
on  the  day,  as  far  as  it  can  now  be  known,  which  was 
counted  four  centuries  ago  as  June  24th,  but  the  present 
anniversary  of  which  is  our  July  4th.  It  is  entirely  with 
out  coming  into  conflict  in  any  way  with  the  claims  of 
Columbus,  and  doing  no  wrong  to  whatever  credit  his 
tory  should  give  to  Columbus,  that  English-speaking  peo 
ple  interested  in  North  America  must,  if  they  care  any 
thing  for  the  truth  of  history,  refer  the  North  America 
which  now  exists  to  John  Cabot's  historically  separate 
discovery  and  to  1497  as  the  true  earliest  North  American 
date.  But  it  was  in  the  sequel  to  Cabot's  work  that  Eng 
land  set  a  seal  of  imperial  claim  across  the  great  north 
continent. 

The  Tudors,  who  reigned  in  England  from  1485  to 
1603,  were  a  most  remarkable  race.  They  began  with 
Henry  VII,  1485-1509,  under  whom  the  Cabots  discov 
ered  North  America.  As  early  as  1491  the  age  of  new 
learning  had  fully  dawned  in  England.  The  Utopia  of 
Sir  Thomas  More,  written  a  little  later,  represents  this 
learning  on  lines  which  our  best  advance  in  culture  of 
every  kind  has  not  yet  overtaken ;  and  for  a  plan  the  story 
is  credited  to  a  Portuguese  who,  "for  the  desire  that  he 
had  to  see  and  know  the  far  countries  of  the  world,  had 
joined  himself  in  company  with  Amerike  Vespuce,  and 
in  the  three  last  voyages  of  the  four  that  be  now  in  print 
and  abroad  in  every  man's  hands,  had  continued  still  in  his 
company."  This  reference  of  the  greatest  writer  at  that 
date,  1516,  shows  what  figure  "  Mayster  Amerike,"  or 
IT 


162  WASHINGTON. 

"  Mayster  Vespuce,"  had  cut  before  the  world,  and  how 
the  narrative  put  forth  by  him  had  excited  the  universal 
interest  which  very  naturally  and  very  justly  suggested 
calling  the  novus  mundus,  the  news  of  which  he  gave, 
America. 

Political  exigencies  drove  Henry  VII  from  the  first  into 
close  relations  with  Spain,  and  these  were  cemented  in 
1501  by  the  marriage  of  the  Infanta  Catharine,  daughter 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  to  Arthur,  Henry's  eldest  son. 
The  death  of  Arthur  left  the  Infanta  a  widow,  but  circum 
stances  in  Europe  caused  Spain  to  so  much  desire  English 
good-will  that  Isabella,  contrary  to  Catholic  principle  and 
contrary  to  the  English  King's  feeling,  strongly  urged 
the  union  of  Catharine  with  Arthur's  brother  Henry.  The 
wishes  of  Isabella,  a  faithful  Catholic,  secured  the  consent 
of  the  Pope  and  a  betrothal  of  the  Infanta  and  the  Prince 
took  place.  He  was  six  years  the  younger,  but  when  he 
came  to  the  throne  in  1509,  her  passionate  love  was,  within 
two  months,  rewarded  by  the  marriage  which  a  cruel  fate 
would  turn  to  bitterness.  Henry  VIII  was  thus  the  son- 
in-law  of  Fedinand,  and  England  a  dependent  of  Spain. 
Henry  promised  that  he  would  obey  Ferdinand  as  he  had 
obeyed  his  own  father,  and  Catharine  spoke  of  Henry  and 
herself  as  Ferdinand's  subjects. 

Isabella  had  died  in  1504,  leaving  a  daughter  married 
to  Philip,  the  son  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian.  Their  son 
was  Charles,  who  became  the  Emperor  Charles  V,  and 
whose  son  Philip  was  to  fill  so  large  and  so  dark  a  place 
in  the  history  of  Europe.  Ferdinand  died  in  1516,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  daughter's  son,  Charles  V,  who  be 
came  Emperor  in  1519,  having  been  elected  after  his 
father's  death. 

The  son  of  Charles  V,  Philip  II  of  Spain,  came  to  the 
Spanish  throne  in  1556.  The  life  of  Henry  VIII  of  Eng- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  163 

land  had  run  out  in  1547;  his  son  Edward  had  ruled  under 
anti-Catholic  guidance,  1547-53;  and  Mary  had  come  to 
the  English  throne  in  1553.  To  Mary,  Philip  II,  the  heir 
to  Spain,  was  married  in  1554,  and  when  he  left  her  in 
1555  to  prepare  to  succeed  the  next  year  to  the  throne 
of  Spain,  nothing  seemed  more  unlikely  than  English  de 
fiance,  defeat,  and  destruction  of  Spanish  supremacy. 

Mary  was  in  many  ways  ardently  Spanish,  and  by  so 
much  unpopular  with  those  of  her  subjects  who  were  every 
day  becoming  more  and  more  prejudiced  against  Spanish 
power,  and  most  of  all  against  Philip,  Mary's  Spanish  hus 
band,  who  now  wore  the  title  of  King,  while  the  coin  of 
the  realm,  bearing  the  name  of  Philip  with  that  of  Mary, 
made  England  seem  apparently  a  part  of  Spain.  And  the 
situation  thus  unfortunately  created  by  the  antagonism  of 
pro-English  and  pro-Spanish  sympathies,  became  greatly 
aggravated  when  it  appeared  that  Mary,  who  was  twelve 
years  older  than  her  husband  and  in  very  poor  health  was 
childless,  and  that  the  marriage  virtually  gave  England  to 
Spain.  The  death  of  Mary  changed  everything.  England 
became  the  inheritance  of  her  half-sister  Elizabeth. 

Henry  VIII,  to  whom  the  Infanta  Catharine,  though 
an  excellent  and  faithful  wife,  had  become  a  doubtful 
spouse  when  he  saw  no  male  child  survive  to  be  his  heir, 
had  been  fascinated  by  a  girl  of  sixteen  about  1522,  and 
January  25,  1533,  he  was  secretly  married  to  her,  after  a 
long  scandal  of  shameless  divorce  proceedings  to  get  rid 
of  Catharine.  It  turned  out  badly  for  Anne  Boleyn,  wife 
and  Queen  though  she  became,  because  Henry  found  out, 
or  rather  supposed  that  he  did,  that  she  had  misbehaved 
before  her  marriage,  and  for  that  he  ruthlessly  put  her 
to  death.  But  she  had  borne  to  him  a  daughter,  Eliza 
beth,  a  woman  destined  to  the  greatest  place  and  the  grand 
est  fortune  Engand  from  first  to  last  has  known.  Like 


1(34  WASHINGTON. 

George  Eliot,  the  woman-Socrates  of  our  time,  she  got 
from  her  mother  some  points  of  weakness  or  wayward 
ness  of  character,  but  all  the  same  the  motherhood  of  which 
she  came,  queenly  and  powerful  for  the  moment,  with  what 
of  greatest  there  was  in  her  father,  had  served  to  create, 
beneath  superficial  frailties  sufficiently  scandalous,  a  lion- 
hearted  mother-monarch  the  greatest  that  ever  sat  on  a 
throne. 

And  in  the  events  of  her  career  lay  more  of  the  future 
of  the  world  than  in  any  other  life  ever  known.  There 
would  have  been  no  such  North  America  as  gave  the 
United  States  but  for  the  changes  which  her  great  reign 
•effected.  It  has  not  been  noted  in  history,  but  the  un 
questioned  fact  is  that  there  would  have  been  no  Pilgrim 
Fathers  and  no  planting  by  them  of  New  England,  but 
for  the  train  of  events  set  in  motion  by  her  peculiar  course 
in  the  execution  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  The  defiance, 
defeat,  and  destruction  of  the  supremacy  of  Spain,  in  both 
the  old  world  and  the  new,  was  the  greatest  work  of  Eliza- 
"beth,  due  to  the  might  of  her  spirit  and  to  the  masterly 
skill  and  courage  of  her  seamen. 

Philip  II  had  reached  inordinate  greatness,  in  territory, 
an  arms  by  land  and  sea,  and  in  wealth,  when  the  struggle 
came.  Naples  and  Milan,  the  best  parts  of  Italy,  were 
his.  He  ruled  the  Low  Countries,  and  was  master  of 
Flanders,  where  manufactures  were  more  developed  than 
anywhere  else  in  Europe,  and  of  Antwerp,  then  the  great 
est  center  of  commerce  of  the  world.  In  1580  he  absorbed 
Portugal  and  doubled  thereby  his  naval  power.  Cortez 
and  Pizarro  had  given  him  Mexico  and  Peru,  the  wealth 
of  which  realized  those  dreams  of  Columbus  which  were 
his  ruin  in  the  "  West  Indies."  Spain  itself  put  into  the 
field  the  best  soldiers  the  world  had  seen  since  the  legions 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  165 

of  Rome,  and  generals  as  marvelously  able  as  they  were 
ruthlessly  cruel. 

The  ancestor  of  Philip,  Ferdinand,  had  very  early  blot 
ted  out  popular  liberty  in  Castile,  Isabella's  kingdom,  and 
Philip  served  that  of  Aragon  in  the  same  way.  He  set  the 
Duke  of  Alva,  whose  niece  the  son  of  Columbus  married, 
to  crush  out  both  liberty  and  heresy  in  the  Low  Countries ; 
and  when  the  Thirty  Years'  War  fell  with  its  terrible 
blight  on  Germany,  it  was  by  the  malignity  of  Spain. 
There  seemed  nothing  to  hinder  dealing  with  England  on 
the  same  lines  of  relentless  Spanish  despotism ;  and  there 
was  nothing  but  the  spirit  of  Elizabeth  and  the  skill  and 
courage  of  her  fighting  seamen. 

So  early  as  in  the  reign  of  Mary,  three  ships  under 
Hugh  Willoughby  and  Richard  Chancellor  had  struck 
west  and  north  in  quest  of  a  passage  to  Asia.  The  com 
mander  and  two  of  the  ships  were  frozen  on  the  coast  of 
Lapland,  but  Chancellor  got  through  to  the  White  Sea 
and  opened  at  Archangel  trade  with  Russia.  Again,  in 
1576,  Martin  Frobisher,  representing  English  thoughts 
of  the  new  world,  sailed  to  the  coast  of  Labrador  in  hope 
of  a  northwestern  passage  to  India. 

From  the  time  of  the  Cabots,  1497-8,  and  notably  under 
Henry  VIII,  Englishmen  sought  the  North  American  coast 
for  fish,  and  found  therein  a  school  of  hardy  seamanship. 
And  as  the  politics  of  Spain,  aimed  to  destroy  Elizabeth 
in  the  interests  of  Spain  and  the  papacy,  gradually  de 
veloped  a  desperate  antagonism,  though  without  open  war, 
between  the  two  powers,  there  grew  into  wide  vigor  and 
daring  an  effort  of  England,  its  people  rather  than  its  gov 
ernment,  and  by  sea  rather  than  land,  to  do  harm  to  Spain,, 
and  especially  to  Spanish  monopoly  of  the  new  world. 

When  Charles  V  came  to  the  throne,  at  the  death  of 
Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  in  1516,  twelve  years  later  than  the 


166  WASHINGTON. 

death  of  Isabella,  "  Spanish  rule,"  in  the  words  of  Greene, 
whose  authority  cannot  be  questioned,  "  had  hardly  spread 
beyond  the  island  of  St.  Domingo,  which  Columbus  had 
discovered  twenty  years  before," — so  little  true  is  it  that 
Columbus  gave  to  Spain  a  new  world.  All  that  was  later 
work  by  other  hands.  Mr.  Greene  goes  on  after  the  state 
ment  just  quoted,  as  follows  : 

"  But  greed  and  enterprise  drew  Cortez  to  the  mainland, 
and  in  1521  his  conquest  of  Mexico  added  a  realm  of  gold 
to  the  dominions  of  the  Empejor.  Ten  years  later  the 
great  Empire  of  Peru  yielded  to  the  arms  of  Pizarro. 
With  the  conquest  of  Chili  the  whole  western  coast  of 
South  America  passed  into  the  hands  of  Spain ;  and  suc 
cessive  expeditions  planted  the  Spanish  flag  at  point  upon 
point  along  the  coast  of  the  Atlantic  from  Florida  to  the 
river  Plate  (south  of  Brazil).  A  papal  grant  had  con 
veyed  the  whole  of  America  to  the  Spanish  crown,  and 
fortune  seemed  for  long  years  to  ratify  the  judgment  of 
the  Vatican.  No  European  nation  save  Portugal  disputed 
the  possession  of  the  new  world,  and  Portugal  was  too 
busy  with  its  discoveries  in  Africa  and  India  to  claim  more 
than  the  territory  of  Brazil.  A  Huguenot  colony  which 
settled  in  Florida  was  cut  to  pieces  by  the  Spaniards.  Only 
in  the  far  north  did  a  few  French  settlers  find  rest  beside 
the  waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  England  had  reached  the 
mainland  even  earlier  than  Spain,  for  before  Columbus 
touched  its  shores  [in  the  south]  Sebastian  Cabot  sailed 
with  an  English  crew  from  Bristol  in  1497.  But  no  Eng 
lishman  followed  on  the  track  of  this  bold  adventurer ;  and 
while  Spain  built  up  her  empire  in  the  new  world,  the 
English  seamen  reaped  a  humbler  harvest  in  the  fisheries 
of  Newfoundland.  The  one  result  of  the  first  discovery 
of  the  western  continent  was  to  give  an  enormous  impulse 
to  the  most  bigoted  and  tyrannical  among  the  powers  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  167 

Europe,  and  to  pour  the  gold  of  Mexico  and  Peru  into 
the  treasury  of  Spain." 

Four  years  had  hardly  passed  from  Elizabeth's  accession 
before  English  seadogs,  under  one  plea  or  another,  were 
swarming  in  the  English  Channel.  It  became  in  due  time 
a  quest  of  Spanish  booty  wherever  it  could  be  found ;  and 
that  soon  meant  ripping  open  the  veil  thrown  by  Spain 
over  the  seas  and  shores  of  America. 

The  genuius  of  Drake  led  him  to  set  on  foot  schemes  for 
every  possible  undoing  of  Spain  in  America.  In  1572  he 
sailed  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  where,  once  a  year,  were 
brought  the  gold  and  silver  from  the  mines  of  Peru,  and 
bursting  with  his  handful  of  men  into  the  Governor's 
house,  he  said  to  his  companions :  "  I  have  brought  you 
to  the  mouth  of  the  treasury  of  the  world."  Wounded  and 
beaten  off,  he  frankly  proclaimed  somewhat  later  to  a 
Spaniard :  "  I  am  resolved,  by  the  help  of  God,  to  reap 
some  of  the  golden  harvest  which  you  have  got  out  of  the 
earth  and  sent  to  Spain  to  trouble  the  earth."  He  was 
shown  by  some  natives  where  to  climb  a  tree,  from  which, 
first  of  Englishmen,  he  saw  the  waters  of  the  Pacific,  and 
throwing  himself  on  his  knees  he  prayed  to  God  to  allow 
him  to  live  to  sail  an  English  vessel  on  those  seas. 

In  1577  he  set  sail  for  a  skirmish  clear  round  South 
America  and  entirely  round  the  world,  with  three  ships, 
of  which  his  own,  the  largest,  was  of  but  100  tons.  In 
the  stormy  Straits  of  Magellan  he  alone  passed  through, 
but,  ranging  up  the  coast  he  easily  caught  the  Spaniards 
everywhere  off  their  guard,  and  made  many  captures  of 
precious  booty,  including  the  cargo  of  a  great  vessel,  from 
which  he  got  a  large  store  of  jewels,  thirteen  chests  of 
silver  coin,  eighty  pounds'  weight  of  gold,  and  twenty-six 
tons  of  silver. 

Going  north  as  high  as  California  he  made  a  landing 


168  WASHINGTON. 

in  the  harbor  now  that  of  San  Francisco,  took  possession 
in  the  name  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  planted  the  name 
"  New  Albion."  A  monument  recently  erected  marks  the 
spot  of  this  prophetic  defiance  of  Spain  on  the  coast  thus 
far  exclusively  Spanish. 

Drake  struck  thence  directly  across  the  Pacific,  reached 
the  true  Isles  of  India  beyond-  the  Ganges,  7,000  miles 
beyond  the  goal  of  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  and  thence 
took  his  course  home  by  the  way  of  the  south  cape  of 
Africa,  and  came  to  England  in  1580,  the  first  commander 
who  had  circumnavigated  the  globe.  Magellan's  expedi 
tion  had  gone  clear  round  before  him,  but  the  commander 
had  died  on  the  way. 

The  King  of  Spain  in  a  great  fury  demanded  from  Eliza 
beth  the  surrender  of  Drake.  Her  reply  was  to  make 
him  Sir  Francis  Drake.  Philip  angrily  insisted  on  the 
return  of  the  half  million  sterling  of  wealth  which  the  bold 
sailor  had  gleaned  in  Pacific  waters.  Her  reply  was  to 
have  the  jewels  which  Drake  had  presented  to  her  set  in 
the  crown  which  she  wore.  The  Spanish  ambassador 
thought  to  move  her  by  saying  that  "  matters  would  come 
to  the  cannon,"  and  to  this  threat  her  answer  was  that  if 
he  talked  in  that  way  to  her  she  would  fling  him  into  a 
dungeon.  The  official  wrote  to  his  master  describing  how 
"  she  quietly,  in  her  most  natural  voice,  as  if  she  were 
telling  a  common  story,  replied  that  if  I  used  threats  of 
that  kind  she  would  fling  me  into  a  dungeon." 

This  defiance  was  flung  at  Philip  just  as  he  was  reach 
ing  his  highest  position  of  resources  and  power  and  ad 
vantage.  His  general  in  the  Netherlands  was  winning 
both  military  and  diplomatic  success.  At  the  death,  in 
the  year  of  Drake's  return,  of  the  King  of  Portugal,  Philip's 
claim  to  absorb  it  was  successfully  backeH  by  Alva  march 
ing  upon  Lisbon,  and  thus  Spain  almost  doubled  her 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  169 

power,  more  than  doubled  her  naval  strength,  secured 
colonies  richer  than  her  own,  and  got  the  richest  trade 
in  the  world.  With  the  close  of  1583  Spanish  successes 
left  Elizabeth  face  to  face  with  the  master  of  what 
seemed  irresistible  forces,  to  whom  it  was  becoming  a 
necessity  to  crush  England,  in  order  to  final  defeat  of 
Dutch  revolt,  and  to  preserve  his  monopoly  of  the  new 
world  by  disabling  the  power  that  suffered  Drake  to 
sweep  the  seas.  In  August,  1585,  Antwerp,  the  seat  of 
European  commerce,  which  London  had  not  yet  become, 
became  the  last  splendid  prize  of  Spanish  victory. 

Yet  Elizabeth  and  her  seadogs  held  their  course  of  cool 
defiance  undaunted.  English  freebooters  dashed  boldly 
into  the  Spanish  seas  of  the  new  world,  full  of  hatred  of 
Spain  and  resolved  to  win  English  dominion  beyond  the 
Atlantic.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  Raleigh's  brother-in- 
law,  and  one  of  nature's  noblemen,  sought  the  coast  of 
North  America  to  plant  a  colony,  and,  returning  from  de 
feat  of  his  plans,  was  overtaken  in  his  ship  of  only  ten  tons 
by  a  terrible  storm  at  night.  The  companions  of  his  voy 
age,  sailing  near  when  wreck  threatened  his  little  craft, 
heard  him  cry,  "  We  are  as  near  to  heaven  by  sea  as  by 
land."  Raleigh  himself  sent  an  expedition  which  planted 
at  least  a  great  name  on  the  continent  of  North  America, 
that  of  "  Virginia,"  a  compliment  to  the  Virgin  Queen  of 
England. 

Drake  in  1585  was  permitted  to  sail  to  the  Spanish  Main 
with  a  fleet  of  twenty-five  vessels,  where  he  burned  the 
cities  of  St.  Domingo  and  Carthagena  to  revenge  Spanish 
treatment  of  English  sailors;  plundered  the  coasts  of 
Cuba  and  Florida;  and  gathered  a  heavy  booty,  with 
which  he  returned  home  in  the  summer  of  1586.  On  the 
continent  Elizabeth  had  taken  an  open  hand  with  troops 
as  well  as  money  in  the  stout  resistance  of  the  Dutch  to 


170  WASHINGTON. 

the  prodigious  pounding  kept  up  by  the  generals  of  Philip ; 
and  with  this  English  army  in  Flanders  and  Drake  defiant 
and  destructive  in  the  West  Indies,  it  was  but  too  clear  to 
Philip  that  he  must  strike  with  all  his  might  at  England. 
The  fight  was  one  of  intense  antagonism  between  the  two 
parties  into  which  England  was  broken  by  bitter  religious 
differences,  and  by  consequence  it  was  less  what  the  hapless 
Mary  had  intended  than  what  the  respective  parties  sought 
to  accomplish,  the  one  by  using  her  claims  against  those 
of  Elizabeth,  and  the  other  by  making  the  seat  of  Eliza 
beth  more  secure  through  compassing  the  death  of  Mary 
(February  8,  1587). 

The  reply  of  Philip  was  the  Spanish  Armada,  to  all  ap 
pearance  as  irresistible  as  it  was  immense  and  magnificent, 
132  vessels  covering  seven  miles  of  sea  as  they  swept  in 
a  broad  crescent  past  Plymouth  harbor,  where  the 
English  fleet  of  but  eighty  vessels  lay  ready  to  fall  on 
their  rear.  Of  the  thirty  larger  Queen's  ships  only  four 
were  equal  in  tonnage  to  the  smallest  of  the  Spanish  gal 
leons,  and  the  other  fifty  craft  of  the  eighty  were  not 
bigger  than  the  common  pleasure  yachts  of  a  later  time. 
Spain  had  sixty-five  great  galleons;  four  gigantic  gal 
leasses  carrying  fifty  guns  apiece;  fifty-six  armed  mer 
chantmen,  and  twenty  pinnaces ;  with  2,500  cannon,  20,000 
soldiers,  and  8,000  seamen. 

But  the  English  shipwrights  had  put  their  skill  into 
ships  that  could  be  handled  better  than  the  Spanish; 
English  seamanship  was  vastly  better  than  Spanish ;  the 
marine  artillery  of  England  made  the  Spanish  method  of 
getting  to  close  quarters  and  letting  musketry  do  the 
work  almost  useless ;  and  English  commanders  thoroughly 
knew  the  trade  of  sea  fighting,  while  Philip  had  put  the 
Armada  under  a  Spanish  duke  who  knew  nothing  of  the 
sea  and  nothing  of  war.  The  faster  English  ships,  carry- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  171 

ing  more  and  heavier  cannon  than  the  Spanish,  and 
marines  and  sailors,  rather  than  soldiers,  made  easy  game 
of  the  lumbering  magnificence,  the  small-shotted  cannon, 
and  the  throng  of  useless  musketeers  on  the  great  decks 
of  Spain's  big  Armada. 

Letting  the  seven  miles  of  Spanish  bravery  go  by  be 
fore  the  west  wind,  Drake  and  the  English  captains  tore 
furiously  at  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  until  with  the  loss  of 
several  ships,  they  were  glad  to  put  into  Calais  for  refuge ; 
a  refuge  from  the  which  English  fire-ships  sent  in  speedily 
drove  them,  and  brought  on  a  pitched  battle  off  Grave- 
lines,  in  which  the  English  did  all  the  pitching,  their 
swifter  ships,  and  guns  of  longer  range,  and  heavier  shot, 
riddling  unmercifully  the  helpless  bulk  of  the  clumsy  Ar 
mada. 

Wind  and  storm  came  to  the  aid  of  the  English  victors, 
driving  the  fleets  past  the  coast  of  Flanders,  where  Philip's 
ablest  general,  the  Duke  of  Parma,  with  an  army,  lay 
ready  for  the  Armada  to  fall  on  the  Dutch  fleet  block 
ading  his  port  and  to  convey  him  over  to  the  conquest  of 
England.  As  the  tall  galleons  and  gigantic  galleasses  of 
Spain  swept  on  before  the  storm,  hard  pressed  by  Eliza 
beth's  seadogs,  Parma  saw  that  it  was  a  worse  than  Dutch 
business.  With  sails  torn,  masts  shot  away,  and  4,000 
dead  or  dying  on  their  crowded  decks,  the  Spanish  cap 
tains  saw  no  hope  but  to  beat  a  retreat  up  the  North  Sea, 
around  Scotland  to  the  west  of  Ireland,  and  so  back  to 
Spain. 

Over  the  top  of  Scotland  the  northern  storms  completed 
the  destruction  which  Drake's  well-handled  ships  and  guns 
had  begun.  The  flower  of  Spain's  nobility  were  swallowed 
by  the  pitiless  sea.  Eight  thousand  Spaniards  perished  on 
a  storm-swept  coast.  On  a  single  strand  the  sea  cast  up 
1,100  of  the  dead.  Only  fifty  ships  at  last  reached  Co- 


WASHINGTON. 

runna,  and  these  brought  10,000  men  dying  of  the  pesti 
lence  which  had  smitten  the  suffering  ships. 

The  question  of  England  and  of  Spain,  on  the  sea  and 
the  land,  in  the  old  world  and  the  new,  was  settled  forever. 
England  rose  beyond  the  reach  of  any  foe,  and  Spain  fell, 
to  lose  the  Netherlands  in  the  near  future,  to  be  stripped 
of  her  holdings  in  Italy  in  the  next  century,  and  at  last 
to  find  all  of  America  gone  save  the  island  of  Cuba. 

In  1604,  after  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  Spain,  left  England  secure  of  North  America.  The 
settlement  of  Virginia  was  begun  in  1607,  and  that  of 
New  England  in  1620.  The  work  begun  by  Cabot  on  that 
day  of  discovery,  which  is  our  July  4,  in  the  year  1497, 
gave  at  last  the  hope  of  our  America.  If  Queen  Elizabeth 
had  been  the  mere  creature  of  scandalous  faults  which  in 
every-day  externals  of  character  she  seems  to  have  been ; 
if  she  had  not  been  in  her  deeper  nature  and  better  self 
colossal  in  mother  concern  for  her  people  and  in  the 
courage  of  her  race  and  her  throne,  there  might  have 
long  hung  across  the  whole  breadth  of  our  South,  the 
Spanish  cloud  of  corroding  despotism,  which  is  to  this 
hour  the  infamy  of  civilization.  If  adequate  learning  had 
attended  the  celebration  by  the  United  States  of  what 
our  America  has  become,  and  what  acknowledgments 
are  due  from  the  land  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  and  of 
Washington,  there  would  have  arisen  above  every  other 
monument  of  the  splendid  scene,  the  memorial  figure  of 
the  woman-monarch  whose  captains  planted  New  Albion 
on  the  Pacific  southwest  of  our  continent,  and  "  Virginia," 
the  Virginia  of  that  time  being  an  empire  of  which  New 
England  was  the  northeastern  part. 

Recurrence  to  facts  such  as  these  more  than  suggests 
that  "  New  France  "  was  planted  on  English  domain,  that 
Jacques  Cartier,  entering  the  St.  Lawrence  in  1534,  was  a 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  173 

French  intruder,  that  all  that  followed  from  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  tram 
pled  upon  English  rights,  and  that  Spain  unadvisedly  and 
unwarrantably  encroached  in  attempting  any  hold  what 
ever  upon  soil  north  of  the  Gulf.  That  the  gods  of  world- 
destiny  thought  so,  is  writ  large  on  the  history  of  the  end 
of  the  nineteenth  century.] 


CHAPTER  II. 

WASHINGTON'S  FIRST  BATTLE. 

.       I754- 

CAPTAIN  CONTRECGEUR  and  his  troops  were 
now  in  full  possession  of  the  military  work  com 
menced  by  Captain  Trent,  whom  they  had  driven 
from  this  post  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio. 

With  but  three  companies,  consisting  of  150  men, 
Colonel  Washington  could  not  prudently  proceed  to  the 
fort  to  attack  a  force  so  very  greatly  superior  to  his  own  in 
numbers  and  equipment.  He  wrote  therefore  to  the  Gov 
ernors  of  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland,  and  asked 
for  additions  to  his  little  band. 

He  resolved  to  march  on  however  while  the  proposed 
enlistment  was  in  progress ;  to  repair  to  the  mouth  of  Red 
stone  creek,  which  was  thirty-seven  miles  from  the  cap 
tured  post;  to  erect  a  fort  there,  and  to  wait  for  reinforce 
ments  ;  but,  in  the  event  of  their  not  reaching  him  in  time, 
to  be  prepared  for  a  retreat. 

[To  Governor  Sharpe  of  Maryland,  Washington  wrote 
from  Will's  Creek  April  24,  of  Captain  Trent's  surrender 
of  "  his  small  fortress  in  the  Forks  of  the  Monongahela ;  " 
-of  his  arrival  thus  far  with  a  detachment  of  159  men; 
of  Colonel  Fry, expected  to  follow  with  the  remainder  of 
the  regiments  and  artillery;  of  the  work  being  done  upon 
roads  fit  for  the  carriage  of  the  great  guns;  and  of  the 
design  to  proceed  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  Red  Stone  Creek 
on  the  Monongahela,  thirty-seven  miles  above  the  fort 

(174) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  175 

surrendered  to  the  French,  where  a  storehouse  built  by 
the  Ohio  Company  would,  for  the  present,  serve  to  re 
ceive  their  ammunition  and  provisions.  In  apology  for 
writing  to  one  whose  acquaintance  he  had  never  made, 
Washington  said :  "  It  was  the  glowing  zeal  I  owe  my 
country  that  influenced  me  to  impart  these  advices  that 
should  rouse  from  the  lethargy  we  have  fallen  into,  the 
heroic  spirit  of  every  freeborn  Englishman."  A  letter 
of  similar  import  was  sent  to  Governor  Hamilton  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  laid  before  the  Legislature  of  that  Colony. 
To  Governor  Dinwiddie  he  had  written  April  15,  report 
ing  the  steps  he  had  taken,  and  saying.  "  I  hope  my  pro 
ceedings  will  be  satisfactory  to  your  Honor,  as  I  have, 
to  the  utmost  of  my  knowledge,  consulted  the  interest 
of  the  expedition  and  good  of  my  country;  whose  rights, 
while  they  are  asserted  in  so  just  a  cause,  I  will  defend 
to  the  last  remains  of  my  life."  He  further  says  that  at 
Red  Stone  Creek  "  we  will  fortify  ourselves  as  strongly 
as  the  short  time  will  allow."] 

On  the  ist  day  of  May  he  set  out  from  Wills  Creek.  His 
march  was  however  very  tedious.  Many  and  great  diffi 
culties  were  encountered  in  his  course  through  woods  and 
marshes  and  among  rocks  with  an  inadequate  supply  of 
provisions  for  his  men.  Having  on  the  2Oth  day  of  May 
(1754),  reached  the  Youghiogheny,  a  branch  of  the 
Monongahela,  he  found  it  impossible  to  convey  his  troops 
across  but  by  the  tardy  process  of  building  a  bridge.  His 
effort  to  avoid  this  resort  he  has  himself  described.  And 
his  account  affords  a  new  and  happy  illustration  of  his  char 
acteristic  qualities : 

"  On  the  2Oth  of  May  I  embarked  in  a  canoe  with  Lieu 
tenant  West,  three  soldiers,  and  an  Indian.  Having  fol 
lowed  the  river  for  about  half  a  mile  we  were  obliged  to 
go  ashore,  where  we  found  a  trader  who  seemed  to  dis- 


176  WASHINGTON. 

courage  my  attempt  to  seek  a  passage  by  water,  which 
caused  me  to  change  my  intention  of  having  canoes  made. 

"  I  ordered  the  troops  to  wade  the  river,  as  the  waters 
had  now  sufficiently  subsided.  I  continued  to  descend  the 
river,  but  finding  our  canoe  too  small  for  six  persons  we 
stopped  to  construct  a  bark,  with  which  and  the  canoe  we 
reached  Turkey  Foot  just  as  the  night  began.  Eight  or 
ten  miles  farther  onward  we  encountered  several  difficulties 
which  were  of  little  consequence.  At  this  point  we  stopped 
some  time  to  examine  the  position  and  found  it  well  suited 
for  a  fort,  being  at  the  mouth  of  three  branches  or  small 
rivers  and  having  a  gravelly  foundation. 

"  We  went  down  about  two  miles  to  examine  the  course 
of  the  river  which  is  straight  with  many  currents  and  full 
of  rocks  and  rapids.  We  crossed  it,  though  the  water  was 
high,  which  induced  me  to  believe  the  canoes  would  easily 
pass,  but  this  was  not  effected  without  difficulty. 

"  Besides  these  rapids  we  met  with  others,  but  the  water 
being  more  shallow  and  the  current  smoother,  we  passed 
them  easily.  We  then  found  the  water  very  deep  and 
mountains  rising  on  both  sides.  After  proceeding  ten 
miles  we  came  to  a  fall  in  the  river  which  arrested  our 
progress  and  compelled  us  to  go  ashore  and  desist  from, 
any  further  attempt."* 

On  returning  to  his  men  (May  24,  1754)  he  learned  from 
friendly  Indians,  sent  to  him  by  his  ally  the  Half-King, 
Tanacharison,  that  the  French,  rapidly  marching  toward 
him  and  now  near  at  hand,  were  resolved  on  an  encounter. 
He  took  a  favorable  position  at  a  level  spot  in  a  glade,  near 
a  creek,  and  amid  gently  rising  hills.  The  glade  was  known 

*This  extract  is  from  a  journal  of  Washington's,  which  was 
taken  by  the  French  at  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela,  and  parts  of 
which  were  published  at  Paris,  in  1756. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  177 

as  "  The  Great  Meadows."  "  I  hurried  to  this  place,"  says 
he,  "  as  a  convenient  spot.  We  have,  with  nature's  as 
sistance,  made  a  good  intrenchment,  and  by  clearing  the 
bushes  out  of  these  meadows  prepared  a  charming  field  for 
an  encounter."* 

Mr.  Gist,  who  now  visited  the  camp,  reported,  that  the 
day  before  (May  27,  1754),  at  his  plantation,  thirteen  miles 
distant,  he  had  seen  M.  La  Force,  a  French  officer,  with 
fifty  men,  whose  footsteps  he  traced  to  a  spot  five  miles 
from  the  Great  Meadows.  Seventy-five  of  Washington's 
men  were  sent  in  pursuit  but  could  not  find  the  French 
roving  party. 

Tanacharison,  together  with  a  number  of  his  warriors, 
was  but  six  miles  from  the  spot.  He  also  sent,  after  8 
o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  same  day,  intelligence  of  a 
French  detachment's  being  near.  With  forty  of  his  men, 
Colonel  Washington,  at  once,  before  10  o'clock,  hastened 
to  the  Indian  camp,  regardless  of  a  heavy  rain  and  a  night 
of  intense  darkness  and  of  obstacles  offered  by  an  almost 
impenetrable  forest.  "  We  were,"  says  he,  "  frequently 
tumbled  one  over  another,  and  often  so  lost  that  fifteen 
or  twenty  minutes'  search  would  not  find  the  path  again."f 

At  early  dawn  he  met  in  council  with  his  Indian  ally. 
It  was  agreed  to  unite  in  an  attack  upon  the  enemy; 
Washington  to  be  on  the  right  and  Tanacharison  on  the 
left. 

The  French  were  soon  traced  to  a  secluded  nook 
among  rocks  half  a  mile  distant  from  the  common  road. 
They  were  surprised  in  their  lurking  place.  They  were 
attacked  (May  28,  1754).  And  in  the  skirmish  which 

.  *  Letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  from  Great  Meadows,  May  27, 
1754- 

t  Letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  May  29,  1754, 
12 


178  WASHINGTON. 

ensued,  and  which  lasted  about  fifteen  minutes,  the  French 
party  was  defeated,  eleven  of  their  number  being  killed 
and  one  wounded.  Twenty-one  were  captured.  Of  Wash 
ington's  party  only  one  was  killed  and  two  or  three  were 
wounded.  The  Indians  sustained  no  loss,  as  the  enemy's 
fire  was  aimed  exclusively  at  the  band  led  by  Washington. 
The  prisoners  were  forthwith  sent  to  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

Of  the  slain  among  the  French  one  was  their  com 
mander,  M.  de  Jumonville.  And  as  the  alleged  particulars 
of  his  death  have  given  cause  to  an  unfortunate  and  false 
representation  of  the  fact,  and  as  French  writers  have,  in 
works  of  history,  biography,  and  poetry,*  put  on  record 
sentiments  which  would  detract  from  the  fair  fame  of 
Washington,  it  is  proper  that  the  means  should  be  fur 
nished  for  his  vindication. 

It  has  been  said  that  Jumonville,  having  been  surprised 
and  twice  fired  upon  by  the  English,  "  made  a  sign  that 
he  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  his  commandant,"  and 
that  "  he  caused  the  summons  to  be  read,  but  the  reading 
was  not  finished  when  the  English  repeated  their  fire,  and 
killed  him."f  It  has  been  said  that  "  the  English  ranged 
in  a  circle  round  him,  listened  to  the  representations  which 
he  came  to  make."  "They  assassinated  Jumonville  and 
immolated  eight  soldiers,  who  fell  bleeding  by  the  side  of 
their  chief."  "  The  detachment  of  the  English  who  com 
mitted  this  atrocity  was  commanded  by  Washington. 
This  officer,  who  afterward  displayed  the  purest  virtues 
of  the  warrior,  the  citizen,  and  the  sage,  was  then  no  more 

*  M.  Thomas  composed  and  published,  in  1759,  a  poem  on  the 
subject,  remarkable  for  its  extravagance,  entitled  "  L'Assassinat  de 
M.  de  Jumonville,  en  Amerique,  et  la  Vengeance  de  ce  Muertre." 

t  M.  Flassan's  "  Histoire  de  la  Diplom.  Franchise."  Tom.  VI, 
p.  28.  Paris,  1811. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  179 

than  twenty-two  years  old.  He  could  not  restrain  the 
wild  and  undisciplined  troops  who  marched  under  his 
orders."*  Many  other  French  writers  have  reiterated  this 
representation  and  have  indulged  in  strictures  marked 
with  great  severity.  But  eloquence  and  poetry  have  on 
this  occasion  been  expended  upon  a  fictitious  scene. 

The  origin  of  the  false  picture  may  be  traced  to  a  Can 
adian,  Mouceau,  one  of  Jumonville's  party,  who  escaped 
from  the  scene  of  the  engagement  and  to  some  savages 
who  said  that  they  were  present  with  the  French.  But 
no  savages  whatever  were  seen  with  Jumonville  at  the 
time,  and  Mouceau's  account  has  no  confirmation  from 
any  source. 

When  Washington  first  heard  of  the  allegation,  he  wrote 
a  letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  declared  that  the 
report  was  "  absolutely  false."  "  These  officers,"  says  he, 
alluding  to  Major  Drouillon  and  M.  La  Force,  who  were 
among  the  captives  on  the  occasion,  "  pretend  they  were 
coming  on  an  embassy;  but  the  absurdity  of  this  pretext 
is  too  glaring,  as  you  will  see  by  the  instructions  and 
summons  inclosed.  Their  instructions  were  to  recon- 
noiter  the  country,  roads,  creeks,  and  the  like,  as  far  as 
the  Potomac,  which  they  were  about  to  do. 

"  These  enterprising  men  were  purposely  chosen  out 
to  procure  intelligence  which  they  were  to  send  back  by 
some  brisk  dispatches,  with  the  mention  of  the  day  that 
they  were  to  serve  the  summons,  which  could  be  with 
no  other  view  than  to  get  a  sufficient  reinforcement  to 
fall  upon  us  immediately  after.  This,  with  several  other 
reasons,  induced  all  the  officers  to  believe  firmly  that  they 
were  sent  as  spies  rather  than  anything  else,  and  has 

*  M.  Lacretelle's  "  Hist,  de  France."  Tom.  II,  p.  234.  Paris, 
1809. 


180  WASHINGTON. 

occasioned  my  detaining  them  as  prisoners,  though  they 
expected,  or  at  least  had  some  faint  hope,  that  they  should 
be  continued  as  ambassadors. 

"  They,  rinding  that  we  were  encamped,  instead  of  com 
ing  up  in  a  public  manner,  sought  out  one  of  the  most 
secret  retirements,  fitter  for  a  deserter  than  an  ambassa 
dor  to  encamp  in,  and  stayed  there  two  or  three  days, 
sending  spies  to  reconnoiter  our  camp,  as  we  are  told, 
though  they  deny  it.  Their  whole  body  moved  back  near 
two  miles ;  and  they  sent  off  two  runners  to  acquaint  Con- 
trecceur  with  our  strength  and  where  we  were  encamped. 
Now,  thirty-six  men  would  almost  have  been  a  retinue 
for  a  princely  ambassador  instead  of  a  petit. 

"  Why  did  they,  if  their  designs  were  open,  stay  so  long 
within  five  miles  of  us  without  delivering  their  message 
or  acquainting  me  with  it?  Their  waiting  could  be  with 
no  other  design  than  to  get  detachments  to  enforce  the 
summons  as  soon  as  it  was  given. 

"  They  had  no  occasion  to  send  out  spies,  for  the  name 
of  an  ambassador  is  sacred  among  all  nations ;  but  it  was 
by  the  track  of  those  spies  that  they  were  discovered 
and  that  we  got  intelligence  of  them.  They  would  not 
have  retired  two  miles  back  without  delivering  the  sum 
mons  and  sought  a  skulking-place  (which,  to  do  them 
justice,  was  done  with  great  judgment),  but  for  some 
special  reason.  Besides,  the  summons  is  so  insolent,  and 
savors  so  much  of  gasconade,  that  if  two  men  only  had 
come  to  deliver  it  openly,  it  would  have  been  too  great 
an  indulgence  to  send  them  back."* 

In  two  other  letters  to  the  Governor,  he  refers  to  the 
subject.  "  I  have  heard,"  says  he,  "  since  they  went  away, 

*  Letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  from  the  camp  at  the  Great 
Meadows,  May  29,  1754. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  181 

that  they  should  say  they  called  to  us  not  to  fire;  but 
that  I  know  to  be  false,  for  I  was  the  first  man  that  ap 
proached  them  and  the  first  whom  they  saw;  and  imme 
diately  upon  it,  they  ran  to  their  arms  and  fired  briskly 
till  they  were  defeated.'*  "These  deserters  corroborate 
what  the  others  said  and  we  suspected.  La  Force's  party 
were  sent  out  as  spies,  and  were  to  show  that  summons 
if  discovered  or  overpowered  by  a  superior  party  of 
ours."* 

In  his  journal  which  was  taken  by  the  French  and 
published  at  Paris,  he  says:  "  They  pretend  that  they 
called  to  us  as  soon  as  we  were  discovered,  which  is  abso 
lutely  false;  for  I  was  at  the  head  of  the  party  in  ap 
proaching  them,  and  I  can  affirm  that  as  soon  as  they 
saw  us  they  ran  to  their  arms  without  calling,  which  I 
should  have  heard  had  they  done  so." 

The  Half-King,  expressing  his  opinion  of  the  real  inten 
tions  of  Jumonville  and  his  party,  said  that  they  had 
"  bad  hearts,"  and  that  they  "  never  designed  to  come 
but  in  a  hostile  manner." 

The  fate  of  Jumonville  surely  cannot,  in  the  face  of 
Washington's  arguments  and  averment,  be  termed  an  "  as 
sassination,"  without  an  utter  disregard  both  of  the  im 
port  of  the  word  and  of  the  claims  of  truth.  And  it  is 
incumbent  upon  grave  historians  and  biographers  of 
France  to  cease  from  reiterating  and  perpetuating  so  flag 
rant  a  falsehood,  calculated  to  tarnish  the  character  of 
one  whose  name  History  has  enrolled  among  those  of 
the  wisest  and  the  best  that  have  adorned  humanity. 

*  Letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  without  date;  and  a  letter  to 
him.  dated  Great  Mea'dows,  June  10,  1754. 


CHAPTER  III. 

WASHINGTON'S  CAPITULATION  OF   FORT  NECESSITY. 

I754- 

WASHINGTON  was  now  encamped  at  the  Great 
Meadows.      Colonel   Fry,  who  had   long  been 
prevented  by  sickness  from  joining  him,  died 
at  Wills  Creek  on  the  last  day  of  May  (1754) ;  and  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Washington,  next  to  him   in   rank,   suc 
ceeded  in  command. 

A  pleasing  moral  and  religious  association  with  Wash 
ington  and  his  men  at  their  Fort  Necessity  is  4<  his  custom 
to  have  prayers  in  the  camp."  His  affectionate  friend,  the 
Hon.  William  Fairfax,  of  Belvoir,  wrote  to  him  while 
at  the  Great  Meadows :  "  I  will  not  doubt  your  having 
public  prayers  in  the  camp,  especially  when  the  Indian 
families  are  your  guests ;  that  they,  seeing  your  plain 
manner  of  worship,  may  have  their  curiosity  excited  to 
be  informed  why  we  do  not  use  the  ceremonies  of  the 
French,  which,  being  well  explained  to  their  understand 
ing,  will  more  and  more  dispose  them  to  receive  our 
baptism  and  unite  in  strict  bonds  of  cordial  friendship." 

As  to  religious  influences  upon  the  red  men,  which 
may  have  been  exerted  in  this  manner,  we  are  not  in 
formed,  but  the  fact  of  there  being  stated  religious  ser 
vices  at  the  camp  is  well  known.  A  public  recognition 
of  the  providence  of  God,  and  of  the  duty  of  prayer  to 
him,  was  the  rule  of  Washington  throughout  his  military 
career. 

(182) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  183 

A  trial  of  his  principles  and  a  severe  test  of  his  forti 
tude  and  prudence  occurred  at  this  time. 

The  brave  officers  of  his  little  band,  while  they  were 
encountering  the  peculiar  trials  of  wilderness  warfare, 
were  so  very  poorly  compensated,  in  comparison  with 
officers  of  the  King's  troops,  that  dissatisfaction,  murmur- 
ings,  and  at  length  loud  complaints  ensued.  Then  fol 
lowed  as  a  natural  consequence  irrepressible  emotions  of 
jealousy  and  threats  of  abruptly  abandoning  the  service. 
It  was  a  crisis  which  called  for  the  exercise  of  great  tact 
and  talent.  But  the  emergency  served  to  exemplify  the 
sterling  qualities  of  the  future  Father  of  his  Country.  In 
letters  to  the  Governor,  he  set  forth,  with  great  earnest 
ness  and  in  explicit  terms,  the  fact,  the  causes,  and  the 
only  effectual  remedy  of  the  discontent.  And  at  the  same 
time  he  quieted,  in  a  good  measure,  the  prevailing  turbu 
lence  by  skillfully  touching  those  chords  in  the  hearts  of 
his  comrades  which  he  well  knew  would  respond  to  senti 
ments  of  honor,  patriotism,  and  loyalty. 

[Washington  wrote  May  18,  1754,  to  Dinwiddie  of  com 
plaint  by  the  officers  of  "  the  committee's  resolves,"  and 
of  rinding  himself  inclined  "to  second  their  just  griev 
ances."  Nothing,  he  said,  prevented  their  throwing  up 
their  commissions  except  the  near  danger  from  the  French. 
The  committee  had  refused  to  make  their  pay  reasonable, 
but  had  allowed  a  gratuity,  and  the  officers  preferred  to 
give  their  services,  taking  neither  the  gratuity  nor  the 
scant  pay.  For  himself  Washington  said :  "  Giving  up  my 
commission  is  quite  contrary  to  my  intention.  But  let 
me  serve  voluntarily ;  then  I  will,  with  the  greatest  pleas 
ure  in  life,  devote  my  services  to  the  expedition  without 
a.ny  other  reward  than  the  satisfaction  of  serving  my 
country;  but  to  be  slaving  dangerously  for  trie  shadow 
of  pay,  through  woods,  rocks,  mountains, —  I  would  rather 


184  WASHINGTON. 

prefer  the  great  toil  of  a  daily  laborer  and  dig  for  a  main 
tenance,  provided  I  were  reduced  to  the  necessity,  than 
serve  upon  such  ignoble  terms  "  [as  "  the  present  pay/' 
hardly  more  than  half  what  was  paid  elsewhere]  ;  "  the 
most  trifling  pay  that  ever  was  given  to  English  officers," 
with  "  the  glorious  allowance  of  solider's  diet  —  a  pound 
of  pork,  with  bread  in  proportion,  per  day/'  Dinwiddie 
expressed  great  surprise  and  concern  to  find  Washington 
"  countenancing  in  any  sort,  the  discontent  that  could 
never  be  more  unreasonable  or  pernicious  than  at  present." 
To  this  Washington  replied  that  when  he  was  informed 
that  the  pay  of  a  colonel  was  to  be  only  fifteen  shillings 
a  day,  and  of  a  lieutenant-colonel  only  twelve  shillings 
and  sixpense,  the  fact  that  it  was  "  less  than  the  British  " 
(by  nearly  one-half),  led  him  to  acquaint  Colonel  Fairfax 
with  his  intention  of  resigning,  and  that  he  was  dissuaded 
from  doing  so  by  the  promise  of  Colonel  Fairfax  "  to 
represent  the  trifling  pay  "  in  the  proper  quarter  and  have 
it  enlarged.  The  number  that  applied  for  commissions, 
he  said,  would  not  have  been  troublesomely  large,  if  the 
difficulties  that  would  attend  a  campaign  had  been  known 
to  others  as  they  were  known  to  him.  Not  that  he  would 
resign,  he  said,  because  of  any  difficulties.  "  For  my  own 
part  I  can  answer/'  he  declared,  "  I  have  a  constitution 
hardy  enough  to  encounter  and  undergo  the  most  severe 
trials,  and  I  flatter  myself,  resolution  to  face  what  any 
man  durst,  as  shall  be  proved  when  it  comes  to  the  test, 
which  I  believe  we  are  on  the  borders  of. 

"  There  is  nothing,  sir  (I  believe),  than  that  the  officers 
on  the  Canada  expedition  [projected  by  General  Shirley 
in  1746,  during  the  previous  war  with  France]  had  British 
pay  allowed  whilst  they  were  in  the  service.  Therefore  as 
this  can't  be  allowed,  suffer  me  to  serve  as  a  volunteer, 
which  I  assure  you,  will  be  the  next  reward  to  British 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  185 

pay;  for  as  my  services,  so  far  as  I  have  knowledge,  will 
equal  those  of  the  best  officer,  I  make  it  a  point  of  honor 
not  to  serve  for  less  and  accept  a  medium.  Nevertheless 
I  have  communicated  your  Honor's  sentiments  to  them 
[the  officers  serving  with  him],  and  as  far  as  I  could  put 
on  the  hypocrite,  set  forth  the  advantages  that  may  ac 
crue,  and  advised  them  to  accept  the  terms,  as  a  refusal 
might  reflect  dishonor  on  their  character,  leaving  it  to 
the  world  to  assign  what  reasons  they  please  for  their 
quitting  the  service.  They  have  promised  to  consider  of 
it  and  give  your  Honor  an  answer,  though  I  really  be 
lieve  there  are  some  that  will  not  remain  long  without  an 
alteration. 

"  I  believe  it  is  well  known  that  we  have  been  at  the 
expense  of  regimentals,  and  it  is  still  better  known,  that 
under  an  indispensable  necessity  of  purchasing  for  this 
expedition,  regimentals  and  every  other  necessary  were 
not  to  be  bought  for  less  Virginia  currency  than  British 
officers  could  get  for  sterling  money. 

"  We  are  debarred  the  pleasure  of  good  living ;  which, 
sir  (I  dare  say  with  me  you  will  concur),  to  one  who  has 
always  been  used  to  it,  must  go  somewhat  hard,  to  be 
confined  to  a  little  salt  provision  and  water,  and  do  duty, 
hard,  laborious  duty,  that  is  almost  inconsistent  with  that 
of  a  soldier,  and  yet  the  same  reductions  (of  pay)  as  if 
we  were  allowed  to  live  luxuriously.  My  pay,  according 
to  the  British  establishment  and  common  exchange,  is 
near  twenty-two  shillings  per  day;  in  the  room  of  that 
the  committee  (for  I  can't  in  the  least  imagine  your  Honor 
had  any  hand  in  it)  has  provided  twelve  shillings  and  six- 
pense;  so  long  as  the  service  requires  me,  whereas  one- 
half  of  the  other  is  ascertained  to  British  officers  forever. 
If  we  should  be  fortunate  enough  to  drive  the  French 


186  WASHINGTON. 

from  the  Ohio,  our  pay  will  not  be  sufficient  to  discharge 
our  first  expenses. 

"  I  would  not  have  your  Honor  imagine  from  this  that 
I  have  said  all  these  things  to  have  the  pay  increased,  but 
to  justify  myself  and  show  your  Honor  that  our  com 
plaints  are  not  frivolous,  but  are  founded  upon  strict 
reason.  For  my  own  part,  it  is  a  matter  almost  indif 
ferent  whether  I  serve  for  full  pay  or  as  a  generous  vol 
unteer.  Indeed,  did  my  circumstances  correspond  with 
my  inclination,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  prefer 
the  latter;  for  the  motives  that  led  me  here  were  pure  and 
noble;  I  had  no  view  of  acquisition  but  that  of  honor,  by 
serving  faithfully  my  King  and  country." 

Washington  having  thus  answered  Dinwiddie's  criti 
cism  of  his  report  of  complaints,  and  added  an  account  of 
the  battle  with  the  Jumonville  detachment,  further  says : 
"  I  shall  expect  every  hour  to  be  attacked,  and  by  unequal 
numbers,  which  I  must  withstand  if  there  are  five  to  one 
*  *  *  .  Your  Honor  may  depend  I  will  not  be  sur 
prised,  let  them  come  at  what  hour  they  will;  and  this  is 
as  much  as  I  can  promise.  But  my  best  endeavors  shall 
not  be  wanting  to  deserve  more.  I  doubt  not  but  if  you 
hear  I  am  beaten,  you  will  at  the  same  time  hear  that  we 
have  done  our  duty  in  fighting  as  long  as  there  was  a 
possibility  of  hope. 

"  I  have  sent  Lieutenant  West  to  conduct  the  prisoners 
in.  I  have  showed  them  [the  two  French  officers]  all 
the  respect  I  could,  and  have  given  some  necessary 
clothing,  by  which  I  have  disfurnished  myself;  for  having 
brought  no  more  than  two  or  three  shirts  from  Wills 
Creek,  that  we  might  be  light,  I  was  ill  provided  to  fur 
nish  them." 

The  revelations  of  character  in  this  episode  show  a 
preparation,  a  score  of  years  before  the  event,  for  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  18? 

stand  taken  by  Washington  when  he  was  chosen  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  army  of  the  United  Colonies,  and 
the  condition  that  he  made  that  he  should  have  his  ex 
penses  paid,  and  beyond  that  should  not  be  upon  a  footing 
of  pay  for  his  services.] 

Another  incident  occurred  soon  after  which  he  con 
trolled  with  the  consummate  skill  of  an  experienced 
master  in  the  management  of  human  passions. 

It  was  a  rule  adopted  by  the  British  ministry,  in  order 
ing  military  affairs  in  the  Colonies,  that  officers  with  royal 
commissions  should  take  precedence  of  all  others.  The 
operation  however  of  the  principle  involved  in  this  always 
tended  to  provoke  jealousy  and  create  discord. 

When  an  independent  company  of  a  hundred  men  un 
der  command  of  Captain  Mackay,  who  had  a  royal  com 
mission,  went  from  South  Carolina  to  the  Great  Meadows, 
a  case  presented  itself  which  was  exceedingly  embarrassing. 
According  to  the  established  rule,  he  took  rank  of  Col 
onel  Washington,  who,  as  a  Colonial  officer,  had  received 
his  commission  from  Governor  Dinwiddie.  The  captain, 
although  on  terms  of  perfect  harmony  with  Washington, 
could  not  consistently  receive  orders  from  him  as  a  su 
perior  officer.  The  encampment  also  of  the  King's  cap 
tain  and  his  company  was  quite  apart  from  that  of  the 
troops  under  the  Colonial  colonel.  In  the  event  of  a  con 
flict  with  the  enemy  —  and  one  was  constantly  expected 
—  this  point  of  rank  might  be  the  cause  of  serious  evils. 

The  colonel  wrote  to  the  Governor,  asking  him 
promptly  to  decide  the  matter.  The  Governor  expressed 
doubts.  The  embarrassment  increased.  The  colonel's 
officers  and  men  could  not  brook  the  thought  of  their 
commander's  deposition  from  his  grade;  and  they  cher 
ished  angry  party  feelings,  which  must  have  led  to  ruinous 


188  WASHINGTON. 

results,  had  they  not  been  immediately  and  judiciously 
controlled. 

In  these  circumstances  Washington,  with  a  bold  hand, 
cut  what  could  not  be  united.  After  enlarging  and 
strengthening  his  Fort  Necessity,  he  resolved  to  leave 
Captain  Mackay  and  his  men  in  charge  of  it  and  to  pro 
ceed  with  his  regiment  to  the  Monongahela. 

He  accordingly  set  out  and  advanced  thirteen  miles  to 
Gist's  plantation.  But  before  he  reached  this  spot,  he 
met  with  unexpected  formidable  difficulties  in  making  a 
road  for  his  artillery  and  in  quieting  the  noisy  cupidity 
and  eluding  the  sly  artifices  of  pretended  Indian  allies, 
who  proved  to  be  French  spies.  He  advised  with  his 
officers;  he  concluded,  instead  of  marching  farther,  to 
wait  there  for  the  enemy;  and  he  prepared  for  an  en 
counter,  as  he  learned  that  the  French  might  be  expected 
very  soon. 

At  his  request  Captain  Mackay  joined  him  with  his 
company.  Credible  accounts  of  the  enemy's  reinforce 
ment  and  great  strength,  it  was  agreed,  however,  rendered 
a  retreat  advisable.  The  troops  too  were  quite  exhausted 
with  fatigue,  having  borne  on  their  backs  heavy  burdens 
and  having  dragged  over  rough  roads  nine  swivels.  So 
poorly  moreover  were  they  supplied  with  horses  that  the 
colonel  himself,  having  dismounted  and  having  laden  his 
war-steed  with  public  stores,  went  on  foot,  sharing  the 
hardships  of  the  common  soldiers. 

The  troops  succeeded  with  great  difficulty  in  reaching 
the  Great  Meadows,  after  two  days'  march.  They  were 
compelled  to  halt  there  (July  i,  1754).  For  eight  days 
they  had  eaten  no  bread  and  had  taken  little  of  any  other 
food.  They  could  not  retreat  farther.  Here  then  it  was 
resolved  to  make  a  stand.  Trees  were  felled,  and  a  log 
breastwork  was  raised  at  the  fort. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  189 

Two  days  elapsed,  and  then  early  in  the  morning,  a 
sentinel,  wounded  by  the  enemy,  gave  the  signal  of  their 
approach.  Before  noon  distant  firing  was  heard,  and 
the  enemy,  consisting  of  French  troops  and  of  Indians, 
reached  a  wood  the  third  of  a  mile  from  Fort  Necessity. 
Washington  drew  up  his  regiment  of  305  men,  including 
officers,  and  waited  for  an  assault. 

For  nine  hours  —  the  rain,  without  intermission,  pour 
ing  down  in  torrents  —  both  parties  kept  up  a  desultory 
fire  of  small-arms.  By  that  time  the  French  had  killed 
all  the  horses  and  the  cattle  at  the  fort;  the  rain  had 
filled  all  the  trenches;  the  firearms  of  many  of  the  Vir 
ginia  troops  were  out  of  order ;  twelve  men  of  these  troops 
were  killed  and  forty-three  wounded. 

At  8  o'clock  the  French  proposed  a  parley.  Washing 
ton  declined ;  they  urged,  and  Captain  Vanbraam  was  then 
deputed  to  them.  Very  soon  he  brought  with  him  from 
M.  de  Villiers,  the  French  commander,  proposed  articles 
of  capitulation. 

The  overpowering  number  of  the  enemy  induced  Wash 
ington  to  come  to  terms.  He  consented,  after  a  modi 
fication  of  the  proposed  articles,  to  leave  his  fort  the  next 
morning  (July  4,  1754) ;  but  he  was  to  leave  it  with  the 
honors  of  war,  and  with  the  understanding  that  he  should 
surrender  nothing  but  his  artillery.  The  prisoners  of 
Jumonville's  party,  it  was  stipulated,  should  be  returned; 
and  for  a  year's  time  no  fort  should  be  built  at  this  post, 
or  anywhere  beyond  the  Alleghanies  on  lands  belonging 
to  France. 

.  The  articles  of  capitulation,  written  in  the  French  lan 
guage,  were  professedly  interpreted  by  Vanbraam.  But 
they  were  read  by  him  hastily  at  night  in  the  open  air  by 
the  flickering  light  of  a  candle  during  a  violent  rain.  The 
transaction  was  altogether  a  confused  and  hurried  one.  And 


190  WASHINGTON. 

so  bungling  and  blind  was  Vanbraam's  English  oral  inter 
pretation —  the  interpretation  made  by  a  Dutchman,  im 
perfectly  acquainted  with  either  English  or  French  —  that 
not  perhaps  through  any  treachery  of  his,  but  rather 
through  the  vindictive  feelings  and  artful  contrivance  of 
M.  de  Villiers,  brother  of  Jumonville  —  Washington  and 
his  officers  were  betrayed  into  a  pledge  which  they  would 
never  have  consented  to  give,  and  an  act  of  moral  suicide 
which  they  could  never  have  deliberately  committed.  They 
understood  from  Vanbraam's  interpretation  that  no  fort  was 
to  be  built  beyond  the  mountains  on  lands  belonging  to  the 
King  of  France;  but  the  terms  of  the  articles  are  "neither 
in  this  place,  nor  beyond  the  mountains."*  They  under 
stood,  from  Vanbraam's  interpretation,  that  the  prisoners 
were  to  be  returned  who  had  been  taken  at  the  time  of  the 
death  of  Jumonville;  but  the  terms  of  the  article  are 
"prisoners  taken  at  Jumonville's  assassination. "f 

The  terms  in  which  M.  de  Villiers  afterward  boasted  of 
his  diplomacy  on  the  occasion  are  at  once  an  exposure  of 
his  artifice  and  a  vindication  of  the  character  of  those  whom 
he  attempted  to  confound  with  self-condemnation. 

When  the  account  which  de  Villiers  gave  of  the  battle 
was  communicated  to  Washington  he  made  these  com 
ments  upon  it: 

"  It  is  very  extraordinary  and  not  less  erroneous  than 
inconsistent.  He  says  the  French  received  the  first  fire. 
It  is  well  known  that  we  received  it  at  600  paces'  distance. 
He  also  says  our  fears  obliged  us  to  retreat  in  a  most  dis 
orderly  manner  after  the  capitulation.  How  is  this  con 
sistent  with  his  other  account?  He  acknowledges  that  we 
sustained  the  attack  warmly  from  10  in  the  morning  un- 

*  Dans  ce  lieu-ci,  ni  dega  de  la  hauteur  des  terres. 

t  Les  prisonniers  fait  dans  1'assassinat  du  Sieur  de  Jumonville. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  191 

til  dark,  and  that  he  called  first  to  parley,  which  strongly 
indicates  that  we  were  not  totally  absorbed  in  fear.  If  the 
gentleman  in  his  account  had  adhered  to  the  truth  he  must 
have  confessed  that  we  looked  upon  his  offer  to  parley  as 
an  artifice  to  get  into  and  examine  our  trenches,  and  re 
fused  on  that  account,  until  they  desired  an  officer  might 
be  sent  to  them  and  gave  their  parole  for  his  return.  He 
might  also,  if  he  had  been  as  great  a  lover  of  truth  as  he 
was  of  vainglory,  have  said  that  we  absolutely  refused  their 
first  and  second  proposals  and  would  consent  to  capitulate 
on  no  other  terms  than  such  as  we  obtained. 

"  That  we  were  willfully  or  ignorantly  deceived  by  our 
interpreter  in  regard  to  the  word  '  assassination '  I  do  aver 
and  will  to  my  dying  moment;  so  will  every  officer  who 
was  present.  The  interpreter  was  a  Dutchman  little  ac 
quainted  with  the  English  tongue,  and  therefore  might  not 
advert  to  the  tone  and  meaning  of  the  word  in  English; 
but  whatever  his  motives  were  for  so  doing,  certain  it  is  he 
called  it  the  '  death  '  or  the  *  loss '  of  the  Sieur  Jumonville. 
So  we  received  and  so  we  understood  it  until,  to  our  great 
surprise  and  mortification,  we  found  it  otherwise  in  a  literal 
translation."* 

On  the  morning  (July  4,  1754)  after  the  signing  of  the 
articles  of  capitulation  Washington,  amid  the  beating  of 
his  drums  and  with  his  colors  flying,  set  out  for  Wills 
Creek.  He  had  however  scarcely  left  the  Meadows  when 
he  encountered  100  Indians,  allies  of  the  French,  who 
greatly  annoyed  him  with  their  hostile  purposes  and  their 
rapacity. 

On  reaching  Wills  Creek  he  hastened  with  Captain 
Mackay  to  the  Governor  at  Williamsburg,  whom  they  par 
ticularly  informed  of  the  events  of  their  expedition.  Both 

*  Writings  of  Washington,  vol.  II,  pp.  463,  464. 


192  WASHINGTON. 

the  Governor  and  council  highly  approved  of  the  conduct 
of  the  commander,  officers,  and  men.  The  House  of 
Burgesses  voted  thanks  to  them  for  their  bravery,  and  a 
pistole  —  a  Spanish  gold  coin  worth  about  $3.50  —  was 
presented  as  a  gratuity  to  every  soldier. 

The  Governor,  glowing  with  intense  feelings  of  loyalty, 
but  quite  uneducated  in  the  art  of  war,  projected  a  new  ex 
pedition  against  the  French  intruders.  Colonel  Washing 
ton  was  to  complete  the  companies  in  his  regiment  and  to 
hasten  then  as  fast  as  possible  Jto  Colonel  Innes  at  Wills 
Creek,  and  there  uniting  his  forces  with  the  troops  from 
North  Carolina  and  New  York  to  cross  the  mountains  and 
capture  Fort  Duquesne. 

This  project  Washington  earnestly  opposed  and  it  was 
abandoned. 

Among  the  many  striking  pictures  in  the  gallery  which 
illustrate  his  life  and  character  there  is  not  another  more 
expressive  of  his  distinguishing  traits.  His  letter  on  the 
subject  of  the  expedition,  addressed  to  the  Hon.  William 
Fairfax,  then  a  member  of  the  council,  is  a  remarkable  pro* 
duction.  His  manner  is  respectful  but  his  reasoning  severe. 
He  sets  forth  the  Governor's  scheme  as  unadvisable  and 
impracticable. 

[Governor  Dinwiddie's  orders  to  Washington  by  letter  of 
August  i,  1754,  were  to  get  his  regiment  completed  to 
300  men,  and  march  directly  to  Wills  Creek,  to  join 
other  forces,  in  order  to  immediately  march  over  the  Alle- 
ghany  mountains,  and  either  dispossess  the  French  of 
their  fort  or  build  a  fort  for  British  occupation;  and  to 
have  no  3elay,  he  was  to  at  once  march  with  what  com 
panies  fie  had  complete,  leaving  to  officers  remaining  to 
fill  up  the  other  companies  and  follow  with  them.  What 
ammunition  would  be  wanted  he  would  send  immediately. 
"  I  depend,"  the  Governor  said,  "  upon  your  former  usual 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  193 

diligence  and  spirit  to  encourage  your  people  to  be  active 
on  this  occasion ; "  and  again,  "  I  trust  much  to  your  dili 
gence  and  despatch  in  getting  your  regiment  to  Wills 
Creek  as  soon  as  possible." 

Washington  assured  Mr.  Fairfax  that  it  was  as  imprac 
ticable  to  get  the  regiment  to  Wills  Creek  as  it  would  be 
to  dispossess  the  French  of  their  fort;  both  were  morally 
impossible.  The  Governor  had  said  that  the  plan  was 
resolved  on,  "  considering  the  state  of  our  forces ; "  and 
Washington  declares  that  "  the  state  of  our  forces  "  is 
the  most  decisive  reason  why  nothing  of  the  kind  can  be 
done ;  the  men  at  present  are  in  circumstances  so  un 
happy  and  their  number  is  so  inconsiderable  compared 
with  the  number  of  the  enemy.  "  Before  our  force  can 
be  collected/'  he  goes  on  to  say,  "  with  proper  stores  of 
provisions,  ammunition,  working  tools,  etc.,  it  would  bring 
on  a  season  in  which  horses  cannot  travel  over  the  moun 
tains  on  account  of  snows,  want  of  forage,  slipperiness 
of  the  roads,  high  waters,  etc. ;  neither  can  men  unused  to 
that  life,  live  there,  without  some  other  defense  from  the 
weather  than  tents.  This  I  know  of  my  own  knowledge, 
as  I  was  out  last  winter  from  the  ist  of  November  till 
some  time  in  January  [on  the  journey  to  the  Ohio,  Octo 
ber  31,  1 753- January  n,  1754];  and  notwithstanding  I 
had  a  good  tent,  was  as  properly  prepared,  and  as  well 
guarded  in  every  respect  as  I  could  be  against  the  weather, 
yet  the  cold  was  so  intense  that  it  was  scarcely  support 
able.  I  believe,  out  of  the  five  or  six  men  that  went  with 
me,  three  of  them,  though  they  were  as  well  clad  as  they 
could  be,  were  rendered  useless  by  the  frost,  and  were 
obliged  to  be  left  upon  the  road.  But  the  impossibility 
of  supporting  us  with  provisions  is  alone  sufficient  to  dis 
courage  the  attempt. 

"  I  shall  only  add  some  of  the  difficulties  which  we  are 
13 


194  WASHINGTON. 

particularly  subjected  to  in  the  Virginia  regiment.  And 
to  begin,  sir,  you  are  sensible  of  the  sufferings  our  soldiers 
underwent  in  the  last  attempt,  in  a  good  season,  to  take 
possession  of  the  Fork  of  the  Alleghany  and  Mononga- 
hela.  You  also  saw  the  disorders  those  sufferings  pro 
duced  among  them  at  Winchester  after  they  returned. 
They  are  still  fresh  in  their  memories,  and  have  an  irri 
table  effect.  Through  the  indiscretion  of  Mr.  Spitdorph 
[the  bearer  of  the  Governor's  orders]  they  got  some  inti 
mation  that  they  were  again  ordered  out,  and  it  immedi 
ately  occasioned  a  general  clamor,  and  caused  six  men  to 
desert  last  night. 

"  In  the  next  place  I  have  orders  to  complete  my  regi 
ment,  and  not  a  sixpence  is  sent  for  that  purpose.  Can 
it  be  imagined  that  subjects  fit  for  this  purpose,  who 
have  been  so  much  impressed  with,  and  alarmed  at,  our 
want  of  provisions  (which  was  a  main  objection  to  en 
listing  before),  will  more  readily  engage  now  without 
money,  than  they  did  before  with  it  ?  We  were  then  from 
the  ist  of  February  till  the  ist  of  May,  and  could  not 
complete  our  300  men  "by  40 ;  and  the  officers  suffered  so 
much  by  having  their  recruiting  expenses  withheld,  that 
they  unanimously  refuse  to  engage  in  that  duty  again, 
without  they  are  refunded  for  the  past,  and  a  sufficient 
allowance  made  them  in  the  future. 

"  I  have  in  the  next  place  (to  show  the  state  of  the 
regiment)  sent  you  a  report  by  which  you  will  see  what 
great  deficiencies  there  are  of  men,  arms,  tents,  kettles, 
screens  (which  was  a  fatal  want  before),  bayonets,  car- 
touch-boxes,  etc.,  etc. 

"Again,  were  our  men  ever  so  willing  to  go,  for  want 
of  the  proper  necessaries  of  life,  they  are  unable  to  do  it. 
The  chief  part  are  almost  naked,  and  scarcely  a  man  has 
either  shoes,  stockings,  or  hat.  These  things  the  mer- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  195 

chants  will  not  credit  them  for.  The  country  has  made 
no  provision;  they  have  not  money  themselves;  and  it 
cannot  be  expected  that  the  officers  will  engage  for  them 
again  personally,  having  suffered  greatly  already  on  this 
head;  especially  now,  when  we  have  all  the  reason  in  the 
world  to  believe  they  will  desert  whenever  they  have  an 
opportunity.  There  is  not  a  man  that  has  a  blanket  to 
secure  him  from  cold  or  wet. 

"Ammunition  is  a  material  article,  and  that  is  to  come 
from  Williamsburg,  or  wherever  the  Governor  can  pro 
cure  it  *  *  *  .  The  promise  of  those  traders  who 
offer  to  contract  for  large  quantities  of  flour,  are  not  to 
be  depended  upon  *  *  *  .  If  we  depend  on  Indian 
assistance,  we.  must  have  a  large  quantity  of  proper  In 
dian  goods  to  reward  their  services  and  make  ithem 
presents.  It  is  by  this  means  alone  that  the  French  com 
mand  such  an  interest  among  them,  and  that  we  had  so 
few.  This,  with  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  was  proverbial ; 
[and]  would  induce  them  to  ask,  when  they  were  to  join, 
if  we  meant  to  starve  them  as  well  as  ourselves."] 

As  he  was  then  little  more  than  twenty-two  years  of  age 
(August,  1754)  his  firm  opposition  to  the  will  of  his  su 
periors  might  seem  presumptuous,  but  so  proper  was  the 
conduct  of  his  procedure,  and  so  cogent  and  conclusive 
were  his  reasonings,  that  the  Governor  and  council  yielded 
to  the  control  of  his  master-spirit. 

Yet  the  fire  of  the  Governor's  flaming  zeal  was  not  ex 
tinguished.  As  the  British  government  granted  to  him 
£10,000  sterling,  with  the  promise  of  an  additional  grant 
of  the  same  amount  and  2,000  stand  of  arms,  and  as  the 
Burgesses  voted  £20,000  for  the  public  exigencies  his  de 
termination  led  him  to  form  yet  another  scheme. 

[There  was  however  a  very  serious  breach  between  the 


196  WASHINGTON. 

Governor  and  the  Burgesses,  the  significance  of  which 
it  is  important  to  note.     Mr.  Sparks  says  here: 

"  The  Governor  was  destined  to  struggle  with  difficulties, 
and  to  have  his  hopes  defeated.  The  Assembly  were  so 
perverse,  as  not  to  yield  to  all  his  demands,  and  he  never 
ceased  to  complain  of  their  '  republican  way  of  thinking/ 
and  to  deplore  their  want  of  respect  for  the  authority  of 
his  office  and  the  prerogative  of  the  crown.  He  had 
lately  prorogued  them,  as  a  punishment  for  their  ob 
stinacy,  and  written  to  the  ministry  that  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people  seemed  to  him  infatuated,  and  that 
he  was  satisfied  '  the  progress  of  the  French  would  never 
be  effectually  opposed,  but  by  means  of  an  act  of  Parlia 
ment  to  compel  the  Colonies  to  contribute  to  the  common 
cause  independently  of  assemblies.'  When  the  Burgesses 
came  together  again,  however,  he  was  consoled  by  their 
good  nature  in  granting  £20,000  for  the  public  service ; 
and  he  soon  received  £10,000  in  specie  from  the  govern 
ment  in  England  for  the  same  object. 

Thus  encouraged  he  formed  new  plans,  and  as  the  gift 
of  £10,000  was  under  his  control  he  could  appropriate  it 
as  he  pleased/'] 

He  resolved  to  raise  an  army  consisting  of  ten  independ 
ent  companies  of  100  men  each.  No  officer  of  the  late  Vir 
ginia  regiment  was  to  hold  rank  higher  than  a  captain,  and 
in  addition  to  this  injudicious  and  unjust  provision  every 
Colonial  captain  was  to  yield  precedence  to  a  captain  royally 
commissioned.  By  this  scheme  Washington  was  to  rank 
but  as  the  captain  of  a  company  and  was  to  be  the  inferior 
of  certain  officers  who  had  been  under  his  command.  With 
due  regard  to  self-respect  he  could  not  thus  do  violence  to 
his  sentiments  as  a  man  and  a  soldier.  He  resigned  his 
commission. 

With  a  view  to  prosecute  the  war  the  King  soon  after 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  197 

appointed  Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  his  Commander- 
in-Chief,  and  Colonel  Fitzhugh,  at  General  Sharpens  in 
stance,  earnestly  requested  Washington  to  return  to  the 
army.  "  I  am  confident,"  said  Colonel  Fitzhugh,  "  that  the 
general  has  a  very  great  regard  for  you  and  will  by  every 
circumstance  in  his  power  make  you  happy.  For  my  part 
I  shall  be  extremely  fond  of  your  continuing  in  the  ser 
vice  and  would  advise  you  by  no  means  to  quit  it.  In  re 
gard  to  the  independent  companies  they  will  in  no  shape 
interfere  with  you,  as  you  will  hold  your  post  during  their 
continuance  here,  and  when  the  regiment  is  reduced  will 
have  a  separate  duty." 

In  reply  to  this  Washington  wrote  with  great  respect 
but  in  a  tone  of  deep  emotion  and  in  terms  memorably  em 
phatic  :  "  You  make  mention,"  said  he,  "  of  my  continuing 
in  the  service  and  retaining  my  colonel's  commission.  The 
idea  has  filled  me  with  surprise,  for  if  you  think  me  capable 
of  holding  a  commission  that  has  neither  rank  nor  emolu 
ment  annexed  to  it  you  must  entertain  a  very  contemptible 
opinion  of  my  weakness,  and  believe  me  to  be  more  empty 
than  the  commission  itself.  Besides,  sir,  if  I  had  time  I 
could  enumerate  many  good  reasons  that  forbid  all  thoughts 
of  my  returning,  and  which  to  you  or  any  other  person 
would,  upon  the  strictest  scrutiny,  appear  to  be  well 
founded.  I  must  be  reduced  to  a  very  low  command,  and 
subjected  to  that  of  many  who  have  acted  as  my  inferior 
officers.  In  short,  every  captain,  bearing  the  King's  com 
mission,  every  half-pay  officer  or  others  appearing  with 
such  commission,  would  rank  before  me.  For  these  rea 
sons  I  choose  to  submit  to  the  loss  of  health  which  I 
have  already  sustained,  and  the  fatigue  I  have  undergone 
in  our  first  efforts  [without  the  reward  of  advancement, 
he  means],  rather  than  subject  myself  to  the  same  incon 
veniences  and  run  the  risk  of  a  second  disappointment. 


198  WASHINGTON. 

I  shall  at  least  have  the  consolation  of  knowing  that  I 
have  opened  the  way,  when  the  smallness  of  our  numbers 
exposed  us  to  the  attacks  of  a  superior  enemy ;  that  I 
have  hitherto  stood  the  heat  and  brunt  of  the  day,  and 
escaped  untouched  in  time  of  extreme  danger;  and  that 
I  have  the  thanks  of  my  country  for  the  services  I  have 
rendered  it."* 

So  fully  was  he  aware  of  disingenuousness  and  unfair 
dealing  in  the  concocting  of  the  Governor's  extraordinary 
scheme  of  independent  companies  by  which  Colonial  su 
perior  officers  were  to  be  set  aside,  regardless  of  the  ser 
vices  which  they  had  rendered,  and  of  all  conventionalities 
of  military  life,  that  he  added  in  the  same  letter  to  Colonel 
Fitzhugh,  "  The  information  I  have  received  shall  not  sleep 
in  silence  that  those  peremptory  orders  from  home,  which 
you  say  could  not  be  dispensed  with,  for  reducing  the 
regiment  into  independent  companies,  were  generated  and 
hatched  at  Wills  Creek.  Ingenuous  treatment  and  plain 
dealing  I  at  least  expected.  It  is  to  be  hoped  the  project 
will  answer;  it  shall  meet  with  my  acquiescence  in  every 
thing  except  personal  services.  I  herewith  enclose  Gov. 
Sharpe's  letter,  which  I  beg  you  will  return  to  him,  with 
my  acknowledgments  for  the  favor  he  intended  me.  Assure 
him,  sir,  as  you  truly  may,  of  my  reluctance  to  quit  the 
service,  and  of  the  pleasure  I  should  have  received  in  at 
tending  his  fortunes.  Also  inform  him,  that  it  was  to 
obey  the  call  of  honor,  and  the  advice  of  my  friends,  that 
I  declined  it,  and  not  to  gratify  any  desire  I  had  to  leave 
the  military  line.  My  inclinations  are  strongly  bent  to 
arms."t 

*  Letter  to  Col.  William  Fitzhugh,  November  15,  1754. 
t  The  "  peremptory  orders  from  home  "  were  a  fiction,  as  was 
afterward  proved. 


LIRE  AND  TIMES.  199 

The  step  which  Washington  took  in  resigning  his  com 
mission  is  by  no  means  to  be  regarded  as  an  impulse  of 
extreme  sensitiveness,  or  of  wounded  pride.  In  the  meas 
ure  adopted  by  the  Governor,  there  was  involved  a  prin 
ciple  which  could  not  be  practically  sanctioned  by  the 
Colonies,  without  a  dereliction  of  self-respect,  as  well  as 
a  humiliating  indifference  to  the  claims  of  common  justice 
and  of  honor. 

Washington's  suspicion  of  unfairness  was  also  the  more 
manifest  as  the  King's  order  did  not  arrive  until  the  fol 
lowing  spring.  But  the  language  of  this  order  exhibited 
then,  in  a  stronger  light  than  ever,  the  odiousness  as  well 
as  unreasonableness  of  the  required  humiliation.  "  All 
troops,"  says  the  order,  "  serving  by  commission  signed  by 
us,  or  by  our  general  commanding  in  chief  in  North 
America,  shall  take  rank  before  all  troops  which  may  serve 
by  commission  from  any  of  the  Governors,  Lieutenant  or 
Deputy  Governors,  or  President  for  the  time  being.  And 
it  is  our  further  pleasure  that  the  general  and  field  officers 
of  the  provincial  troops  shall  have  no  rank  with  the  general 
and  field  officers  who  serve  by  commission  from  us;  but 
that  all  captains  and  other  inferior  officers  of  our  forces, 
who  are  or  may  be  employed  in  North  America,  are  on  all 
detachments,  courts-martial,  and  other  duty  wherein  they 
may  be  joined  with  officers  serving  by  commission  from  the 
Governors,  Lieutenant  or  Deputy  Governors,  or  President 
for  the  time  being  of  the  said  provinces,  to  command  and 
take  post  of  the  said  provincial  officers  of  the  like  rank, 
though  the  commissions  of  the  said  provincial  officers  of 
like  rank  should  be  of  elder  date."* 

[As  Sharpe,  the  Governor  of  Maryland,  had  been  ap 
pointed  "general  commanding-in-chief,"  the  indignity  of 

*  Order  of  the  King,  dated  St.  James's,  November  12,  1754. 


200  WASHINGTON. 

the  treatment  of  Washington  appointed  by  the  Governor 
of  Virginia,  the  "  Dominion  "  Colony,  was  greater  than 
if  the  King's  commander-in-chief  had  been  an  eminent 
soldier.  The  animus  of  the  order  of  the  King  was  that 
of  thoroughly  rascal  malignity  toward  colonials  tainted 
with  "  republican  "  feeling,  such  as  Dinwiddie's  complaints 
had  referred  to.] 

The  natural  consequence  of  such  an  expressipn  of  royal 
authority  was,  as  might  have  been  expected,  the  alienation 
of  many  a  good  and  true  colonist's  loyal  feeling.  And  in 
the  American  heart  there  was  thus  fostered  more  and  more, 
by  innumerable  temptations  to  jealousy,  and  provocations 
to  an  indignant  sense  of  injustice  and  wrong,  that  deep, 
prevailing,  and  powerful  emotion  which  eventually  drove 
the  Colonies,  "appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world 
for  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,"  to  assert  their  rights 
and  declare  their  national  independence. 

[An  incident  of  Washington's  experience  at  this  time 
was  the  refusal  of  Dinwiddie  to  execute  his  engagement, 
made  at  the  surrender  of  Fort  Necessity,  for  the  return 
to  the  French  of  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  Jumonville 
affair.  Dinwiddie  was  stupid  (in  the  English  sense  of 
that  word),  not  only  failing  to  see,  but  resolute  against 
seeing,  while  Washington  ever  had  the  quick  vision  of 
genius  and  determination  not  less  quick  to  act  upon  all 
the  light  he  had.  Dinwiddie  insisted  on  disregarding  the 
engagement  made  by  Washington,  because  of  captures 
which  the  French  had  made  at  a  later  date.  The  French 
were  holding  Captains  Stobo  and  Vanbraam,  as  hostages, 
for  the  return  of  the  two  French  officers,  Drouillon  and 
La  Force,  with  two  cadets  and  about  twenty  private  sol 
diers.  Dinwiddie  sent  proposals  to  the  French  for  the  re 
turn  of  Drouillon  and  the  two  cadets  in  exchange  for  Stobo 


LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

and  Vanbraam;  and  was  refused.  La  Force  was  kept  in 
close  prison,  while  Drouillon  and  the  two  cadets  were  al 
lowed  to  go  at  large,  and  when  Washington  learned  this 
his  protest  to  Dinwiddie  was  as  indignant  as  it  was  honor 
able,  but  it  was  of  no  avail.  The  result  was  serious  to 
Stobo  and  Vanbraam,  thrust  into  prison  in  Quebec,  al 
though  the  former  managed  to  escape,  while  the  latter 
was  shipped  to  Europe  and  never  returned  to  Virginia.] 


CHAPTER  IV. 

DEFENSE  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

1754,  1755- 

r  I  ^HE  same  year  that  Washington  was  occupied  at  the 
Great  Meadows  resisting  French  encroachments 
there  was  held  at  Albany  a  convention  of  commis 
sioners,  convened  (June  19,  1754)  by  order  of  the  British 
Board  of  Trade,  with  a  view  to  conciliate  and  secure  as 
allies  of  Great  Britain  the  most  powerful  of  the  Indian 
tribes,  the  Six  Nations. 

These  were  New  York  tribes  of  the  Iroquois  and  con 
sisted  of  the  Senecas,  Mohawks,  Onondagas,  Oneidas, 
Cayugas,  and  Tuscaroras,  all  of  whom  spoke  the  same  lan 
guage.  An  ancient  confederacy  of  the  first  five  tribes  was 
formed  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century ;  and  the 
Tuscaroras,  driven  from  North  Carolina  in  1714,  joined  at 
that  period  their  Iroquois  brothers  in  New  York.  These 
six  kindred  nations  thus  leagued  were  very  formidable. 
And  as  they  were  implacable  enemies  of  the  Algonquin 
allies  of  the  French,  it  was  now  deemed  important  to  se 
cure  their  friendship  and  co-operation  on  the  eve  of  an 
other  war  with  France.  It  was  accordingly  proposed  to 
make  presents  to  them  and  effect  the  renewal  of  an  existing 
treaty. 

The  Colonies  represented  in  the  convention  were  those 
of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Con 
necticut,  New  York,  and  Maryland.  The  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor  of  Virginia  did  not  deem  it  advisable  to  send  dele- 

(202) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  203 

gates,  preferring  to  take  an  independent,  and  as  he  thought, 
more  expeditious  course;  and  indulging  the  thought  that 
he  could  effect,  in  his  own  way,  "  a  peace  between  the  north 
ern  and  southern  Indians  and  a  strict  alliance  between  them 
and  all  British  subjects  on  the  Continent/'  It  was  the  vain 
and  illusive  hope  of  a  mind  unwisely  sanguine. 

The  delegates,  as  was  proposed,  held  conferences  with 
the  Indians  and  distributed  among  them  the  numerous  and 
gaudy  presents  which  the  several  Colonies  provided.  But 
they  received  from  the  eloquent  lips  of  the  Mohawk  sachem 
Hendrick  a  cutting  rebuke  for  the  prevailing  neglect  of 
warlike  defenses.  "  It  is  your  fault,  brethren,"  said  he, 
"  that  we  are  not  strengthened  by  conquest.  We  would 
have  gone  and  taken  Crown  Point  but  you  hindered  us. 
We  had  concluded  to  go  and  take  it,  but  we  were  told  that 
it  was  too  late,  and  that  the  ice  would  not  bear  us.  Instead 
of  this  you  burnt  your  own  fort  at  Saratoga  and  ran  away 
from  it,  which  was  a  shame  and  a  scandal.  Look  around 
your  country  and  see :  you  have  no  fortifications  about  you 
—  no,  not  even  to  this  city.  It  is  but  one  step  from  Canada 
hither  and  the  French  may  easily  come  and  turn  you  out 
of  your  doors.  You  are  desirous  that  we  should  open  our 
minds  and  our  hearts  to  you.  Look  at  the  French !  They 
are  men;  they  are  fortifying  everywhere.  But,  we  are 
ashamed  to  say  it,  you  are  like  women;  bare  and  open, 
without  any  fortifications." 

The  subject  of  devising  a  plan  of  colonial  union  and 
confederation  for  security  and  defense  was  submitted  to  the 
convention.  The  delegates  unanimously  agreed  that  such  a 
measure  was  "  absolutely  necessary,"  and  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  receive  proposed  schemes  and  to  digest  a  plan. 

A  distinguished  pre-eminence  in  the  convention  was  now 
won  by  a  delegate  from  Pennsylvania,  Benjamin  Franklin, 


204  WASHINGTON. 

the  committee  having  selected  and  approved  the  plan  which 
he  devised  and  having  recommended  its  adoption. 

The  whole  number  of  delegates  appointed  was  twenty- 
five,  every  one  of  whom  was  in  attendance.*  And  there 
were  among  them  a  number  of  the  master-spirits  of  the 
times  —  men  who  subsequently  exerted  a  memorable  in 
fluence  in  the  direction  of  political  affairs.  But  among 
them  all  there  was  not  one  other  around  whom  clustered 
destinies  so  remarkable  as  those  which  awaited  the  career 
of  Franklin.  With  his  manly  presence,  his  large  frame, 
his  ample  forehead,  and  his  expressive  countenance, 
mingling  blandness  with  firmness,  his  eye  sparkling  with 
intelligence,  and  his  lip  curved  with  good-nature,  he  ever 
was  a  conspicuous  object  of  attraction  and  kind  interest. 

And  his  personal  history  possessed  a  charm  from  its 
pleasing  illustration  of  the  true  secret  of  success  in  life. 

He  had  risen  from  poverty  and  obscurity  in  his  native 
city  of  Boston  to  great  prominence  among  the  politicians 
of  Pennsylvania  and  the  literary  and  scientific  men  of  his 
time.  And  he  had  accomplished  this  by  dint  of  his  ex 
traordinary  force  of  character.  His  forefathers  were 
Englishmen,  mechanics,  residing  in  the  village  of  Ecton, 
Northamptonshire.  All  his  brothers  were  put  to  trades 
in  Boston.  His  father,  a  man  of  strong  mind  and  solid 

*  The  delegates  were :  Theodore  Atkinson,  Richard  Wibird, 
Meshech  Weare,  and  Henry  Sherburne,  of  New  Hampshire;  Sam 
uel  Welles,  John  Chandler,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Oliver  Partridge, 
and  John  Worthington,  of  Massachusetts;  William  Pitkin,  Roger 
Wolcott,  and  Elisha  Williams,  of  Connecticut;  Stephen  Hopkins 
and  Martin  Howard,  of  Rhode  Island;  James  Delancey,  Joseph 
Murray,  William  Johnson,  John  Chambers,  and  William  Smith,  of 
New  York;  John  Penn,  Richard  Peters,  Isaac  Norris,  and  Benja 
min  Franklin,  of  Pennsylvania;  Benjamin  Tasker  and  Abraham 
Barnes,  of  Maryland. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

judgment,  who  migrated  to  America  in  the  year  1685,  was 
a  tallow-chandler  and  soap-boiler;  and  Benjamin,  the 
youngest  of  his  sons,  was  employed  in  cutting  candle- 
wicks,  filling  molds,  attending  shop,  and  going  on  errands. 
But  the  boy's  active  mind  could  not  long  brook  drudgery 
like  this.  He  was  apprenticed  to  his  brother  James,  a 
printer.  He  now  began  to  indulge  his  passion  for  litera 
ture.  He  wrote  ballads  and  songs,  which  his  brother 
printed,  and  which  he  was  sent  about  the  town  to  sell. 

To  a  newspaper  published  by  his  brother,  and  called 
The  New  England  Courant,  Benjamin  secretly  contrib 
uted  articles  which  were  well  received.  As  an  author, 
and  very  soon  himself  a  printer  and  editor,  he  now  rose 
rapidly  in  favor  with  the  public. 

He  removed  to  Philadelphia.  By  industry,  thrift,  and 
stern  integrity  of  character  he  accumulated  property.  He 
took  a  lively  interest  in  the  establishment  of  literary, 
scientific,  and  benevolent  institutions,  and  in  providing  a 
system  of  military  discipline  for  Pennsylvania.  He  made 
important  discoveries  in  science,  especially  in  relation  to 
electricity  and  lightning,  and  attracted  the  attention  of 
European  savants. 

He  was  chosen  clerk  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Penn 
sylvania,  was  appointed  postmaster  of  Philadelphia,  and 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  Provincial  Legislature.  He 
now  gave  his  thoughts  more  and  more  to  public  affairs. 
In  the  year  1753  he  was  appointed  Postmaster-General 
of  America,  and  the  next  year  he  was  one  of  the  delegates 
from  Pennsylvania  to  the  Albany  Convention,  where  we 
now  find  him  with  his  plan  of  a  colonial  union. 

He  was  not  a  novice  as  a  politician  and  legislator.  The 
vital  importance  of  a  union  of  the  Colonies  he  had  already 
urged  in  a  spirited  article  published  in  his  paper,  The 
Pennsylvania  Gazette.  To  this  article  he  appended,  in 


306  WASHINGTON. 

his  favorite  style  of  speaking  by  symbols,  a  wood  cut 
which  became  a  very  popular  device  in  the  Revolutionary 
War  —  representing  a  snake  in  separate  parts,  the  parts 
designated  by  the  initial  letters  of  the  names  of  the  re 
spective  Colonies,  with  a  motto  in  large  capitals,  "JOIN 
OR  DIE." 

The  plan  proposed  a  general  government  to  be  admin 
istered  by  a  governor-general  appointed  and  supported  by 
the  King;  and  a  council  chosen  by  the  Colonial  As 
semblies,  for  ordering  all  Indian  treaties,  and  for  the 
defense,  support,  increase,  and  .extension  of  the  Colonies 
—  the  plan  to  receive  the  sanction  of  an  act  of  Parlia 
ment.  "The  Colonies  so  united,"  he  justly  remarks, 
"  would  have  been  sufficiently  strong  to  defend  them 
selves.  There  would  then  have  been  no  need  of  troops 
from  England;  of  course  the  subsequent  pretext  for  tax 
ing  America,  and  the  bloody  contest  it  occasioned,  would 
have  been  avoided.  But  such  mistakes  are  not  new;  his 
tory  is  full  of  the  errors  of  states  and  princes. 

'  Look  round  the  habitable  world,  how  few 
Know  their  own  good,  or,  knowing  it,  pursue.' " 

Franklin's  plan,  with  a  few  modifications,  was  adopted 
by  the  convention;  and  there  were  appended  to  it  rea 
sons  and  motives  for  each  article.  But,  on  its  being  sub 
mitted  to  the  Assemblies,  it  was  rejected  by  them  all  on 
the  ground  of  its  savoring  too  much  of  royal  prerogative. 
And  when  it  was  received  in  England  by  the  Board  of 
Trade,  they  thought,  on  the  other  hand,  that  it  was  quite 
too  deeply  tinctured  with  popular  privilege.  It  was 
therefore  not  even  submitted  to  the  notice  of  the  King. 

*  Franklin's  "  Autobiography,"  in  his  Works,  vol.  I,  ch.  x,  p.  178. 


UF.E  AND  TIMES.  207 

The  proposal  that  the  united  Colonies  should  be  their 
own  defenders,  without  the  aid  of  the  mother  country, 
was  viewed  with  suspicion  and  jealousy.  They  would 
thus  be  led,  it  was  supposed,  to  indulge,  unduly,  feelings 
of  self-importance  and  of  confidence  in  their  own  strength, 
and  perhaps,  as  was  apprehended,  grow  quite  too  military. 

There  was  devised  therefore  a  new  mode  of  accomplish 
ing  the  various  objects  had  in  view.  This  was  a  recourse 
to  occasional  meetings  of  the  Governors,  attended  by 
one  or  two  members  of  their  respective  councils  —  to  con 
cert  measures,  erect  forts,  and  raise  troops  —  and  to  be 
supplied  with  means  derived  from  a  tax  on  the  Colonies 
by  act  of  Parliament. 

Thus  the  cardinal  principle  on  which  turned  the  destiny 
of  a  mighty  empire  in  the  new  world  was  distinctly  set 
forth  at  that  time.  But  from  its  first  promulgation  to  the 
period  of  our  national  independence,  the  voice  of  the 
people  loudly  and  perseveringly  condemned  it,  refusing 
to  submit  to  any  measure  whatever  by  which  their  lib 
erties  would  be  impaired  by  taxation  without  representation. 

It  is  a  coincidence  worthy  of  being  noted  that  not  only 
the  same  year,  but  the  same  month,  that  dates  Washing 
ton's  engagement  in  his  first  important  military  opera 
tions,  by  which  he  was  prepared  for  the  part  he  was  to 
take  in  our  War  of  the  Revolution,  Franklin  was  busied 
with  his  plan,  which  was  the  embryo  of  our  national 
confederation  and  our  union  of  States.  It  was  on  the 
4th  day  of  July,  1754,  that  Washington  surrendered  Fort 
Necessity,  and  that  Franklin's  plan  was  considered;  and 
on  the  4th  day  of  July,  1776,  after  an  interval  of  just 
twenty-two  years,  Washington  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Army  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  Franklin  was 
signing  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence! 

Franklin  was  twenty-six  years  older  than  Washington, 


208  WASHINGTON. 

being  born  January  6,  1706,  old  style;  and  at  the  time  of 
the  Albany  Convention  he  was  at  the  age  of  forty-eight. 

Another  scheme  proposed  by  him  the  same  year,  with 
a  view  to  the  security  and  defense  of  the  Colonies  on  the 
Atlantic  border,  was  the  proposal  to  found  two  strong 
western  colonies. 

With  his  sagacious  mind  he  foresaw  and  confidently 
predicted  what  would  inevitably  result  from  the  occupa 
tion  of  the  region  which  the  western  colonies  were  to 
occupy.  "  The  great  country/'  said  he,  "  back  of  the 
Appalachian  mountains,  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  and 
between  that  river  and  the  lakes,  is  now  well  known,  both 
to  the  English  and  French,  to  be  one  of  the  finest  in 
North  America  for  the  extreme  richness  and  fertility  of 
the  land;  the  healthy  temperature  of  the  air  and  mildness 
of  the  climate ;  the  plenty  of  hunting,  fishing,  and  fowling ; 
the  facility  of  trade  with  the  Indians;  and  the  vast  con 
venience  of  inland  navigation  or  water-carriage  by  the 
lakes  and  great  rivers  many  hundred  leagues  around. 

"  From  these  natural  advantages  it  must  undoubtedly 
—  perhaps  in  less  than  another  century  —  become  a  popu 
lous  and  powerful  dominion,  and  a  great  accession  of 
power  either  to  England  or  France."* 

It  was  his  scheme  therefore  to  anticipate,  frustrate,  and 
effectually  control  the  ambitious  purposes  of  the  French 
Government  and  at  the  same  time  to  secure  the  friend 
ship  and  trade  of  all  the  neighboring  powerful  Indian 
tribes. 

It  was  a  noble  scheme.  But  the  policy  of  Great  Brit 
ain,  dictated  by  an  undue  regard  to  the  interests  of  trade 
and  commerce,  was  to  occupy  the  Atlantic  coast  and  not 
the  interior  of  the  country ;  and  the  suspicion  and  jealousy 

*  Works  of  Franklin,  vol.  Ill,  p.  70. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  209 

which  frowned  upon  the  Albany  plan  of  union  assumed 
a  more  decided  expression  against  inland  settlements. 

The  British  Government  concluded  to  take  into  its  own 
hands  the  work  of  repelling  and  chastising  French  in 
truders,  and  to  accomplish  this  neither  by  a  colonial  union 
nor  by  inland  settlements.  It  resolved  however  to  adopt 
prompt  and  vigorous  measures  for  maintaining  its  claim 
to  the  Ohio  lands.  The  French,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
just  as  resolute  in  asserting  prior  claims.  The  settle 
ment  on  the  Ohio  being  calculated,  as  they  thought,  to 
despoil  them  of  the  harvest  of  their  Indian  trade,  to  break 
the  chain  of  their  communication  between  Canada  and 
Louisiana,  and  to  nip  the  flattering  promise  of  their  am 
bitious  projects,  the  Governor  of  Canada  had  written  to 
the  Governors  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  threaten 
ing  to  seize  all  British  subjects  who  encroached  upon  the 
Indian  trade. 

In  the  year  1753  the  French  seized  certain  British 
traders  found  among  the  Miamis  and  Piankeshaws,  or,  as 
they  were  called  by  the  English,  Twightwees.  Upon  this 
the  Twightwees,  allies  of  Great  Britain,  seized  several 
French  traders  and  sent  them  to  Pennsylvania  as  repris 
als;  but  at  the  same  time  they  expressed  great  dissatis 
faction  at  the  Ohio  Company's  unceremonious  settlement 
among  them  without  permission,  and  upon  lands  not  pur 
chased.  The  exclusive  right  also  which  the  company 
claimed  excited  the  jealousy  and  caused  the  opposition 
of  private  traders,  who  were  not  inactive  in  fanning  the 
flame  of  dissatisfaction  which  had  already  been  kindled 
among  the  Indian  tribes. 

An  impending  conflict  with  France,  a  threatened  rup 
ture  with  the  Twightwees,  the  claims  of  the  Ohio  Com 
pany,  and  the  rights  of  Indian  trade  were  subjects  which 
demanded  the   immediate   attention  of  the  Governor  of 
14 


210  WASHINGTON. 

Virginia,  whose  jurisdiction  then  extended  to  the  Ohio 
and  the  Twightwee  country. 

The  proceedings  of  the  French  in  dispossessing  Captain 
Trent  of  his  post  at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio,  and  themselves 
building  a  fort  there,  and  in  compelling  Colonel  Wash 
ington  to  surrender  Fort  Necessity,  greatly  added  to  the 
excitement  which  the  subject  created  in  the  mother 
country. 

[The  British  ambassador  at  Paris  was  instructed  to  com 
plain  of  the  proceedings  as  in  violation  of  the  peace,  and 
the  French  court  protested  that^no  violation  was  intended. 

"  Their  ambassador  at  the  court  of  St.  James,  gave  the 
same  assurances.  In  the  meantime  however  French  ships 
were  fitted  out,  and  troops  embarked,  to  carry  out  the 
schemes  of  the  government  in  America.  So  profound 
was  the  dissimulation  of  the  court  of  Versailles,  that  even 
their  own  ambassador  is  said  to  have  been  kept  in  ig 
norance  of  their  real  designs,  and  of  the  hostile  game  they 
were  playing,  while  he  was  exerting  himself  in  good  faith 
to  lull  the  suspicions  of  England,  and  maintain  inter 
national  peace.  When  his  eyes  however  were  opened,  he 
returned  indignantly  to  France,  and  upbraided  the  cabinet 
with  the  duplicity  of  which  he  had  been  made  the  uncon 
scious  instrument. 

"  The  British  Government  now  prepared  for  military 
operations  in  America;  none  of  them  professedly  aggres 
sive,  but  rather  to  resist  and  counteract  aggressions.  A 
plan  of  campaign  was  devised  for  1755,  having  four  ob 
jects. 

"  To  eject  the  French  from  lands  which  they  held  un 
justly,  in  the  province  of  Nova  Scotia. 

"  To  dislodge  them  from  a  fortress  which  they  had 
erected  at  Crown  Point,  on  Lake  Champlain,  within  what 
was  claimed  as  British  territory. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  211 

"  To  dispossess  them  of  the  fort  which  they  had  con 
structed  at  Niagara,  between  Lake  Ontario  and  Lake  Erie. 

"  To  drive  them  from  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia,  and  recover  the  valley  of  the  Ohio."*] 

The  Government  voted  a  million  of  pounds  sterling  for 
the  defense  of  the  American  Colonies.  Admiral  Boscawen 
sailed  with  a  fleet  to  the  banks  of  Newfoundland.  Sir 
Edward  Hawke,  Admiral  Holborne,  and  Admiral  Byng 
also  took  the  sea  with  three  squadrons.  And  British 
cruisers  and  privateers  made  fearful  havoc  with  the  French 
West  India  trade.  During  the  year  (1755),  300  French 
merchant  ships  and  8,000  French  seamen  were  captured. 
On  the  American  lakes  also  and  on  the  frontiers  of  Vir 
ginia  and  Pennsylvania,  there  was  waged  a  desultory  but 
fearfully  afflictive  warfare,  accompanied  with  all  the 
atrocity  of  savage  massacres. 

The  arrangements  for  a  campaign  against  the  French 
in  America  were  committed  to  Prince  William  Augustus, 
Duke  of  Cumberland,  surviving  son  of  the  King,  and  at 
that  time  chief  manager  of  British  military  operations. 

Holding  a  commission  in  the  Guards,  and  being  well 
acquainted  with  their  thorough  discipline,  he  chose,  as 
the  major-general  for  the  proposed  expedition,  an  officer 
for  forty  years  connected  with  them  and  celebrated  as  a 
disciplinarian  and  tactician.  The  Duke,  stern,  harsh,  and 
tyrannous,  was  the  object  of  general  fear  and  hatred. 
But  discipline  was  his  boast  —  uncompromising  discipline. 

He  found  an  officer  after  his  own  heart  in  Major- 
General  Edward  Braddock,  who  had  served  under  him 
in  Scotland,  in  his  expedition  against  the  Pretender, 
Charles  Edward,  in  1746.  Braddock  was  accordingly  ap 
pointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  His  Majesty's  forces  in 

*  Irving,  vol.   I,  p.  189. 


212  WASHINGTON. 

America.  The  Duke  then  conveyed  to  him  a  set  of  in 
structions  on  the  conduct  of  his  expedition,  and  repeatedly 
cautioned  him,  orally  and  in  writing,  to  beware  of  an 
ambuscade. 

Flushed  with  the  hope  of  making  short  work  with  the 
French  and  their  savage  allies,  General  Braddock  sailed 
from  Cork,  in  Ireland,  on  the  I4th  day  of  January  (1755), 
with  two  regiments  of  foot,  consisting  each  of  500  British 
regulars,  under  Colonel  Dunbar  and  Col.  Sir  Peter  Hal- 
kett,  officers  of  high  repute  for  ability  and  experience. 

[Previous  to  Braddock's  arrival,  Lieut.-Col.  Sir  John 
St.  Clair,  deputy  quartermaster-general,  had  come  from 
England,  and  made  a  tour  of  inspection  in  company  with 
Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland.  The  sight  of  the  moun 
tain  wilderness  where  Washington's  operations  had  been 
conducted  rilled  him  with  dismay ;  and  he  sent  word  to 
the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  from  Wills  Creek,  on  the 
border  beyond  which  began  the  pathless  forest,  that  there 
could  be  no  campaign  until  a  road  should  be  cut,  or  re 
paired  where  rudely  cut,  toward  the  destination  of  the 
expedition,  and  at  the  same  time  another  put  in  good  con 
dition  for  bringing  supplies  from  Philadelphia.  The  Gov 
ernor  of  Pennsylvania  could  command  no  money,  except 
with  the  good-will  of  an  Assembly  which  he  described  as 
"a  set  of  men  quite  unacquainted  with  every  kind  of  mili 
tary  service,  and  exceedingly  unwilling  to  part  with  money 
upon  any  terms."  It  was  with  difficulty  that  he  secured 
the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  make  the  necessary 
exploration,  and  survey  and  lay  out  the  proper  roads.  Sir 
John  St.  Clair,  after  completing  his  tour  of  inspection, 
traveled  by  canoe  200  miles  down  Wills  Creek  and  the 
Potomac  to  Alexandria,  where  Braddock  made  his  head 
quarters,  where  the  troops  disembarked  and  encamped, 
and  where  colonial  levies  were  to  repair.  It  was  but  nine 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  213 

miles  from  Mount  Vernon.  The  levies  for  augmenting 
the  two  British  regiments  from  500  to  700  each  were 
selected  by  Sir  John  St.  Clair  from  Virginia  companies 
recently  raised,  and  after  being  supplied  with  their  uni 
forms  were  marched  to  Winchester  for  their  arms,  in 
charge  of  a  British  ensign  under  orders  from  Braddock 
"  to  make  them  as  like  soldiers  as  possible/'] 

Before  the  end  of  February  Braddock  reached  Virginia 
(February  20,  1755) ;  and  soon  after  the  transports  which 
carried  the  troops  arrived  at  Alexandria;  the  squadron, 
under  Commodore  Keppel,  including  also  two  ships  of 
war. 

Never  before  had  such  an  army  been  seen  in  the  Col 
onies.  Their  appearance  and  movements  —  the  perfec 
tion  of  military  discipline  —  created  universal  admiration 
and  inspired  very  great  confidence  in  the  triumphant  issue 
of  the  expedition.  All  colonial  jealousies  and  sectional 
disagreements  were  merged  in  the  general  and  heart- 
cheering  sentiment  that  the  long-subsisting  and  vexatious 
altercations  with  the  French  and  their  savage  allies  were 
about  to  be  effectually  terminated,  to  the  future  peace 
and  comfort  of  His  Majesty's  loyal  subjects  in  America. 
So  great  was  the  confidence  reposed  in  the  skill  and  prow 
ess  of  British  regulars. 


CHAPTER  V. 

WASHINGTON  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  MONONQAHELA. 

1754,   1755- 

HAVING  resigned  his  commission,  Washington  was 
without  employment  as-  a  military  man.  But 
there  was  slumbering  in  his  bosom  many  a  high 
resolve,  which  needed  only  a  suitable  occasion  for  its  in 
dulgence.  And  he  felt  instinctively  that  it  was  not  yet 
the  hour  for  his  repose  from  public  duty.  He  spoke  of 
his  "  reluctance  to  quit  the  service,"  and  said,  "  My  in 
clinations  are  strongly  bent  to  arms."*  Ill  at  ease  in  his 
retirement,  he  was  ready  therefore  to  meet  with  cheerful 
ness  the  summons  which  soon  called  him  once  more  to 
the  camp. 

Not  long  after  Braddock's  arrival  in  Virginia,  he  sought 
out  Washington,  well  known  to  him  by  fame ;  he  learned 
the  story  of  his  retirement  from  the  service;  he  heartily 
commended  his  spirited  conduct  on  the  occasion;  and 
he  invited  him  to  become  one  of  his  aids,  retaining  his 
rank  as  colonel,  and  acting  as  a  volunteer.  This  propo 
sition  fully  met  the  views  and  wishes  of  Washington. 
He  promptly  accepted  Braddock's  invitation,  and  he  be 
came  a  member  of  the  general's  military  family. 

Captain  Robert  Orme,  one  of  the  aids  of  Braddock, 
had  written  to  Washington  in  these  words: 

*  Letter  to  Colonel  Fitzhugh,  November  15,  1754. 
(214) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  215 

WILLIAMSBURG,  March  2,  1755. 

SIR. —  The  general  having  been  informed  that  you  ex 
pressed  some  desire  to  make  the  campaign,  but  that  you 
declined  it  upon  some  disagreeableness  which  you  thought 
might  arise  from  the  regulations  of  command,  has  ordered 
me  to  acquaint  you  that  he  will  be  very  glad  of  your  com 
pany  in  his  family,  by  which  all  inconveniences  of  that  kind 
will  be  obviated.  I  shall  think  myself  very  happy,  to  form 
an  acquaintance  with  a  person  so  universally  esteemed,  and 
shall  use  every  opportunity  of  assuring  you  how  much  I 
am,  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

ROBERT  ORME, 

Aide-de-Camp. 

[In  reply  to  Braddock's  invitation,  Washington  wrote  to 
Orme  letters  of  March  15,  1755,  and  of  April  2,  in  which 
these  expressions  occur : 

"  I  wish  earnestly  to  attain  some  knowledge  in  the  mili 
tary  profession,  and,  believing  a  more  favorable  oppor 
tunity  cannot  offer  than  to  serve  under  a  gentleman  of 
General  Braddock's  abilities  and  experience,  it  does  not  a 
little  contribute  to  influence  my  choice.  The  only  bar 
which  can  check  me  in  the  pursuit  of  this  object  is  the 
inconveniences  that  must  necessarily  result  from  some  pro 
ceedings  which  happened  a  little  before  the  General's  ar 
rival,  and  which,  in  some  measure,  had  abated  the  ardor 
of  my  desires,  and  determined  me  to  lead  a  life  of  retire 
ment,  into  which  I  was  just  entering  at  no  small  expense 
when  your  favor  was  presented  to  me.  I  shall  do  myself 
the  honor  of  waiting  upon  his  Excellency  as  soon  as  I 
hear  of  his  arrival  at  Alexandria.  I  should  have  embraced 
this  opportunity  of  writing  to  him  had  I  not  recently  ad 
dressed  a  congratulatory  letter  to  him  on  his  safe  arrival 
in  this  country. 


216  WASHINGTON. 

"  You  do  me  a  singular  favor  in  proposing  an  acquaint 
ance.  It  cannot  but  be  attended  with  the  most  flattering 
prospects  of  intimacy  on  my  part,  as  you  may  already  per 
ceive  by  the  familiarity  and  freedom  with  which  I  now 
enter  upon  this  correspondence. 

"  I  find  myself  much  embarrassed  with  my  affairs 
[April  2d],  having  no  person  in  whom  I  can  confide,  to 
entrust  the  management  of  them  with.  Notwithstanding, 
I  am  determined  to  do  myself  the  honor  of  accompanying 
you,  upon  this  proviso,  that  the  General  will  be  kind 
enough  to  permit  my  return  as  soon  as  the  active  part  of 
the  campaign  is  at  an  end,  if  it  is  desired  [i.  e.,  if  he  should 
desire  it] ;  or,  if  there  should  be  a  space  of  inaction,  long 
enough  to  admit  a  visit  to  my  home,  that  I  may  be  in 
dulged  in  coming  to  it.  I  need  not  add  how  much  I 
should  be  obliged  by  joining  you  at  Wills  Creek,  instead 
of  doing  it  at  an  earlier  period  and  place.  These  things 
will  not,  I  hope,  be  thought  unreasonable,  when  it  is  con 
sidered  how  unprepared  I  am  at  present  to  quit  a  family 
and  an  estate  I  was  just  about  to  settle,  and  which  is  in 
the  utmost  confusion." 

To  John  Robinson,  at  that  time  and  for  many  years 
Speaker  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses  and  Colonial 
Treasurer,  Washington  wrote,  April  20,  1755: 

"The  sole  motive  which  invites  me  to  the  field  is  the 
laudable  desire  of  serving  my  country,  and  not  the  grati 
fication  of  any  ambitious  or  lucrative  plans.  *  *  *  I 
expect  to  be  a  considerable  loser  in  my  private  affairs  by 
going.  It  is  true  I  have  been  importuned  to  make  this 
campaign  by  General  Braddock,  conceiving,  I  suppose, 
that  the  small  knowledge  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of 
acquiring  of  the  country,  Indians,  etc.,  was  worthy  of  his 
notice,  and  might  be  useful  to  him  in  the  progress  of  his 
expedition." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  217 

The  matter  of  50  odd  pounds  which  he  had  made  good 
upon  a  loss  which  occurred,  Washington  touches  upon, 
in  view  of  a  proposal  by  the  chairman  of  the  military  com 
mittee  that  he  apply  to  be  reimbursed,  and  further  says : 

"  I  should  not  have  asked  this  had  it  not  proposed,  and 
had  I  not  been  so  considerable  a  loser  in  the  service,  in 
valuable  papers,  clothing,  horses  and  several  other  things, 
some  of  which,  and  of  no  inconsiderable  value,  I  carried 
out  entirely  for  the  public  use.  I  had  unfortunately  got 
my  baggage  from  Wills  Creek  but  a  few  days  before  the 
engagement,  in  which  I  also  had  a  valuable  servant 
wounded,  who  died  soon  after." 

To  William  Byrd  Washington  wrote,  also  on  the  2Oth 
of  April,  of  Braddock's  offer,  and  said  of  this,  a  a  circum 
stance  which  will  ease  me  of  expenses  that  otherwise  must 
had  accrued  in  furnishing  stores,  camp  equipage,  etc., 
whereas  the  cost  will  now  be  easy  (comparatively),  as 
baggage,  horses,  tents,  and  some  other  necessaries,  will 
constitute  the  whole  of  the  charge.  Yet  to  have  a  family 
just  settling,  and  in  the  confusion  and  disorder  mine  is 
in  at  present,  is  not  a  pleasing  thing  and  may  be  hurtful. 
But  be  this  as  it  may,  it  shall  be  no  hindrance  to  my  mak 
ing  this  campaign."] 

A  few  days  after  the  general  held  a  meeting  at  his  head 
quarters  in  Alexandria  with  six  of  the  colonial  Governors : 
Dinwiddie,  of  Virginia;  Delancey,  of  New  York;  Sharpe, 
of  Maryland;  Dobbs,  of  North  Carolina ;  Shirley,  of  Massa 
chusetts  ;  and  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania.  At  this  meeting  a 
plan  for  concert  in  action  was  devised.  Braddock  was  to 
proceed  against  Fort  Duquesne,  Shirley  against  Niagara, 
and  Sir  William  Johnson  against  Crown  Point.  The  sub 
jects  discussed  and  the  arrangements  made  by  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  and  the  council  of  Governors  possessed  a 
momentous  interest. 


218  WASHINGTON. 

At  this  meeting  Washington  was  by  invitation  present. 
He  was  introduced  to  the  Governors,  and  they  accorded  to 
him  marked  expressions  of  esteem.  Referring  to  the  oc 
casion  he  says: 

"  I  have  had  the  honor  to  be  introduced  to  several  Gov 
ernors  and  of  being  well  received  by  them,  especially  Mr. 
Shirley,  whose  character  and  appearance  have  perfectly 
charmed  me.  I  think  his  every  word  and  action  discover 
in  him  the  gentleman  and  politician.  I  heartily  wish  the 
same  unanimity  may  prevail  among  us  as  appeared  to  exist 
between  him  and  his  Assembly  ^when  they,  to  expedite  the 
business  and  to  forward  his  journey  hither,  sat  till  n  and 
12  o'clock  eyery  night."* 

Braddock  proceeded  on  his  way  toward  Wills  Creek, 
where  the  several  divisions  of  his  troops  which  had  pur 
sued  different  routes,  afterward  united,  and,  including  the 
provincials,  formed  an  army  of  2,000  men. 

Washington,  detained  at  home  for  a  few  days  by  private 
duties  there,  overtook  the  general  at  Fredericktown,  Mary 
land,  and  was  now  with  him.  But  the  army,  to  the  annoy 
ance  and  vexation  of  Braddock,  was  at  a  stand.  Contracts 
for  provisions  and  for  horses  and  baggage-wagons  were  un 
fulfilled,  and  to  advance  without  these  was  deemed  utterly 
impracticable. 

Braddock  was  exasperated.  He  proposed  to  send  dn 
armed  force  into  the  counties  of  Lancaster,  York,  and 
Cumberland,  Pennsylvania,  "  to  seize  as  many  of  the  best 
carriages  and  horses  as  should  be  wanted,  and  to  compel 
as  many  persons  into  the  service  as  would  be  necessary  to 
drive  and  take  care  of  them."  In  this  emergency  suitable 
measures  of  relief  were  devised  by  Franklin.  "  Our  As 
sembly  ,"  says  he,  "  apprehending,  from  some  information, 

*  Letter  to  William  Fairfax,  April  23,  1755. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  219 

that  the  general  had  received  violent  prejudices  against 
them  as  averse  to  the  service,  wished  me  to  wait  upon  him, 
not  as  from  them,  but  as  Postmaster-General,  under  the 
guise  of  proposing  to  settle  with  him  the  mode  of  conduct 
ing  with  most  celerity  and  certainty  the  dispatches  between 
him  and  the  Governors  of  the  several  provinces,  with  whom 
he  must  necessarily  have  continual  correspondence,  and  of 
which  they  proposed  to  pay  the  expense.  My  son  accom 
panied  me  on  this  journey. 

"  We  found  the  general  at  Fredericktown  waiting  im 
patiently  for  the  return  of  those  he  had  sent  through  the 
back  parts  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  to  collect  wagons.  I 
stayed  with  him  several  days,  dined  with  him  daily,  and  had 
full  opportunities  of  removing  his  prejudices  by  the  infor 
mation  of  what  the  Assembly  had  before  his  arrival  actually 
done  and  were  still  willing  to  do  to  facilitate  operations. 
When  I  was  about  to  depart  the  returns  of  the  wagons  to 
be  obtained  were  brought  in,  by  which  it  appeared  that 
they  amounted  only  to  twenty-five,  and  not  all  of  these  were 
in  serviceable  condition.  The  general  and  all  the  officers 
were  surprised;  declared  the  expedition  was  at  an  end, 
being  impossible ;  and  exclaimed  against  the  ministers  for 
ignorantly  sending  them  into  a  country  destitute  of  the 
means  of  conveying  their  stores  and  baggage,  not  less 
than  150  wagons  being  necessary. 

"  I  happened  to  say  I  thought  it  was  a  pity  they  had  not 
been  landed  in  Pennsylvania,  as  in  that  country  almost 
every  farmer  had  his  wagon.  The  general  eagerly  laid  hold 
of  my  words  and  said,  '  Then  you,  sir,  who  are  a  man  of 
interest  there,  can  probably  procure  them  for  us,  and  I 
beg  you  to  undertake  it.'  I  asked  what  terms  were  to  be 
offered  the  owners  of  the  wagons ;  and  I  was  desired  to  put 
on  paper  the  terms  that  appeared  to  me  necessary.  This 


220  WASHINGTON. 

I  did  and  they  were  agreed  to,  and  a  commission  and  in 
structions  were  prepared  immediately." 

The  energy  and  personal  influence  of  Franklin  soon  pro 
duced  the  most  cheering  results.  He  published  an  adver 
tisement  and  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  counties 
of  Lancaster,  York,  and  Cumberland,  appealing  to  their 
self-interest  and  to  their  loyalty.  "  I  received  from  the 
general,"  says  he,  "  about  £800  to  be  disbursed  in  advance 
money  to  the  wagon-owners,  but  that  sum  being  insuffi 
cient  I  advanced  upward  of  £200  more;  and  in  two  weeks 
the  150  wagons,  with  259  carrying-horses  were  on  their 
way  to  the  camp."  "  The  owners  however,  alleging  they 
did  not  know  General  Braddock,  nor  what  dependence 
might  be  had  on  his  promise,  insisted  on  my  bond  for  the 
performance  which  I  accordingly  gave  them."* 

But  for  the  timely  services  thus  rendered  by  Franklin 
disastrous  consequences  must  inevitably  have  ensued  from 
the  general's  exasperation  and  rashness. 

He  was  not  devoid  of  noble  sentiments  and  generous  im 
pulses,  but  his  temper  and  conduct  afforded  ample  proof 
that  he  was  very  deficient  in  some  of  the  essential  qualities 
upon  which  depend  the  influence  and  success  of  a  military 
chief. 

Washington  saw  this  and  in  one  of  his  letters f  he  says: 
"  The  general,  from  frequent  breaches  of  contract,  has  lost 
all  patience;  and  for  want  of  that  temper  and  moderation 
which  should  be  used  by  a  man  of  sense  upon  these  occa 
sions,  will,  I  fear,  represent  us  in  a  light  we  little  deserve; 
for  instead  of  blaming  the  individuals,  as  he  ought,  he 
charges  all  his  disappointments  to  public  supineness  and 
looks  upon  the  country  I  believe  as  void  of  honor  and 

*  Franklin's  "  Autobiography  "  in  his  Works,  vol.  I,  ch.  x,  pp.  182, 
183,  187. 
t  Letter  to  William  Fairfax,  June  7,  1755. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  221 

honesty.  We  have  frequent  disputes  on  this  head  which 
are  maintained  with  warmth  on  both  sides,  especially  on 
his,  as  he  is  incapable  of  arguing  without  it,  or  giving  up 
any  point  he  asserts,  be  it  ever  so  incompatible  with  reason 
or  common  sense." 

William  Shirley,  son  of  the  Governor,  was  Braddock's 
secretary.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Morris  he  says :  "  We 
have  a  general  most  judiciously  chosen  for  being  disquali 
fied  for  the  service  he  is  employed  in  in  almost  every 
respect."* 

He  was  haughty,  self-conceited,  self-willed,  imperious, 
and  obstinate.  He  was  also  excessively  severe.  And  he 
greatly  lacked  the  prudence  and  caution  which,  in  such 
a  warfare  as  he  was  about  to  wage,  were  absolutely  essential 
to  his  success.  In  the  temper  of  his  patron,  the  Duke  of 
Cumberland,  who  refused  to  accept  the  loyal  offers  of  the 
Scotch  lowland  lords  before  the  battle  of  Culloden,  Brad- 
dock  now  spurned  the  thought  of  employing  Indian  allies ; 
and  regardless  of  the  dangers  against  which  he  had  been 
cautioned  he  trusted  implicitly  to  the  prowess  of  his  brave 
troops. 

"  He  was,  I  think,  a  brave  man,"  says  Franklin,  "  and 
might  probably  have  made  a  figure  as  a  good  officer  in 
some  European  war.  But  he  had  too  much  self-confidence, 
too  high  an  opinion  of  the  validity  of  regular  troops,  and 
too  mean  a  one  of  both  Americans  and  Indians.  George 
Croghan,  our  Indian  interpreter,  joined  him  on  his  march 
with  loo  of  those  people,  who  might  have  been  of  great 
use  to  his  army  as  guides  and  scouts  if  he  had  treated  them 
kindly,  but  he  slighted  and  neglected  them  and  they 
gradually  left  him. 
.  "  In  conversation  with  him  one  day  he  was  giving  me 

*  Colonial  Records,  vol.  VI,  p.  405. 


222  WASHINGTON. 

some  account  of  his  intended  progress.  '  After  taking  Fort 
Duquesne,'  said  he, '  I  am  to  proceed  to  Niagara ;  and  hav 
ing  taken  that  to  Frontenac,  if  the  season  will  allow  time, 
and  I  suppose  it  will,  for  Duquesne  can  hardly  detain  me 
above  three  or  four  days,  and  then  I  see  nothing  that  can 
obstruct  my  march  to  Niagara/  Having  before  revolved 
in  my  mind  the  long  line  his  army  must  make  in  their 
march  by  a  very  narrow  road  to  be  cut  for  them  through 
the  woods  and  bushes,  and  also  what  I  had  read  of  a  former 
defeat  of  1,500  French  who  invaded  the  Illinois  country,  I 
had  conceived  some  doubts  and:  some  fears  for  the  event 
of  the  campaign.  But  I  ventured  only  to  say :  *  To  be  sure, 
sir,  if  you  arrive  well  before  Duquesne  with  these  fine 
troops, so  well  provided  with  artillery, the  fort,  though  com 
pletely  fortified  and  assisted  with  a  strong  garrison,  can 
probably  make  but  a  short  resistance.  The  only  danger  I 
apprehend  of  obstruction  to  your  march  is  from  the  am 
buscades  of  the  Indians  who,  by  constant  practice,  are 
dexterous  in  laying  and  executing  them ;  and  the  slender 
line,  near  four  miles  long,  which  your  army  must  make, 
may  expose  it  to  be  attacked  by  surprise  in  its  flanks,  and 
to  be  cut  like  a  thread  into  several  pieces  which,  from  their 
distance,  cannot  come  up  in  time  to  support  each  other.' 

"  He  smiled  at  my  ignorance  and  replied :  '  These 
savages  may  indeed  be  a  formidable  enemy  to  your  raw 
American  militia,  but  upon  the  King's  regular  and  dis 
ciplined  troops,  sir,  it  is  impossible  they  should  make  any 
impression/  "* 

[May  6th  Washington  wrote  to  his  younger  brother, 
John  A.  Washington: 

"  I  hope  you  will  have  frequent  opportunities  to  par 
ticularize  the  state  of  my  affairs,  which  will  administer 
much  satisfaction  to  a  person  in  my  situation." 

*  Franklin's  "  Autobiography  "  in  his  Works,  vol.  I,  ch.  x,  pp.  189, 
190. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  223 

The  younger  brother  evidently  was  left  in  charge  at 
Mt.  Vernon.  May  25th  Washington  wrote  again : 

"  I  should  be  glad  to  hear  that  you  live  in  perfect  har 
mony  and  good  fellowship  with  the  family  at  Belvoir, 
as  it  is  in  their  power  to  be  very  serviceable  to  us,  as 
young  beginners.  I  would  advise  your  visiting  there  of 
ten,  as  one  step  towards  it ;  the  rest,  if  any  more  is  neces 
sary,  your  own  good  sense  will  sufficiently  dictate, —  for 
to  that  family  I  am  under  many  obligations,  particularly 
to  the  old  gentleman." 

The  "  young  beginners  "  reference  is  to  the  getting  un 
der  way  with  the  care  of  the  Mt.  Vernon  estate. 

In  a  postscript  to  the  same  letter  Washington  appears 
cherishing  political  ambition,  to  the  extent  of  wishing  to 
be  elected  to  the  House  of  Burgesses.  Thus  he  writes 
to  his  brother  John: 

"As  I  understand  the  county  of  Fairfax  is  to  be  divided, 
and  that  Mr.  Alexander  intends  to  decline  serving  in  it, 
I  should  be  glad  if  you  could  come  at  Colonel  Fairfax's 
intentions,  and  let  me  know  whether  he  purposes  to  offer 
himself  as  a  candidate.  If  he  does  not,  I  should  be  glad 
to  take  a  poll,  if  I  thought  my  chance  tolerably  good. 
Major  Carlyle  mentioned  it  to  me  in  Williamsburgh  in  a 
bantering  way,  and  asked  how  I  would  like  it,  saying,  at 
ttite  same  time,  he  did  not  know  but  they  might  send  me, 
for  one  or  t'other  of  the  counties,  when  I  might  know 
nothing  of  the  matter.  I  must  confess  I  should  like  to 
go  for  either  in  that  manner,  but  more  particularly  for 
Fairfax,  as  I  am  a  resident  there.  I  should  be  glad  if 
you  could  discover  Major  Carlyle's  real  sentiments  on 
this  head ;  also  those  of  Mr.  Dalton,  Ramsay,  Mason,  etc., 
which  I  hope  and  think  you  may  do  without  disclosing 
much  of  mine,  as  I  know  your  own  good  sense  can  fur 
nish  you  with  contrivances.  If  you  should  attempt  any- 


224:  WASHINGTON. 

thing  in  this  matter,  pray  let  me  know  by  the  first  op 
portunity  how  you  have  succeeded  in  it,  and  how  those 
gentlemen  stand  affected.  If  they  seem  inclinable  to  pro 
mote  my  interest,  and  things  should  be  drawing  to  a 
crisis,  you  then  may  declare  my  intentions,  and  beg  their 
assistance.  If,  on  the  contrary,  you  find  them  more  in 
clined  to  favor  some  other,  I  would  have  the  affair  en 
tirely  dropped.  The  Revd.  Mr.  Green's  and  Capt.  Mc- 
Carty's  interests  in  this  matter  would  be  of  consequence, 
and  I  should  be  glad  if  you  could  sound  their  pulse  upon 
that  occasion.  Conduct  the  whole,  'till  you  are  satisfied 
of  the  sentiments  of  those  I  have  mentioned,  with  an  air 
of  unconcern;  after  that  you  may  regulate  your  conduct 
according  to  circumstances.  Capt.  West,  the  present  Bur 
gess,  and  our  friend  Jack  West,  could  also  be  serviceable, 
if  they  had  a  mind  to  assist  the  interest  of,  Dear  Jack, 
Your  loving  brother/'] 

The  army  provided  with  wagons,  horses,  and  every  nec 
essary  supply  now  moved  on.  But  the  month  of  June 
(1755)  had  already  arrived.  And  so  many  and  great  de 
lays  occurred,  chiefly  from  rough  roads,  that  the  general 
indulged  serious  doubts  of  the  feasibility  of  reaching  the 
French  fort  before  the  close  of  the  season.  He  consulted 
privately  with  Washington,  who  advised  him  to  proceed. 
"  I  urged  him  in  the  warmest  terms  I  was  able,"  says  Wash 
ington,  "  to  push  forward,  if  he  even  did  it  with  a  small  but 
chosen  band,  with  such  artillery  and  light  stores  as  were 
necessary;  leaving  the  heavy  artillery,  baggage,  and  the 
like  with  the  rear  division  of  the  army,  to  follow  by  slow 
and  easy  marches,  which  they  might  do  safely  while  we 
were  advanced  in  front.  As  one  reason  to  support  this 
opinion,  I  urged,  that  if  we  could  credit  our  intelligence,  the 
French  were  weak  at  the  Fork  at  present,  but  hourly  ex 
pected  reinforcements  which,  to  my  certain  knowledge, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  225 

could  not  arrive  with  provisions  or  any  supplies  during  the 
continuance  of  the  drought,  as  the  Buffalo  river,  down 
which  was  their  only  communication  to  Venango,  must  be 
as  dry  as  we  now  found  the  great  crossing  of  the  Youg- 
hiogheny,  which  may  be  passed  dryshod."* 

In  a  council  of  war,  held  on  the  occasion,  the  advice  of 
Washington  prevailed.  The  general  with  1,200  men,  carry 
ing  a  small  supply  of  necessary  stores  and  a  few  pieces  of 
light  artillery,  moved  forward,  and  Colonel  Dunbar  with 
600  men  and  the  heavy  baggage  followed  by  slow  marches. 

Washington  accompanied  the  general  in  the  advanced 
corps.  But  when  four  days  had  passed  and  the  general 
with  his  corps  had  reached  a  spot  but  nineteen  miles  from 
the  Little  Meadows  a  painful  incident  occurred  (June  14, 
1755)  which  greatly  distressed  the  mind  of  Washington, 
yet  served  to  exhibit  in  a  strong  light  his  energy  and  de 
termination 

When  the  army  had  advanced  about  ten  miles  from  Wills 
Creek  he  was  seized  with  a  violent  fever  by  which  he  was 
prostrated.  Yet  he  continued  with  the  army.  Too  feeble 
to  ride  on  horseback  he  was  carried  in  a  covered  wagon 
until  his  physician  advised,  and  the  general  required,  that 
he  should  not  continue  with  the  advanced  division.  To 
this  he  yielded  his  reluctant  consent  on  the  absolute  con 
dition  that  before  the  army's  reaching  the  French  fort  ar 
rangements  should  be  made  for  his  rejoining  it.  "  I  had," 
says  he,  "  the  general's  word  of  honor,  pledged  in  the  most 
solemn  manner,  that  I  should  be  brought  up  before  he  ar 
rived  at  Fort  Duquesne."* 

Attended  by  a  small  guard  and  awaiting  the  arrival  of 
Colonel  Dunbar  with  the  rear  army,  he  continued  for  some 
days  in  a  state  of  extreme  debility.  Colonel  Dunbar's 

*  Letter  to  John  A.  Washington,  June  28,  1755. 
15 


226  WASHINGTON. 

division  did  not  reach  him  for  eight  days.  His  fever 
moderated  at  this  time,  but  his  weakness,  as  he  himself  ad 
mitted,  was  excessive. 

[Of  this  Washington  said  in  a  letter  of  June  28,  1755: 
"  On  the  I4th  instant  I  was  seized  with  violent  fevers  and 
pains  in  my  head,  which  continued  without  intermission 
'till  the  23d  following,  when  I  was  relieved,  by  the  Gen 
eral's  absolutely  ordering  the  physicians  to  give  me 
Dr.  James's  powders  (one  of  the  most  excellent  medicines 
in  the  world),  for  it  gave  me  immediate  ease,  and  removed 
my  fevers  and  other  complaints  in  four  days  time.  My 
illness  was  too  violent  to  suffer  me  to  ride;  therefore  I 
was  indebted  to  a  covered  wagon  for  some  part  of  my 
transportation;  but  even  in  this  I  could  not  continue  far, 
for  the  jolting  was  so  great.  I  was  left  upon  the  road, 
with  a  guard  and  necessaries,  to  wait  the  arrival  of  Col 
onel  Dunbar's  detachment,  which  was  two  days'  march 
behind  us,  the  General  giving  me  his  word  of  honor,  that 
I  should  be  brought  up  before  he  reached  the  French 
fort.  This  promise,  and  the  doctor's  threats  that,  if  I  per 
severed  in  my  attempts  to  get  on,  in  the  condition  I  was, 
my  life  would  be  endangered,  determined  me  to  halt  for 
the  above  detachment." 

It  was  on  the  iQth  (June),  when  he  had  been  ill  five 
days,  that  the  advance  of  Braddock  with  part  of  the  army 
began,  while  Dunbar  "  with  the  residue  of  the  two  regi 
ments,  some  independent  companies  (of  colonial  troops), 
most  of  the  women,  and  in  short  everything  not  abso 
lutely  necessary,"  remained  behind.  Washington  says  of 
the  advance :  "  We  set  out  with  less  than  30  carriages 
(including  those  that  transported  the  ammunition  for  the 
howitzers,  twelve-pounders,  and  six-pounders,  etc.),  and 
all  of  them  strongly  horsed;  which  was  a  prospect  that 
conveyed  infinite  delight  to  my  mind,  though  I  was  ex- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  227 

cessively  ill  at  the  time.  But  this  prospect  was  soon 
clouded,  and  my  hopes  brought  very  low  indeed,  when  I 
found  that  instead  of  pushing  on  with  vigor,  without  re 
garding  a  little  rough  road,  they  were  halting  to  level 
every  molehill,  and  to  erect  bridges  over  every  brook,  by 
which  means  we  were  four  days  getting  twelve  miles. 

"  At  this  camp  I  was  left  by  the  doctor's  advice,  and  the 
General's  absolute  orders,  without  which  I  should  not  have 
been  prevailed  upon  to  remain  behind ;  as  I  then  imagined, 
and  now  believe,  I  shall  find  it  no  easy  matter  to  join  my 
own  corps  again,  which  is  25  miles  advanced  before  us. 

"  I  have  been  now  six  days  with  Colonel  Dunbar's 
corps,  who  are  in  a  miserable  condition  for  want  of  horses, 
not  having  enough  for  their  wagons;  so  that  the  only 
method  he  has  of  proceeding,  is  to  march  with  as  many 
wagons  as  those  will  draw,  and  then  halt  till  the  remain 
der  are  brought  up  with  the  same  horses,  which  requires 
two  days  more ;  and  shortly,  I  believe,  he  will  not  be  able 
to  stir  at  all. 

"  My  strength  will  not  admit  me  to  say  more,  though 
I  have  not  said  half  what  I  intended  concerning  our  affairs 
here.  Business  I  shall  not  think  of,  but  depend  solely 
upon  your  management  of  all  my  affairs,  not  doubting  but 
that  they  will  be  well  conducted." 

The  next  paragraph  is  an  interesting  indulgence  in  genial 
sarcasm : 

"  You  may  thank  my  friends  for  the  letters  I  have  re 
ceived  from  them,  which,  tell  them  has  not  been  one  from 
any  mortal  since  I  left  Fairfax,  except  yourself  and  Mr.  Dai- 
ton.  It  is  a  specimen  of  their  regard  and  kindness  which 
I  should  endeavor  to  acknowledge  and  thank  them  for, 
was  I  able  and  suffered  to  write." 

"  July  2nd. —  We  are  advanced  almost  as  far  as  the 
Great  Meadows,  and  I  shall  set  out  tomorrow  morning 


22S  WASHINGTON. 

for  my  own  corps,  witn  an  escort  of  100  men,  which  is 
to  guard  some  provisions  up,  so  that  my  fears  and  doubts 
on  that  head  are  now  removed." 

June  30,  Washington  had  written  to  Robert  Orme,  one 
of  Braddock's  aides :  "  I  came  to  this  camp  on  Thurs 
day  last,  with  the  rear  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  detachment, 
and  should  have  continued  on  with  his  front  today,  but 
was  prevented  by  rain.  My  fevers  are  very  moderate,  and, 
I  hope,  near  terminating;  when  I  shall  have  nothing  to 
encounter  but  weakness  which  is  excessive,  and  the  diffi 
culty  of  getting  to  you,  arising  therefrom ;  but  this  I 
would  not  miss  doing,  before  you  reach  Duquesne,  for  five 
hundred  pounds.  However,  I  have  no  doubt  now  of  doing 
this,  as  I  am  moving  on  slowly,  and  the  General  has  given 
me  his  word  of  honor,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that 
it  shall  be  effected.  The  doctor  thinks  it  imprudent  for 
me  to  use  much  exercise  for  two  or  three  days."] 

One  of  the  general's  aides-de-camp,  Capt.  Roger  Morris, 
had  written  to  him  from  the  great  crossing  of  the  Youg- 
hiogheny,  "  I  am  desired  by  the  general  to  let  you  know 
that  he  marches  to-morrow  and  next  day,  but  that  he 
shall  halt  at  the  Meadows  two  or  three  days.  It  is  the  de 
sire  of  every  individual  in  the  family,  and  the  general's 
positive  commands  to  you,  not  to  stir  but  by  the  advice  of 
the  person  under  whose  care  you  are  till  you  are  better, 
which  we  all  hope  will  be  very  soon."  On  the  3Oth  day  of 
June  he  said,  in  a  letter  to  Captain  Orme,  one  of  the  gen 
eral's  aides :  "  As  the  doctor  thinks  it  imprudent  for  me 
to  use  much  exercise  for  two  or  three  days  my  movements 
will  be  retarded."*  But  he  husbanded  his  strength;  he 
took  advantage  of  every  moment  possible  for  him  to  pro 
ceed;  when  prevented  by  rain  from  continuing  with  the 

*  Letter  to  John  A.  Washington,  June  28,  1755. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  229 

front  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  detachment  he  joined  the  rear, 
yet  he  moved  onward. 

It  was  with  great  effort  and  with  pain  that  he  persevered 
in  his  purpose;  but  he  at  length  succeeded,  to  his  own 
great  satisfaction  and  to  the  surprise  of  the  general,  in 
reaching  the  advanced  detachment  (July  8,  1755)  near  the 
junction  of  the  Youghiogheny  and  Monongahela  rivers, 
within  fifteen  miles  of  the  French  fort.  "  On  the  8th  day 
of  July,"  says  he,  in  a  memorandum,  "  I  rejoined  in  a  cov 
ered  wagon  the  advanced  division  of  the  army  under  the 
immediate  command  of  the  general.  On  the  9th  I  attended 
him  on  horseback,  though  very  low  and  weak." 

This  however  was  an  eventful  day  long  to  be  remem 
bered,  which,  while  it  veiled  others  with  the  gloom  of  mis 
fortune  and  calamity,  shed  around  him  and  his  exploits  the 
brightness  of  a  glorious  halo. 

[In  the  memorandum  just  quoted  Washington  added  to 
the  above :  "  On  this  day  he  was  attacked,  and  defeated, 
by  a  party  of  French  and  Indians,  adjudged  not  to  exceed 
300.  When  all  hope  of  rallying  the  dismayed  troops,  and 
recovering  the  ground,  was  expired  (our  provisions  and 
stores  being  given  up)  I  was  ordered  to  Dunbar's  camp."] 

Early  in  the  morning  the  army  advanced  in  good  health 
and  high  spirits,  and  in  perfect  military  order,  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  majestic  Monongahela.  To  reach  the  French 
fort  it  was  necessary  first  to  ford  the  river  and  march  for 
some  distance  on  its  south  bank;  then  to  return  to  the 
north  bank  by  fording  the  stream  again.  This  the  well-dis 
ciplined  troops  successfully  accomplished.  And  the  man 
ner  of  their  doing  it  was  so  truly  admirable  that  Washing 
ton,  who  beheld  the  scene  with  intense  interest,  often  re 
curred  to  it  with  the  deepest  emotion. 

After  crossing  to  the  northern  margin  of  the  river,  ten 
miles  from  the  fort,  an  advanced  column  of  the  troops 


230  WASHINGTON. 

marched  over  a  plain  and  up  an  ascent  between  two  ravines. 
But  the  remaining  columns  had  scarcely  forded  the 
stream  when  on  a  sudden  heavy  discharges  of  musketry 
were  heard  on  the  front  and  on  the  right  flank  of  the  ad 
vanced  party.  The  hostile  forces,  consisting  of  French 
troops  and  of  Indians,  concealed  in  the  ravines  and  behind 
trees,  kept  up  a  destructive  fire,  deliberately  singling  out 
their  victims,  and  prostrating  on  the  field,  among  the  killed 
and  wounded,  more  than  half  of  the  whole  army  which  so 
lately  presented  a  model  of  military  order,  discipline,  and 
prowess. 

The  advanced  column,  panic-struck,  had  retreated  in  dis 
may,  falling  back  upon  the  detachment  which  next  followed. 
The  contagion  of  alarm  here  seized  the  regular  troops  who, 
for  the  first  time,  heard  the  Indian  yell  and  war-whoop, 
and  were  standing  in  platoons  and  receiving  the  deadly  fire 
of  foes  who  were  invisible. 

Of  the  whole  army  no  part,  excepting  only  the  Virginia 
troops,  manifested  the  presence  of  mind  called  for  by  the 
emergency.  They  scattered  and  betook  themselves  to  trees 
from  behind  which  they  assailed  the  enemy  after  the  man 
ner  of  the  Indian  warfare. 

In  an  account  of  the  battle  given  by  Captain  Orme  he 
says :  "  The  men  were  so  extremely  deaf  to  the  exhorta 
tion  of  the  general  and  the  officers  that  they  fired  away 
in  the  most  irregular  manner  all  their  ammunition,  and 
then  ran  off,  leaving  to  the  enemy  the  artillery,  ammuni 
tion,  provision,  and  baggage ;  nor  could  they  be  persuaded 
to  stop  till  they  got  as  far  as  Gist's  plantation;  nor  there 
only  in  part,  many  of  them  proceeding  as  far  as  Colonel 
Dunbar's  party,  who  lay  six  miles  on  this  side.  The  offi 
cers  were  absolutely  sacrificed  by  their  good  behavior, 
advancing  sometimes  in  bodies,  sometimes  separately, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES,  231 

hoping  by  such  example  to  engage  the  soldiers  to  follow 
them,  but  to  no  purpose.  The  general  had  five  horses 
shot  under  him,  and  at  last  received  a  wound  through  the 
right  arm  into  his  lungs  of  which  he  died  on  the  I3th 
instant.  Secretary  Shirley  was  shot  through  the  head; 
Captain  Morris  wounded.  Colonel  Washington  had  two 
horses  shot  under  him  and  his  clothes  shot  through  in 
several  places,  behaving  the  whole  time  with  the  greatest 
courage  and  resolution.  Sir  Peter  Halket  was  killed 
upon  the  spot.  Colonel  Burton  and  Sir  John  St.  Clair 
were  wounded/'* 

Our  "  well-armed  troops,  chiefly  regulars,  were  struck 
with  such  a  panic,"  says  Washington,  "  that  they  behaved 
with  more  cowardice  than  it  is  possible  to  conceive.  The 
officers  behaved  gallantly  in  order  to  encourage  their  men, 
for  which  they  suffered  greatly,  there  being  nearly  sixty 
killed  and  wounded;  a  large  proportion  of  the  number  we 
had."  "  In  despite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  the 
contrary  they  ran  as  sheep  pursued  by  dogs,  and  it  was  im 
possible  to  rally  them."  "  The  general  was  wounded,  of 
which  he  died  three  days  after.  Sir  Peter  Halket  was  killed 
in  the  field,  where  died  many  other  brave  officers.  I 
luckily  escaped  without  a  wound,  though  I  had  four  bul 
lets  through  my  coat  and  two  horses  shot  under  me. 
Captains  Orme  and  Morris,  two  of  the  aides-de-camp, 
were  wounded  early  in  the  engagement,  which  rendered 
the  duty  harder  upon  me,  as  I  was  the  only  person  then 
left  to  distribute  the  general's  orders,  which  I  was  scarcely 
able  to  do,  as  I  was  not  half  recovered  from  a  violent  ill 
ness  that  had  confined  me  to  my  bed  and  a  wagon  for 
above  ten  days.  I  am  still  in  a  weak  and  feeble  condition 
which  induces  me  to  halt  here  two  or  three  days  in  the 

*  Letter  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  July,  .1755. 


232  WASHINGTON. 

hope  of  recovering  a  little  strength  to  enable  me  to  pro 
ceed  homeward/'* 

The  whole  number  of  British  officers  was  eighty-six, 
twenty-six  of  whom  were  killed  and  thirty-seven  wounded. 
The  killed  and  wounded  of  the  British  army  was  714.  The 
French  had  but  three  officers  killed  and  four  wounded,  and 
about  sixty  soldiers  and  Indians  killed  and  wounded. 
Braddock's  official  papers  were  taken  by  the  enemy  and 
also  Washington's  private  journal,  and  his  official  corre 
spondence  during  the  preceding  year's  campaign. 

[To  Governor  Dinwiddie  Washington  wrote  July  i8th, 
from  Fort  Cumberland: 

"  When  we  came  to  within  7  miles  of  Duquesne,  we 
were  attacked  (very  unexpectedly)  by  about  300  French 
and  Indians.  Our  numbers  consisted  of  about  1,300  well- 
armed  men,  chiefly  Regulars,  who  were  immediately  struck 
with  such  an  inconceivable  panic,  that  nothing  but  con 
fusion  and  disobedience  of  orders  prevailed  among  them. 
The  officers,  in  general,  behaved  with  incomparable  brav 
ery,  for  which  they  greatly  suffered,  there  being  near  60 
killed  and  wounded, —  a  large  proportion  out  of  the  num 
ber  we  had. 

"  The  Virginia  companies  behaved  like  men  and  died  like 
soldiers;  for  I  believe  out  of  three  companies  that  were 
on  the  ground  that  day  scarce  30  men  were  left  alive. 
Capt.  Peyroney  and  all  his  officers,  down  to  a  corporal, 
were  killed;  Capt.  Poison  had  almost  as  hard  a  fate,  for 
only  one  of  his  escaped.  In  short,  the  dastardly  behavior 
of  the  Regular  troops  (so-called)  exposed  those  who  were 
inclined  to  do  their  duty  to  almost  certain  death;  and,  at 
length,  in  despite  of  every  effort  to  the  contrary,  broke 
and  ran  as  sheep  before  hounds,  leaving  the  artillery,  am- 
*  Letter  to  Mrs.  Mary  Washington,  July  16,  1755. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  233 

munition,  provisions,  baggage,  and,  in  short,  everything, 
a  prey  to  the  enemy.  And  when  we  endeavored  to  rally 
them,  in  hopes  of  regaining  the  ground  and  what  we  had 
left  upon  it,  it  was  with  as  little  success  as  if  we  had  at 
tempted  to  have  stopped  the  wild  bears  of  the  mountains, 
or  rivulets  with  our  feet ;  for  they  would  break  by,  in  de 
spite  of  every  effort  that  could  be  made  to  prevent  it. 

"  The  General  was  wounded  in  the  shoulder  and  breast, 
of  which  he  died  three  days  after ;  his  two  aides  were  both 
wounded  [Captains  Orme  and  Morris],  but  are  in  a  fair 
way  of  recovery;  Colonel  Burton  and  Sir  John  St.  Clair 
are  also  wounded,  and  I  hope  will  get  over  it;  Sir  Peter 
Halket,  with  many  other  brave  officers,  were  killed  in  the 
field.  It  is  supposed  that  we  had  300  or  more  killed; 
about  that  number  we  brought  off  wounded,  and  it  is  con 
jectured  (I  believe,  with  much  truth)  that  two-thirds  of 
both  received  their  shot  from  our  own  cowardly  Regulars, 
who  gathered  themselves  into  a  body,  contrary  to  orders, 
ten  or  twelve  deep ;  would  then  level,  fire,  and  shoot  down 
the  men  before  them. 

"  I  tremble  at  the  consequences  that  this  defeat  may 
have  upon  our  back  settlers,  who,  I  suppose,  will  leave 
their  habitations  unless  there  are  proper  measures  taken 
for  their  security.  Colonel  Dunbar,  who  commands  at 
present,  intends,  as  soon  as  his  men  are  recruited,  to  con 
tinue  his  march  to  Philadelphia  for  winter  quarters ;  con 
sequently  there  will  be  no  men  left  here,  unless  it  is  the 
shattered  remains  of  the  Virginia  troops,  who  are  totally 
inadequate  to  the  protection  of  the  frontiers." 

To  his  brother  John,  Washington  wrote  on  the  same 
day: 

"  As  I  have  heard,  since  my  arrival  at  this  place,  a  cir 
cumstantial  account  of  my  death  and  dying  speech,  I  take 
this  early  opportunity  of  contradicting  the  first,  and  of 


$34:  WASHINGTON. 

assuring  you  that  I  have  not  composed  the  latter.  But, 
by  the  all-powerful  dispensations  of  Providence,  I  have 
been  protected  beyond  all  human  probability,  or  expec 
tation;  for  I  had  four  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two 
horses  shot  under  me,  yet  escaped  unhurt,  though  death 
was  leveling  my  companions  on  every  side  of  me! 

"  We  have  "been  most  scandalously  beaten  by  a  trifling  body 
of  men;  but  fatigue  and  want  of  time  prevent  me  from 
giving  you  any  of  the  details,  until  I  have  the  happiness 
of  seeing  you  at  Mount  Vernon,  which  I  now  most  ear 
nestly  wish  for,  since  we  are  driven  in  thus  far.  A  feeble 
state  of  health  obliges  me  to  halt  here  for  two  or  three 
days  to  recover  a  little  strength,  that  I  may  thereby  be 
enabled  to  proceed  homeward  with  more  ease."] 

The  story  of  Braddock's  ill-fated  expedition  was  at  first 
scarcely  credited.  The  thought  of  a  possibility  of  his  de 
feat  had  not  been  harbored.  Arrangements  had  actually 
been  made  in  Philadelphia  for  the  celebration  of  his  antici 
pated  valiant  achievement,  and  money  had  been  raised 
there  by  subscription  for  bonfires  and  illuminations. 

Washington  arrived  home  July  26th,  and  August  2d 
wrote  from  Mt.  Vernon  to  Robert  Jackson: 

"  It  is  true  we  have  been  beaten — shamefully  beaten  by  a 
handful  of  men  who  only  intended  to  molest  and  disturb  our 
march.  Victory  was  their  smallest  expectation.  But  see 
the  wondrous  works  of  Providence  and  the  uncertainty  of 
human  things !  We  but  a  few  moments  before  believed  our 
numbers  almost  equal  to  the  Canadian  force ;  they  only  ex 
pected  to  annoy  us.  Yet  contrary  to  all  expectation  and 
human  probability,  and  even  to  the  common  course  of 
things,  we  were  totally  defeated  and  sustained  the  loss  of 
every  thing.  This,  as  you  observe,  must  be  an  affecting 
story  to  the  colony,  and  will,  no  doubt,  license  the  tongues 
of  people  to  censure  those  whom  they  think  most  blamable ; 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  235 

which,  by  the  by,  often  falls  very  wrongfully.  I  join  very 
heartily  with  you  in  believing,  that  when  this  story  comes 
to  be  related  in  future  annals,  it  will  meet  with  unbelief  and 
indignation,  for  had  I  not  been  witness  to  the  fact  on  that 
fatal  day,  I  should  scarce  have  given  credit  to  it  even  now." 

Washington's  wonderful  preservation  and  escape  with 
out  a  wound,  amid  so  many  and  great  dangers,  became 
very  naturally  a  general  topic  of  conversation  throughout 
the  Colonies. 

The  divine  purpose  in  the  preservation  of  his  life  was 
also  recognized  by  an  Indian  chief  and  his  warriors  who 
were  present  at  Monongahela  and  in  the  battle.  Washing 
ton  having  occasion  to  explore  some  western  wild  lands 
about  fifteen  years  after  the  time  of  the  battle  went  in  com 
pany  with  his  friend,  Dr.  Craik,  to  a  spot  near  the  junction 
of  the  Great  Kenhawa  and  Ohio  rivers.  While  there  he 
was  visited  by  a  sachem  and  his  party,  who  had  heard  of 
his  arrival  in  the  forest,  and  who  came  to  him  with  a  tribute 
of  their  homage. 

The  old  chief  said  that  he  was  present  at  the  battle  and 
among  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French;  that  he  singled  him 
out  and  repeatedly  fired  his  rifle  at  him ;  that  he  ordered  his 
young  warriors  also  to  make  him  their  only  mark ;  but  that 
on  finding  all  their  bullets  turned  aside  by  some  invisible 
and  inscrutable  interposition  he  was  convinced  that  the  hero 
at  whom  he  had  so  often  and  so  truly  aimed  must  be,  for 
some  wise  purpose,  specially  protected  by  the  Great  Spirit. 
He  now  came  therefore  to  testify  his  veneration. 

When  Braddock's  troops,  retreating  from  the  scene  of 
action,  recrossed  the  Monongahela,  Washington  has 
tened  to  the  rear  detachment  under  Dunbar  and  ordered 
vehicles  for  carrying  the  wounded  from  the  field. 

The  general  had  already  been  removed  in  a  wagon 
and  then  put  on  horseback;  but  it  was  soon  discovered 


236  WASHINGTON. 

that  he  could  not  ride,  and  he  was  borne  upon  a  litter, 
first  to  the  rear  detachment  and  then  toward  the  Great 
Meadows. 

On  the  fourth  day  he  died;  and,  to  conceal  his  body 
from  hostile  savages,  it  was  wrapped  in  his  cloak  and 
interred  at  night  at  a  spot  about  a  mile  west  of  Fort 
Necessity.  But  it  was  not  committed  to  the  earth  with 
out  the  rite  of  sepulture.  There  was,  it  is  true,  no  min 
ister  of  the  Gospel  in  attendance.  It  was  customary  how 
ever,  in  the  absence  of  a  clergyman,  for  the  laity  in  such 
emergencies  to  read  the  Church  of  England's  office  for 
the  burial  of  the  dead.  And  now  Washington,  standing 
near  the  lifeless  body  about  to  be  consigned  "  dust  to 
dust,"  read  by  the  light  of  a  torch  the  words  of  the  solemn 
burial  service. 

[  Irving' s  narrative  of  the  return  of  Washington  to  duty 
with  Braddock,  and  of  the  terrible  disaster  of  July  Qth, 
may  be  quoted  here  as  one  of  his  many  matchless  sketches 
of  forever  memorable  scenes : 

"  Washington  was  warmly  received  on  his  arrival,  espe 
cially  by  his  fellow  aides-de-camp,  Morris  and  Orme.  He 
was  just  in  time,  for  the  attack  upon  Fort  Duquesne  was 
to  be  made  on  the  following  day.  The  neighboring  coun 
try  had  been  reconnoitered  to  determine  upon  a  plan  of 
attack.  The  fort  stood  on  the  same  side  of  the  Mononga- 
hela  with  the  camp ;  but  there  was  a  narrow  pass  between 
them  of  about  two  miles,  with  the  river  on  the  left  and 
a  very  high  mountain  on  the  right,  and  in  its  present  state 
quite  impassable  for  carriages.  The  route  determined  on 
was  to  cross  the  Monongahela  by  a  ford  immediately  op 
posite  to  the  camp;  proceed  along  the  west  bank  of  the 
river,  for  about  five  miles,  then  recross  by  another  ford  to 
the  eastern  side,  and  push  on  to  the  fort.  The  river  at 
these  fords  was  shallow,  and  the  banks  were  not  steep. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  237 

"According  to  the  plan  of  arrangement,  Lieutenant-Col 
onel  Gage,  with  the  advance,  was  to  cross  the  river  before 
daybreak,  march  to  the  second  ford,  and  recrossing  there, 
take  post  to  secure  the  passage  of  the  main  force.  The 
advance  was  to  be  composed  of  two  companies  of  grena 
diers,  one  hundred  and  sixty  infantry,  the  independent  com 
pany  of  Captain  Horatio  Gates,  and  two  six-pounders. 

"  Washington,  who  had  already  seen  enough  of  regular 
troops  to  doubt  their  infallibility  in  wild  bush-fighting,  and 
who  knew  the  dangerous  nature  of  the  ground  they  were 
to  traverse,  ventured  to  suggest,  that  on  the  following  day 
the  Virginia  rangers,  being  accustomed  to  the  country 
and  to  Indian  warfare,  might  be  thrown  in  the  advance. 
The  proposition  drew  an  angry  reply  from  the  general, 
indignant  very  probably,  that  a  young  provincial  officer 
should  presume  to  school  a  veteran  like  himself. 

"  Early  next  morning  (July  Qth),  before  daylight,  Colonel 
Gage  crossed  with  the  advance.  He  was  followed  at  some 
distance  by  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  quartermaster-general,  with 
a  working  party  of  250  men,  to  make  roads  for  the  artillery 
and  baggage.  They  had  with  them  their  wagons  of  tools, 
and  two  six-pounders.  A  party  of  about  thirty  savages 
rushed  out  of  the  woods  as  Colonel  Gage  advanced,  but 
were  put  to  flight  before  they  had  done  any  harm. 

"  By  sunrise  the  main  body  turned  out  in  full  uniform, 
at  the  beating  of  'the  general/  their  arms,  which  had 
been  cleaned  the  night  before,  were  charged  with  fresh 
cartridges.  The  officers  were  perfectly  equipped.  All 
looked  as  if  arrayed  for  a  fete,  rather  than  a  battle.  Wash 
ington,  who  was  still  weak  and  unwell,  mounted  his  horse 
and  joined  the  staff  of  the  general,  who  was  scrutinizing 
everything  with  the  eye  of  a  martinet.  As  it  was  sup 
posed  the  enemy  would  be  on  the  watch  for  the  crossing 
of  the  troops,  it  had  been  agreed  that  they  should  do  it 


238  WASHINGTON. 

in  the  greatest  order,  with  bayonets  fixed,  colors  flying, 
and  drums  and  fifes  beating  and  playing.*  They  accord 
ingly  made  a  gallant  appearance  as  they  forded  the  Mon- 
ongahela,  and  wound  along  its  banks  and  through  the 
open  forests,  gleaming  and  glittering  in  morning  sunshine 
and  stepping  buoyantly  to  the  '  Grenadiers'  March/ 

"  Washington,  with  his  keen  and  youthful  relish  for  mili 
tary  affairs,  was  delighted  with  their  perfect  order  and 
equipment,  so  different  from  the  rough  bush-fighters,  to 
which  he  had  been  accustomed.  Roused  to  new  life,  he 
forgot  his  recent  ailments,  and  broke  forth  in  expressions 
of  enjoyment  and  admiration  as  he  rode  in  company  with 
his  fellow  aides-de-camp,  Orme  and  Morris.  Often,  in 
after  life,  he  used  to  speak  of  the  effect  upon  him  of  the 
first  sight  of  a  well-disciplined  European  army,  marching 
in  high  confidence  and  bright  array,  on  the  eve  of  a  battle. 

"  About  noon  they  reached  the  second  ford.  Gage,  with 
the  advance,  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Monongahela, 
posted  according  to  orders;  but  the  river  bank  had  not 
been  sufficiently  sloped.  The  artillery  and  baggage  drew 
up  along  the  beach  and  halted  until  one,  when  the  second 
crossing  took  place,  drums  beating,  fifes  playing,  and 
colors  flying  as  before.  When  all  had  passed,  there  was 
again  a  halt  close  by  a  small  stream  called  Frazier's  Run, 
until  the  general  arranged  the  order  of  march. 

"  First  went  the  advance,  under  Gage,  preceded  by  the 
engineers  and  guides  and  six  light  horsemen. 

"  Then  Sir  John  St.  Clair  and  the  working  party,  with 
their  wagons  and  the  two  six-pounders.  On  each  side 
were  thrown  out  four  flanking  parties. 

"  Then,  at  some  distance,  the  general  was  to  follow  with 
the  main  body,  the  artillery  and  baggage  were  preceded 

*  Orme's  Journal. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  239 

and  flanked  by  light  horse  and  squads  of  infantry;  while 
the  Virginian  and  other  provincial  troops  were  to  form 
the  rearguard. 

"  The  ground  before  them  was  level  until  about  half  a 
mile  from  the  river,  where  a  rising  ground,  covered  with 
long  grass,  low  bushes,  and  scattered  trees,  sloped  gently 
up  to  a  range  of  hills.  The  whole  country,  generally 
speaking,  was  a  forest,  with  no  clear  opening  but  the 
road,  which  was  about  twelve  feet  wide,  and  flanked  by 
two  ravines,  concealed  by  trees  and  thickets. 

"  Had  Braddock  been  schooled  in  the  warfare  of  the 
woods,  or  had  he  adopted  the  suggestions  of  Washington, 
which  he  rejected  so  impatiently,  he  would  have  thrown 
out  Indian  scouts  or  Virginian  rangers  in  the  advance,  and 
on  the  flanks,  to  beat  up  the  woods  and  ravines;  but  as 
has  been  sarcastically  observed,  he  suffered  his  troops  to 
march  forward  through  the  center  of  the  plain,  with  merely 
their  usual  guides  and  flanking  parties,  '  as  if  in  a  re 
view  in  St.  James's  Park/ 

"  It  was  now  near  2  o'clock.  The  advanced  party  and 
the  working  party  had  crossed  the  plain  and  were  ascend 
ing  the  rising  ground.  Braddock  was  about  to  follow  with 
the  main  body,  and  had  given  the  word  to  march,  when 
he  heard  an  excessively  quick  and  heavy  firing  in  front. 
Washington,  who  was  with  the  general,  surmised  that  the 
evil  he  had  apprehended  had  come  to  pass.  For  want  of 
scouting  parties  ahead,  the  advance  parties  were  suddenly 
and  warmly  attacked.  Braddock  ordered  Lieutenant-Col 
onel  Burton  to  hasten  to  their  asistance  with  the  vanguard 
of  the  main  body,  800  strong.  The  residue,  400,  were 
halted,  and  posted  to  protect  the  artillery  and  baggage. 

"  The  firing  continued  with  fearful  yelling.  There  was  a 
terrible  uproar.  By  the  general's  orders  an  aide-de-camp 
spurred  forward  to  bring  him  an  account  of  the  nature  of 


240  WASHINGTON. 

the  attack.  Without  waiting  for  his  return,  the  general 
himself,  finding  the  turmoil  increase,  moved  forward,  leav 
ing  Sir  Peter  Halket  with  the  command  of  the  baggage. 

The  van  of  the  advance  had  indeed  been  taken  by  sur 
prise.  It  was  composed  of  two  companies  of  pioneers  to 
cut  the  road,  and  two  flank  companies  of  grenadiers  to 
protect  them.  Suddenly  the  engineer  who  preceded  them 
to  mark  out  the  road  gave  the  alarm,  "  French  and  In 
dians  !  "  A  body  of  them  was  approaching  rapidly,  cheered 
on  by  a  Frenchman  in  gayly  fringed  hunting-shirt,  whose 
gorget  showed  him  to  be  an  officer.  There  was  sharp  fir 
ing  on  both  sides  at  first.  Several  of  the  enemy  fell;  among 
them  their  leader;  but  a  murderous  fire  broke  out  from 
among  trees  and  a  ravine  on  the  right,  and  the  woods  re 
sounded  with  unearthly  whoops  and  yellings.  The  Indian 
rifle  was  at  work,  leveled  by  unseen  hands.  Most  of  the 
grenadiers  and  many  of  the  pioneers  were  shot  down. 
The  survivors  were  driven  in  on  the  advance. 

Gage  ordered  his  men  to  fix  bayonets  and  form  in  order 
of  battle.  They  did  so  in  hurry  and  trepidation.  He 
would  have  scaled  a  hill  on  the  right  whence  there  was 
the  severest  firing.  Not  a  platoon  would  quit  the  line  of 
march.  They  were  more  dismayed  by  the  yells  than  by 
the  rifles  of  the  unseen  savages.  The  latter  extended 
themselves  along  the  hill  and  in  the  ravines;  but  their 
whereabouts  was  only  known  by  their  demoniac  cries  and 
the  puffs  of  smoke  from  their  rifles.  The  soldiers  fired 
wherever  they  saw  the  smoke.  Their  officers  tried  in  vain 
to  restrain  them  until  they  should  see  their  foe.  All 
orders  were  unheeded;  in  their  fright  they  shot  at  ran 
dom,  killing  some  of  their  own  flanking  parties,  and  of 
the  vanguard,  as  they  came  running  in.  The  covert  fire 
grew  more  intense.  In  a  short  time  most  of  the  officers 
and  many  of  the  men  of  the  advance  were  killed  or 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  241 

wounded.  Colonel  Gage  himself  received  a  wound.  The 
advance  fell  back  in  dismay  upon  Sir  John  St.  Clair's 
corps,  which  was  equally  dismayed.  The  cannon  belong 
ing  to  it  were  deserted. 

Colonel  Burton  had  come  up  with  the  reinforcement, 
and  was  forming  his  men  to  face  the  rising  ground  on  the 
right,  when  both  of  the  advanced  detachments  fell  back 
upon  him,  and  all  now  was  confusion. 

By  this  time  the  general  was  upon  the  ground.  He 
tried  to  rally  the  men.  "  They  would  fight,"  they  said, 
"  if  they  could  see  their  enemy ;  but  it  was  useless  to  fire 
at  trees  and  bushes,  and  they  could  not  stand  to  be  shot 
down  by  an  invisible  foe." 

The  colors  were  advanced  in  different  places  to  separate 
the  men  of  the  two  regiments.  The  general  ordered  the 
officers  to  form  the  men,  tell  them  off  into  small  divisions, 
and  advance  with  them;  but  the  soldiers  could  not  be 
prevailed  upon  either  by  threats  or  entreaties.  The  Vir 
ginia  troops,  accustomed  to  the  Indian  mode  of  fighting, 
scattered  themselves,  and  took  post  behind  trees,  whence 
they  could  pick  off  the  lurking  foe.  In  this  way  they,  in 
some  degree,  protected  the  regulars.  Washington  advised 
General  Braddock  to  adopt  the  same  plan  with  the  regu 
lars  ;  but  he  persisted  in  forming  them  into  platoons ; 
consequently  they  were  cut  down  from  behind  logs  and 
trees  as  fast  as  they  could  advance.  Several  attempted  to 
take  to  the  trees  without  orders,  but  the  general  stormed 
at  them,  called  them  cowards,  and  even  struck  them  with 
the  flat  of  his  sword.  Several  of  the  Virginians,  who  had 
taken  post  and  were  doing  good  service  in  this  manner, 
were  slain  by  the  fire  of  the  regulars,  directed  wherever  a 
smoke  appeared  among  the  trees. 

The  officers  behaved  with  consummate  bravery;  and 
Washington  beheld  with  admiration  those  who,  in  camp 
16 


242  WASHINGTON. 

or  on  the  march,  had  appeared  to  him  to  have  an  almost 
effeminate  regard  for  personal  ease  and  convenience,  now 
exposing  themselves  to  imminent  death,  with  a  courage 
that  kindled  with  the  thickening  horrors.  In  the  vain 
hope  of  inspiriting  the  men  to>  drive  off  the  enemy  from 
the  flanks  and  regain  the  cannon,  they  would  dash  for 
ward  singly  or  in  groups.  They  were  invariably  shot 
down;  for  the  Indians  aimed  from  their  coverts  at  every 
one  on  horseback,  or  who  appeared  to  have  command. 

Some  were  killed  by  random  shot  of  their  own  men, 
who,  crowded  in  masses,  fired  with  affrighted  rapidity, 
but  without  aim.  Soldiers  in  the  front  ranks  were  killed 
by  those  in  the  rear.  Between  friend  and  foe,  the  slaughter 
of  the  officers  was  terrible.  All  this  while  the  woods  re 
sounded  with  the  unearthly  yellings  of  the  savages,  and 
now  and  then  one  of  them,  hideously  painted,  and  ruffling 
with  feathered  crest,  would  rush  forth  to  scalp  an  officer 
who  had  fallen,  or  seize  a  horse  galloping  wildly  without 
a  rider. 

Throughout  this  disastrous  day,  Washington  distin 
guished  himself  by  his  courage  and  presence  of  mind.  His 
brother  aides,  Orme  and  Morris,  were  wounded  and  dis 
abled  early  in  the  action,  and  the  whole  duty  of  carrying 
the  orders  of  the  general  devolved  on  him.  His  danger 
was  imminent  and  incessant.  He  was  in  every  part  of 
the  field,  a  conspicuous  mark  for  the  murderous  rifle.  Two 
horses  were  shot  under  him.  Four  bullets  passed  through 
his  coat.  His  escape  without  a  wound  was  almost  miracu 
lous.  Dr.  Craik,  who  was  on  the  field  attending  to  the 
wounded,  watched  him  with  anxiety  as  he  rode  about  in 
the  most  exposed  manner,  and  used  to  say  that  he  ex 
pected  every  moment  to  see  him  fall.  At  one  time  he  was 
sent  to  the  main  body  to  bring  the  artillery  into  action. 
All  there  was  likewise  in  confusion;  for  the  Indians  had 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  243 

extended  themselves  along  the  ravine  so  as  to  flank  the 
reserve  and  carry  slaughter  into  the  ranks.  Sir  Peter  Hal- 
ket  had  been  shot  down  at  the  head  of  his  regiment.  The 
men  who  should  have  served  the  guns  were  paralyzed. 
Had  they  raked  the  ravines  with  grape-shot  the  day  might 
have  been  saved.  In  his  ardor  Washington  sprang  from 
his  horse,  wheeled  and  pointed  a  brass  field-piece  with  his 
own  hand,  and  directed  an  effective  discharge  into  the 
woods;  but  neither  his  efforts  nor  example  were  of  avail. 
The  men  could  not  be  kept  to  the  guns. 

Braddock  still  remained  in  the  center  of  the  field,  in  the 
desperate  hope  of  retrieving  the  fortunes  of  the  day.  The 
Virginia  rangers,  who  had  been  most  efficient  in  covering 
his  position,  were  nearly  all  killed  or  wounded.  His  sec 
retary,  Shirley,  had  fallen  by  his  side.  Many  of  his  officers 
had  been  slain  within  his  sight,  and  many  of  his  guard 
of  Virginia  light  horse.  Five  horses  had  been  killed  under 
him ;  still  he  kept  his  ground,  vainly  endeavoring  to  check 
the  flight  of  his  men,  or  at  least  to  effect  their  retreat 
in  good  order.  At  length  a  bullet  passed  through  his 
right  arm  and  lodged  itself  in  his  lungs.  He  fell  from 
his  horse,  but  was  caught  by  Captain  Stewart  of  the 
Virginia  guards,  who,  with  the  assistance  of  another 
American,  and  a  servant,  placed  him  in  a  tumbril.  It 
was  with  much  difficulty  they  got  him  out  of  the  field  — 
in  his  despair  he  desired  to  be  left  there. 

The  rout  now  became  complete.  Baggage,  stores,  ar 
tillery,  everything  was  abandoned.  The  wagoners  took 
each  a  horse  out  of  his  team  and  fled.  The  officers  were 
swept  off  with  the  men  in  this  headlong  flight.  It  was 
rendered  more  precipitate  by  the  shouts  and  yells  of  the 
savages,  numbers  of  whom  rushed  forth  from  their  cov 
erts,  and  pursued  the  fugitives  to  the  river  side,  killing 
several  as  they  dashed  across  in  tumultuous  confusion. 


244  WASHINGTON. 

Fortunately  for  the  latter,  the  victors  gave  up  the  pursuit 
in  their  eagerness  to  collect  the  spoil. 

The  shattered  army  continued  its  flight  after  it  had 
crossed  the  Monongahela,  a  wretched  wreck  of  the  brilliant 
little  force  that  had  recently  gleamed  along  its  banks, 
confident  of  victory.  Out  of  eighty-six  officers,  twenty- 
six  had  been  killed,  and  thirty-six  wounded.  The  number 
of  rank  and  file  killed  and  wounded  was  upward  of  seven 
hundred.  The  Virginia  corps  had  suffered  the  most ;  one 
company  had  been  almost  annihilated,  another,  beside 
those  killed  and  wounded  in  the  ranks,  had  lost  all  its 
officers,  even  to  the  corporal. 

About  a  hundred  men  were  brought  to  a  halt  about  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  ford  of  the  river.  Here  was 
Braddock,  with  his  wounded  aides-de-camp  and  some  of 
his  officers,  Dr.  Craik  dressing  his  wounds,  and  Washing 
ton  attending  him  with  faithful  assiduity.  Braddock  was 
still  able  to  give  orders,  and  had  a  faint  hope  of  being 
able  to  keep  possession  of  the  ground  until  reinforced. 
Most  of  the  men  were  stationed  in  a  very  advantageous 
spot  about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  road;  and  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Burton  posted  out  small  parties  and  sen 
tinels.  Before  an  hour  had  elapsed  most  of  the  men  had 
stolen  off.  Being  thus  deserted,  Braddock  and  his  officers 
continued  their  retreat ;  he  would  have  mounted  his  horse, 
but  was  unable,  and  had  to  be  carried  by  soldiers.  Orme 
and  Morris  were  placed  on  litters  borne  by  horses  They 
were  subsequently  joined  by  Colonel  Gage  with  eighty 
men  whom  he  had  rallied. 

Washington,  in  the  meantime,  notwithstanding  his  weak 
state,  being  found  most  efficient  in  frontier  service,  was 
sent  to  Colonel  Dunbar's  camp,  forty  miles  distant,  with 
orders  for  him  to  hurry  forward  provisions,  hospital  stores, 
and  wagons  for  the  wounded,  under  the  escort  of  two 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  245 

grenadier  companies.  It  was  a  hard  and  a  melancholy 
ride  throughout  the  night  and  the  following  day.  The 
tidings  of  the  defeat  preceded  him,  borne  by  the  wagoners, 
who  had  mounted  their  horses  on  Braddock's  fall,  and 
fled  from  the  field  of  battle.  They  had  arrived,  haggard, 
at  Dunbar's  camp  at  midday;  the  Indians  yells  still  ring 
ing  in  their  ears.  "All  was  lost !  "  they  cried.  "  Brad- 
dock  was  killed!  They  had  seen  wounded  officers  borne 
off  from  the  field  in  bloody  sheets!  The  troops  were  all 
cut  to  pieces !  "  A  panic  fell  upon  the  camp.  The  drums 
beat  to  arms.  Many  of  the  soldiers,  wagoners,  and  at 
tendants,  took  to  flight;  but  most  of  them  were  forced 
back  by  the  sentinels. 

Washington  arrived  at  the  camp  in  the  evening,  and 
found  the  agitation  still  prevailing.  The  orders  which  he 
brought  were  executed  during  the  night,  and  he  was  in 
the  saddle  early  in  the  morning  accompanying  the  convoy 
of  supplies.  At  Gist's  plantation,  about  thirteen  miles  off, 
he  met  Gage  and  his  scanty  force  escorting  Braddock  and 
his  wounded  officers.  Captain  Stewart  and  a  sad  remnant 
of  the  Virginia  light  horse  still  accompanied  the  general 
as  his  guard.  The  captain. had  been  unremitting  in  his 
attentions  to  him  during  the  retreat.  There  was  a  halt  of 
one  day  at  Dunbar's  camp  for  the  repose  and  relief  of 
the  wounded.  On  the  I3th  they  resumed  their  melancholy 
march,  and  that  night  reached  the  Great  Meadows. 

The  proud  spirit  of  Braddock  was  broken  by  his  de 
feat.  He  remained  silent  the  first  evening  after  the  battle, 
only  ejaculating  at  night,  "  Who  would  have  thought  it!  " 
He  was  equally  silent  the  following  day;  yet  hope  still 
seemed  to  linger  in  his  breast,  from  another  ejaculation : 
".We  shall  better  know  how  to  deal  with  them  another 
time!" 

He  was  grateful  for  the  attentions  paid  to  him  by  Cap- 


246  WASHINGTON. 

tain  Stewart  and  Washington,  and  more  than  once,  it  is 
said,  expressed  his  admiration  of  the  gallantry  displayed 
by  the  Virginians  in  the  action.  It  is  said,  moreover,  that 
in  his  last  moments  he  apologized  to  Washington  for  the 
petulance  with  which  he  had  rejected  his  advice,  and  be 
queathed  to  him  his  favorite  charger,  and  his  faithful  ser 
vant,  Bishop,  who  had  helped  to  convey  him  from  the  field. 

Some  of  these  facts,  it  is  true,  rest  on  tradition,  yet  we 
are  willing  to  believe  them,  as  they  impart  a  gleam  of 
just  and  generous  feeling  to  his  closing  scene.  He  died 
on  the  night  of  the  I3th,  at  the  Great  Meadows,  the  place 
of  Washington's  discomfiture  in  the  previous  year.  His 
obsequies  were  performed  before  break  of  day.  The 
chaplain  having  been  wounded,  Washington  read  the  fu 
neral  service.  All  was  done  in  sadness,  and  without  pa 
rade,  so  as  not  to  attract  the  attention  of  lurking  savages, 
who  might  discover  and  outrage  his  grave."]* 

Before  the  occurrence  of  the  disastrous  affair  at  the 
Monongahela,  Braddock  received  an  offer  of  the  services 
of  a  hundred  friendly  Indians.  But  so  self-confident  was 
he,  and  so  contemptuous  was  his  opinion  of  the  savages 
and  their  mode  of  warfare,  that,  regardless  of  Washing 
ton's  counsels  on  the  subject,  he  treated  their  offer  with 
cold  and  even  offensive  indifference.  Had  he  employed 
them  as  scouts,  they  would  undoubtedly  have  discovered 
the  enemy's  ambuscade  and  have  enabled  him  to  antici 
pate  their  fatal  stratagem;  and,  by  means  of  the  grape- 
shot  of  a  few  field  pieces,  not  only  to  reveal  the  hiding 
places  of  the  invisible  foe,  but  to  convert  their  ravines 
from  places  of  security  into  vast  repositories  of  the  dead. 

In  the  confidence  of  power,  he  appears  to  have  dis 
dained  the  customary  prudential  measures  for  discovering 
the  enemy's  plans  and  detecting  their  machinations. 

*  See  Irving,  Vol.  I,  p.  230. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  247 

On  the  other  hand,  M.   Contrecoeur,  commandant  of 
the  French  fort,  resorted  to  every  practicable  expedient 
to  ascertain,  in  detail,  whatever  he  required  to  know  re 
specting  Braddock's  army  and  its  movements.     He  was 
convinced  that  the  thought  of  contending  with  the  British 
army  in  a  pitched  battle  was  preposterous.     He  was  at 
a  loss  to  decide  in  what  manner  he  could  most  judiciously 
receive  it.     At  this  crisis  one  of  his  captains,  M.  Beaujeu, 
volunteered,  with  a  mixed  party  of  French,  Canadians, 
and  Indians,  to  annoy  the  British  forces  while  crossing 
the  Monongahela  and  to  retard  their  progress  toward 
the  fort.     Arriving  too  late  to  effect  their  purpose  at  the 
river,  Beaujeu  and  his  party  betook  themselves  to  the 
ravines,  and  lay  in  ambush  behind  trees  and  in  the  long 
grass  with  which  the  ravines  were  skirted.     They  were 
in  all  but  about  850  men,  including  600  Indians.     They 
thought  not  for  a  moment  of  being  able  to  put  to  rout 
the    British    army.     But    on   this   occasion   as    on   many 
others  in  the   history  of  war,  presumptuous  confidence 
was  suddenly  converted  into  dismay;  and  inferior  num 
bers  were  awarded  the  success  of  a  triumph,  alike  unex 
pected  and  wonderful. 

Amid  the  prevailing  gloom  of  this  melancholy  scene, 
the  mind  finds  a  pleasing  relief  in  contemplating  the  char 
acter  and  conduct  of  Washington.  When  all  the  other 
mounted  officers  of  Braddock's  army  were,  without  ex 
ception,  slain  or  disabled,  the  Virginian  aide-de-camp, 
mysteriously  protected  with  a  view  to  the  fulfillment  of 
a  high  destiny,  was  preserved  from  death  and  was  not 
even  wounded.  His  friend,  Dr.  Craik,  who  was  a  witness 
of  this  remarkable  divine  interposition,  observed :  "  I  ex 
pected  every  moment  to  see  him  fall.  His  duty  and  situa 
tion  exposed  him  to  every  danger.  Nothing  but  the 


248  WASHINGTON. 

superintending  care  of  Providence  could  have  saved  him 
from  the  fate  of  all  around  him."  He  was  suffering  from 
the  effect  of  his  debilitating  fever,  and  he  was  then  on 
horseback  for  the  first  time  after  his  partial  recovery; 
but  he  displayed,  as  if  acting  under  the  control  of  a  super 
human  impulse,  the  most  extraordinary  presence  of  mind, 
accompanied  with  intrepidity,  firmness,  discretion,  and 
sound  judgment. 

And  his  generous  and  kind  sympathies  also  were  in 
active  exercise.  He  had  been  assisted  by  Captain  Stew 
art,  of  the  Virginia  Guards,  and  by  a  servant,  in  bearing 
the  wounded  general  from  the  field;  but,  on  consigning 
him  to  the  captain's  special  care,  he  had  immediately  re 
turned  to  his  post  of  duty  and  of  danger.  With  spirit 
and  skill  he  rallied  the  panic-stricken  troops  after  their 
having  crossed  the  Monongahela.  It  now  devolved  upon 
him  to  hasten  to  the  rear  detachment  of  the  army  and 
order  wagons  for  the  wounded ;  and  he  accomplished  this, 
to  the  relief  of  many  a  suffering  officer  and  soldier. 

The  particular  and  important  duties  which,  in  the  order 
ing  of  events,  were  successively  assigned  to  him,  and 
which  he  faithfully  performed,  conspired  to  commend  his 
character  and  conduct  to  universal  admiration.  The  story 
spread  of  his  being  endowed  with  a  charmed  life;  and 
his  friends  and  countrymen  spontaneously  indulged  in 
glowing  anticipations  of  the  future  of  his  history.  An 
eloquent  preacher  of  the  time,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Davies, 
afterward  president  of  Princeton  College,  in  a  sermon 
preached  before  one  of  the  volunteer  companies,  com 
mented  upon  the  prevailing  military  spirit,  and  said:  "As 
a  remarkable  instance  of  this,  I  may  point  out  to  the 
public  that  heroic  youth,  Colonel  Washington,  whom  I 
cannot  but  hope  Providence  has  hitherto  preserved  in  so 


LIFE  AND   TIMES.  249 

signal  a  manner  for  some  important  service  to  his 
country."* 

[One  author,  with  surprising  misinformation  and  depend 
ence  on  imagination,  garnishes  a  meager  sketch  of  Brad- 
dock's  defeat  with  these  amazingly  false  references  to 
Washington : 

"  As  soon  as  his  fever  abated  a  little,  he  left  Colonel 
D  unbar,  and  being  unable  to  sit  on  a  horse,  was  conveyed 
to  the  front  in  a  wagon. 

"  Washington  at  the  outset,  flung  himself  headlong  into 
the  fight.  *  *  *  All  through  that  dreadful  carnage  he 
rode  fiercely  about,  raging  with  the  excitement  of  battle. 

"  Splendidly  reckless  on  the  day  of  battle,  *  *  *  he 
comes  before  us,  above  all  things  the  fighting  man,  hot- 
blooded  and  fierce  in  action." 

Washington's  fever  had  abated  as  early  as  June  23,  and 
it  was  not  until  July  3,  that  he  started  to  overtake  Brad- 
dock.  On  July  9  he  did  no  flinging  of  himself  headlong 
into  the  battle.  He  was  Braddock's  aide,  strictly  confined 
to  carrying  Braddock's  orders,  except  as  some  action  came 
within  his  reach,  as  when  he  was  sent  to  order  the  artil 
lery  to  get  at  work,  and  sprang  from  his  horse  to  wheel 
and  point  a  brass  field-piece.  He  did  no  riding  fiercely 
about,  raging  with  the  excitement  of  battle,  and  the  writer 
had  no  more  reason  for  putting  up  stuff  of  this  kind  than  he 
would  have  had  for  saying  that  Washington  took  to  the 
woods  in  mad  fool-fury  to  get  a  swordcut  at  the  savages, 
and  yelled  so  loud  that  he  was  heard  at  Mount  Vernon. 
"Above  all  things,  the  fighting  man,  hot-blooded  and  fierce 
in  action,"  is  a  description  of  Washington  which  could  not 
well  be  more  grotesquely  and  thoroughly  false.] 

*  "  Religion  and  Patriotism  the  Constituents  of  a  Good  Soldier," 
a  sermon  preached  August  17,  1755. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

WASHINGTON,  THE  VIRGINIA  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

1755-1757. 

THE  deplorable  result  of  Braddock's  formidable  ex 
pedition  not  only  created  a  general  and  startling 
sensation  throughout  the  Colonies,  but  prompted 
new  and  powerful  emotions  of  self-reliance. 

And  the  subsequent  conduct  of  Colonel  Dunbar  in  aban 
doning  the  Colonies  tended  greatly  to  increase  this  state 
of  feeling.  In  command  of  the  rear  detachment  of  Brad- 
dock's  army  he  was  forty  miles  from  the  scene  of  action 
during  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela.  But  the  retreating 
troops  of  the  advanced  detachment  fell  back  upon  his 
party,  and  in  the  consternation  of  their  flight  they  spread 
the  contagion  of  their  panic. 

To  disappoint  the  French  and  Indians  should  they  con 
tinue  in  pursuit,  the  artillery  and  all  the  stores  that  could 
not  be  removed  were  now  destroyed,  and  the  colonel  hur 
ried  on  his  march.  He  was  at  that  time  in  command  of 
more  than  1,000  men.  The  important  obligation  devolved 
upon  him  to  protect  the  settlements.  He  received  urgent 
communications  from  the  Governors  of  Virginia,  Mary 
land,  and  Pennsylvania,  requesting  that  detachments  of  his 
army  might  be  posted  on  their  frontiers,  now  in  a  state  of 
great  alarm.  But  regardless  of  their  appeals  and  adopting 
no  measures  of  resistance  nor  of  defense  in  behalf  of  the 
Colonies,  he  rapidly  pursued  his  march  to  Philadelphia  to 

(250) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  251 

what  he  called  his  winter  quarters,  for  the  purpose,  it  would 
appear,  rather  of  receiving  than  of  affording  protection. 

The  complaints  created  by  this  proceeding  were  of  course 
loud  and  general.  In  the  irritation  which  it  produced  the 
intrepidity  of  brave  Virginia  troops  was  invidiously  con 
trasted  with  the  cowardly  conduct  of  professed  veterans. 
In  some  terse  remarks  on  the  subject  Dr.  Franklin  says: 
"  This  whole  transaction  gave  us  Americans  the  first  sus 
picion  that  our  exalted  ideas  of  the  prowess  of  British  regu 
lar  troops  had  not  been  well  founded."* 

The  news  of  Dunbar's  conduct  was  received  while  the 
Virginia  Assembly  was  in  session.  And  it  convinced  the 
minds  of  members  of  the  Assembly  that  the  time  had  come 
for  a  resort  to  vigorous  measures  of  self-preservation. 

[General  Braddock's  expedition  had  been  especially 
aimed  at  the  operations  of  the  French  on  the  Ohio,  but  in 
connection  therewith  plans  had  been  determined  upon  at 
the  meeting  of  the  Governors,  April  14,  1755,  with  Brad- 
dock  and  Commodore  Keppel,  for  expeditions  against  the 
French,  both  at  Niagara  and  at  Crown  Point.  Governor 
Shirley,  with  Sir  William  Pepperell's  regiments  and  some 
New  York  companies,  was  to  attack  the  force  of  Indians 
ami  French  at  Niagara,  about  the  end  of  June,  and  Col. 
Wm.  Johnson,  the  rich  Mohawk  country  potentate,  with 
a  large  force  of  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  to 
proceed  against  Crown  Point. 

But  with  Braddock's  overthrow,  and  the  slaughter  of 
his  army  which  sent  terror  everywhere  thai:  the  news  came, 
the  plans  of  Shirley  against  Niagara  went  to  pieces;  the 
men  engaged  for  river  transportation  of  stores  evaded 
serving ;  it  was  near  the  end  of  August  before  the  expedi 
tion  was  in  force  at  Oswego ;  and  with  delays  and  troubles 

*  Dr.  Franklin's  "  Autobiography,"  near  the  close  of  chap,  x ; 
Works,  vol.  I,  p.  192. 


252  WASHINGTON. 

there,  Shirley  did  no  more  than  to  commence  fortifying, 
and  leaving  700  men  as  a  garrison,  returned  to  Albany  in 
October  with  the  main  part  of  his  forces. 

The  plans  for  Johnson's  attack  upon  Crown  Point  were 
hardly  more  successful.  The  expedition  ascended  the 
Hudson  to  the  point  from  which  land  carriage  crossed  to 
the  lower  end  of  the  lake,  to  which  Johnson  gave  the  name 
of  Lake  George.  Here  a  fort  was  begun,  to  which  was 
given  later  the  name  of  Fort  Edward.  Leaving  General 
Lyman  to  complete  and  defend  the  fort,  Johnson  pro 
ceeded  to  Lake  George  with  a  force  of  5,000  to  6,000 
troops  of  New  York  and  New  England,  and  a  very  large 
contingent  of  Mohawk  Indians.  The  French  commander 
recently  arrived  at  Quebec,  Baron  de  Dieskau,  with  a  force 
of  3,000  men,  was  aiming  at  Oswego,  and  had  gone  to 
Montreal,  and  sent  forward  700  of  his  troops,  when  the 
news  came  of  Johnson's  formidable  expedition  on  the 
way  to  Crown  Point,  and  perhaps  to  Canada.  The  Baron 
took  post  at  Crown  Point  with  regular  troops,  800  Ca 
nadians,  and  700  Indians,  and  he  thence  set  off  for  Fort 
Edward,  from  which  Johnson  had  advanced  to  Lake 
George.  He  hoped  to  surprise  the  fort,  and  make  a  dash 
south  for  the  destruction  of  Albany  and  Schenectady,  and 
thus  cut  off  all  communication  with  Oswego.  Johnson 
meanwhile,  in  camp  at  the  south  end  of  Lake  George, 
awaiting  the  boat  service  for  proceeding  north,  learned 
September  7th,  of  the  peril  of  French  attack  at  Fort  Ed 
ward,  and  the  next  morning  sent  Colonel  Williams  with 
1,000  men  and  200  Indians,  to  intercept  the  French. 
Within  two  hours,  heavy  firing,  which  soon  indicated  that 
Williams  was  retreating,  caused  Johnson's  command  to 
take  measures  for  defense,  such  as  were  possible  with  only 
a  breastwork  of  trees,  some  heavy  cannon  on  the  front, 
and  a  field-piece  on  an  eminence  on  the  left  flank.  The 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  253 

fleeing  troops  of  Williams  arriving  in  wild  confusion, 
with  the  enemy  in  close  pursuit,  and  soon  after  the  French 
regulars  in  battle  line,  with  Canadians  and  Indians,  seemed 
to  portend  overwhelming  defeat  for  Johnson's  command, 
and  the  capture  of  his  camp.  In  the  moment  of  extremest 
peril,  however,  Dieskau's  Canadians  and  Indians  flinched 
from  direct  assault,  took  to  bush-fighting,  and  left  the 
baron  with  200  grenadiers  a  compact  target  for  the  artil 
lery  and  musketry  fire  of  Johnson's  garrison,  and  at  a 
distance  short  of  any  serious  effect  of  their  platoon  firing. 
The  action  became  more  and  more  one  of  British  success, 
until  the  French  grenadiers,  terribly  cut  up,  gave  way, 
and  Johnson's  men  with  the  Mohawks  issued  from  their 
camp  in  a  fierce  onset,  which  became  a  slaughter  of  the 
assailants,  an  utter  rout  or  capture  of  the  French,  with 
their  gallant  commander  so  severely  wounded  as  to  result 
in  his  death.  It  appeared  that  the  plan  of  Dieskau  for 
surprising  Fort  Edward  he  was  obliged  to  change  because 
his  Canadians  and  Indians,  fearing  the  fire  of  cannon,  re 
fused  to  make  the  assault;  and  when  he  turned  back  to 
surprise  Johnson's  camp  the  same  hesitation  of  his  Cana 
dian  troops  and  Indian  allies  caused  the  disaster  with  which 
his  expedition  ended. 

Johnson,  on  his  part,  hesitating  to  advance  upon  Crown 
Point  until  he  could  leave  a  strong  fort  on  the  site  of 
his  camp,  consumed  the  season  in  building  a  stockaded 
fort,  which  he  named  Fort  William  Henry.] 

Washington,  still  suffering  from  the  effects  of  his  fever, 
remained  at  Mount  Vernon  for  at  least  temporary  relief 
from  toil,  and  for  the  recruiting  of  his  energies.  He  felt, 
with  the  whole  community,  that  an  important  crisis  had 
arrived.  The  military  spirit  was  abroad.  The  sound  of 
martial  music  and  the  signs  of  warlike  preparations  were 
heard  and  seen  at  every  step. 


254  WASHINGTON. 

[Augustine  Washington,  the  older  half-brother  of 
George,  was  at  this  time  a  member  of  the  House  of  Bur 
gesses  in  session  at  Williamsburg,  and  to  him  Washing 
ton  wrote,  August  2,  1755: 

"  The  pleasure  of  your  company  at  Mount  Vernon  al 
ways  did,  and  always  will,  afford  me  infinite  satisfaction; 
but  at  this  time,  I  am  too  sensible  how  needful  the  country 
is  of  all  its  members,  to  have  a  wish  to  hear  that  any  are 
absent  from  the  Assembly.  I  most  sincerely  wish  that 
unanimity  may  prevail  in  all  your  councils,  and  that  a 
happy  issue  may  attend  your  deliberations  at  this  im 
portant  crisis. 

"  I  am  not  able,  were  I  ever  so  willing,  to  meet  you  in 
town,  for  I  assure  you  it  is  with  some  difficulty,  and  with 
much  fatigue,  that  I  visit  my  plantations  in  the  Neck;  so 
much  has  a  sickness  of  5  weeks'  continuance  reduced 
me.  But  though  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  meet  you 
there,  I  can  nevertheless  assure  you  that  I  am  so  little 
dispirited  at  what  has  happened,  that  I  am  always  ready 
and  always  willing,  to  render  my  country  any  services 
that  I  am  capable  of,  but  never  upon  the  terms  I  have 
done;  having  suffered  much  in  my  private  fortune,  be 
sides  impairing  one  of  the  best  of  constitutions.  I  was 
employed  to  go  a  journey  in  the  winter,  when  I  believe 
few  or  none  would  have  undertaken  it,  and  what  did  I 
get  by  it  ?  —  my  expenses  borne  !  I  was  then  appointed, 
with  trifling  pay,  to  conduct  a  handful  of  men  to  the 
Ohio.  What  did  I  get  by  this  ?  Why,  after  putting  my 
self  to  a  considerable  expense  in  equipping  and  providing 
necessaries  for  the  campaign,  I  went  out,  was  soundly  beaten, 
and  lost  all!  Came  in,  and  had  my  commission  taken  from 
me,  or  in  other  words,  my  command  reduced,  under  pre 
tense  of  an  order  from  home  (England).  I  then  went 
out  a  volunteer  with  General  Braddock,  and  lost  all  my 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  255 

horses,  and  many  other  things.  But  this  being  a  volun 
tary  act,  I  ought  not  to  have  mentioned  it;  nor  should 
I  have  done  it,  were  it  not  to  show  that  I  have  been  on 
the  losing  order  ever  since  I  entered  the  service,  which  is  now 
nearly  two  years. 

"  So  that  I  think  I  cannot  be  blamed,  should  I,  if  I 
leave  my  family  again,  endeavor  to  do  it  upon  such  terms 
as  to  prevent  my  suffering;  to  gain  by  it  being  the  least 
of  my  expectation. 

"  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  heard  the  particulars  of  our 
shameful  defeat,  which  really  was  so  scandalous  that  I 
hate  to  mention  it.  You  desire  to  know  what  artillery 
was  taken  in  the  late  engagement.  It  is  easily  told.  We 
lost  all  that  we  carried  out,  excepting  two  six-pounders, 
and  a  few  cohorns,  that  were  left  with  Col.  Dunbar;  and 
tHe  cohorns  have  since  been  destroyed  to  expedite  his 
flight.  You  also  ask,  whether  I  think  the  forces  can  march 
out  again  this  fall.  I  answer,  I  think  it  impossible,  at 
least,  for  them  to  do  the  French  any  damage  (unless  it 
be  by  starving  them),  for  want  of  a  proper  train  of  artil 
lery;  yet  they  may  be  very  serviceable  in  erecting  small 
fortresses  at  convenient  places  to  deposit  provisions  in, 
by  which  means  the  country  will  be  eased  of  an  immense 
expense  in  the  carriage,  and  it  will  also  be  a  means  of 
securing  retreat,  if  we  should  be  put  to  the  rout  again. 
The  success  of  this  though  will  depend  greatly  upon  what 
Gov.  Shirley  does  at  Niagara;  for,  if  he  succeeds,  their 
communication  with  Canada  will  be  entirely  cut  off. 

"  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  guess  at  the  number  of  re 
cruits  that  may  be  wanting,  as  that  must  depend  altogether 
upon  the  strength  of  the  French  on  the  Ohio,  which,  to 
my  great  astonishment,  we  were  always  strangers  to. 

"  I  thank  you  very  heartily  for  your  kind  offer  of  a 
chair,  and  for  your  goodness  in  sending  my  things;  and, 


256  WASHINGTON. 

after  begging  you  to  excuse  the  imperfections  of  the 
above,  (which  are,  in  part,  owing  to  my  having  much 
company  that  hurries  me,)  I  shall  conclude,  Dear  Sir,  your 
most  affectionate  brother." 

It  was  with  this  older  half-brother  that  Washington  had 
spent  the  four  years  of  schooling  after  his  father's  death. 
The  terms  of  cordial  pleasure  and  affection  used  by  Wash 
ington  do  not  preclude  formal  respect. 

The  results  of  Washington's  venture  with  Braddock,  to 
his  health,  as  well  as  exposure  to  perils  of  battle,  naturally 
prompted  the  young  soldier's  ^mother  to  give  expression 
to  her  anxiety  not  to  have  him  venture  again ;  and  to  her 
he  replied  as  follows : 

"  Honored  Madam :  If  it  is  in  my  power  to  avoid  going 
to  the  Ohio  again,  I  shall;  but  if  the  command  is  pressed 
upon  me  by  the  general  voice  of  the  country,  and  offered  upon 
such  terms  as  cannot  be  objected  against,  it  would  reflect 
dishonor  on  me  to  refuse  it;  and  that,  I  am  sure,  must, 
and  ought,  to  give  you  greater  uneasiness  than  my  going 
in  an  honorable  command.  Upon  no  other  terms  will  I 
accept  it.  At  present  I  have  no  proposals  made  to  me, 
nor  have  I  any  advice  of  such  an  intention,  except  from 
private  hands." 

At  the  Virginia  capital  the  question  of  recognition  of 
Washington's  military  abilities  and  services  was  much  agi 
tated,  and  while  it  was  known  that  Gov.  Dinwiddie's  per 
sonal  favorite  was  Colonel  Innes,*  it  was  understood  that 

*  Colonel  James  Innes  was  from  Scotland,  a  settler  in  New 
Hanover,  North  Carolina.  He  had  seen  service  in  the  British  ex 
pedition  of  1740-1741  against  Carthagena.  In  1754  he  marched 
from  North  Carolina  with  350  men,  reaching  Winchester  June 
3Oth,  and  upon  Colonel  Fry's  death  Dinwiddie  gave  him  the  com 
mand  of  the  Ohio  expedition,  at  the  same  time  giving  Washington 
the  command  of  the  Virginia  troops.  The  North  Carolina  troops 
disbanded  before  joining  Washington's.  Dinwiddie  wrote  to 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  257 

the  weight  of  Washington's  claims  was  conceded  by  his 
excellency;  and  Washington's  friends  wrote  urging  him 
to  appear  on  the  scene,  with  a  view  to  its  being  known 
that  he  would  not  refuse  to  serve  as  comcnander-in-chief 
of  the  Virginia  forces,  if  the  terms  insisted  on  by  him 
were  complied  with.  To  Mr.  Warner  Lewis,  one  of  the 
friends  in  correspondence  with  Washington,  he  wrote,  Au 
gust  i4th,  as  follows: 

"  After  returning  you  my  most  sincere  and  grateful 
thanks  for  your  kind  condolence  on  my  late  indisposition, 
and  for  the  generous  (and  give  me  leave  farther  to  say) 
partial  opinion  you  have  entertained  of  my  military  abili 
ties,  I  must  express  my  concern  for  not  having,  it  in  my 
power  to  meet  you,  and  other  friends  who  have  signified 
their  desire  of  seeing  me  in  Williamsburg. 

"  Your  letter  only  came  to  hand  at  nine  last  night, 
and  you  inform  me  that  the  Assembly  will  break  up  the 
latter  end  of  the  week,  which  allows  a  time  too  short  in 
which  to  perform  a  journey  of  a  hundred  and  sixty  miles, 
especially  by  a  person  in  my  weak  and  feeble  condition; 
for,  although  I  am  happily  recovered  from  the  disorder, 
which  brought  me  to  so  low  an  ebb,  by  a  sickness  of 
nearly  five  weeks  continuance,  yet  my  strength  is  not  re 
turned  to  me.  Had  I  got  timely  notice,  I  would  have  at 
tempted  the  ride,  by  slow  and  easy  journeys,  if  it  had 

Washington,  June  25,  1754,  that  in  view  of  the  fact  that  some  of 
the  troops  were  organized  as  independent  companies,  he  had  or 
dered  Colonel  Innes  to  command  in  chief,  and  Washington  to  be 
second  in  command.  About  a  year  later,  when  Washington  had 
resigned  from  the  army,  and  was  serving  as  a  volunteer  aide  with 
Braddock,  he  said  in  a  letter  of  June  7,  1755,  to  William  Fairfax: 
"  General  Innes  has  accepted  a  commission  to  be  Governor  of 
Fort  Cumberland,  where  he  is  to  reside;  and  will  shortly  receive 
another  to  be  hangman,  or  something  of  that  kind,  and  for  which 
he  is  equally  qualified." 
17 


258  WASHINGTON. 

been  only  for  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  my  friends,  who, 
I  flatter  myself,  from- what  you  say,  are  kind  enough  to 
sympathize  in  my  good  and  evil  fortunes. 

"  The  chief  reason  (next  to  indisposition),  that  prevented 
me  from  coming  down  to  this  Assembly,  was  a  determina 
tion  not  to  offer  my  services ;  and  that  determination  pro 
ceeded  from  the  following  reasons:  First,  a  belief  that 
I  could  not  get  a  command  upon  such  terms  as  I  should 
incline  to  accept;  for  I  must  confess  to  you,  that  I  never 
will  quit  my  family,  injure  my  fortune,  and  (above  all) 
impair  my  health,  to  run  the  risk  of  such  changes  and 
vicissitudes  as  I  have  met  with,  but  shall  expect,  if  I  am 
employed  again,  to  have  something  certain. 

"  Again,  was  I  to  accept  the  command,  I  should  insist 
upon  some  things  which  ignorance  and  inexperience  made 
me  overlook  before,  particularly  that  of  having  the  offi 
cers  appointed,  in  some  measure,  with  my  advice  and  with 
my  concurrence;  for,  I  must  add,  I  think  a  commanding 
officer's  not  having  this  liberty  appears  to  me  to  be  a 
strange  thing,  when  it  is  considered  how  much  the  con 
duct  and  bravery  of  an  officer  influence  the  men,  how 
much  a  commanding  officer  is  answerable  for  the  behavior 
of  the  inferior  officers,  and  how  much  his  good  or  ill  suc 
cess,  in  time  of  action,  depends  upon  the  conduct  of  each 
particular  one,  especially  too,  in  this  kind  of  fighting, 
where,  being  dispersed,  each  and  every  one  of  them  at 
that  time  has  a  greater  liberty  to  misbehave  than  if  he 
were  [in  a  body  of  men]  regularly  and  compactly  drawn 
up  under  the  eyes  of  his  superior  officer. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  how  little  credit  is  given  to  a  com 
mander,  who,  after  a  defeat,  in  relating  the  cause  of  it, 
justly  lays  the  blame  on  some  individual,  whose  cowardly 
behavior  betrayed  the  whole  to  ruin!  How  little  does 
the  world  consider  the  circumstances,  and  how  apt  are 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  259 

mankind  to  level  their  vindictive  censures  against  the  un 
fortunate  chief,  who  perhaps  merited  least  of  the  blame! 

"  Does  it  not  then  appear  that  the  appointing  of  offi 
cers  is  a  thing  of  the  utmost  consequence;  a  thing  that 
requires  the  greatest  circumspection  ?  Ought  it  to  be  left 
to  blind  chance,  or,  what  is  still  worse,  to.  partiality? 
Should  it  not  be  left  to  a  man  whose  life  (and  what  is 
still  dearer,  his  honor)  depends  upon  their  good  behavior? 

"  There  are  necessary  officers  yet  wanting,  for  whom  no 
provision  has  been  made.  A  small  military  chest  is  so 
absolutely  necessary,  that  it  is  impossible  to  do  without, 
nor  can  any  man  conduct  an  affair  of  this  kind  who  has 
it  not. 

"  These  things  I  should  expect  if  the  appointment  fell 
upon  me. 

"  But,  besides  all  these,  I  had  other  reasons,  which 
withheld  me  from  offering  my  services.  I  believe  our  cir 
cumstances  are  brought  to  that  unhappy  dilemma,  that 
no  man  can  gain  any  honor  by  conducting  our  forces  at 
this  time,  but  will  rather  lose  in  his  reputation  if  he  at 
tempts  it.  For  I  am  confident,  the  progress  of  military 
movements  must  be  slow,  for  want  of  conveniences  to 
transport  our  provisions,  ammunition,  and  stores  over  the 
mountain;  occasioned,  in  a  great  measure,  by  the  late  ill- 
treatment  of  the  wagoners  and  horsedrivers,  who  have 
received  little  compensation  for  their  labor,  and  nothing 
for  their  lost  horses  and  wagons;  which  will  be  an  infal 
lible  cause  of  preventing  all  from  assisting  that  are  not 
compelled.  So  that  I  am  fully  sensible,  whoever  under 
takes  this  command  will  meet  with  such  insurmountable 
obstacles  that  he  will  soon  be  viewed  in  the  light  of  an 
idle,  indolent  body ;  have  his  conduct  criticised ;  and  meet 
perhaps  with  opprobrious  abuse,  when  it  may  be  as  much 


260  WASHINGTON. 

out  of  his  power  to  avoid  delays  as  it  would  to  command 
the  raging  seas  in  a  storm. 

"  Viewing  these  things  in  the  light  I  do  has  no  small 
influence  upon  me,  as  I  am  very  apprehensive  I  should 
lose  what  at  present  constitutes  the  chief  part  of  my  hap 
piness,  i.  c.,  the  esteem  and  notice  which  the  country  has 
been  pleased  to  honor  me  with. 

"  It  is  possible  you  may  infer  from  what  I  have  said 
that  my  intentions  are  to  decline  at  all  events;  but  my 
meaning  is  not  so.  I  am  determined  not  to  offer;  because 
to  solicit  the  command,  and  at  the  same  time  to  make 
my  proposals,  would  be  a  little  incongruous  and  would 
carry  with  it  the  face  of  self-sufficiency.  But  if  the  com 
mand  should  be  offered,  the  case  is  then  altered,  as  I 
should  be  at  liberty  to  make  such  objections  as  reason 
and  my  small  experience  had  pointed  out.  I  hope  you 
will  make  my  compliments  to  all  enquiring  friends. 

"  I  am,  dear  Warner,  your  most  affectionate  friend,  and 
obedient  servant."] 

The  House  of  Burgesses  made  a  liberal  appropriation 
for  the  public  service.  They  voted  to  Colonel  Washington 
and  to  all  the  surviving  officers  and  privates  with  him  at 
the  Monongahela,  a  liberal  grant,  in  consideration  of  "  their 
gallant  behavior  and  their  losses."  They  increased  the  regi 
ment  to  sixteen  companies,  and  they  appointed  Colonel 
Washington  to  the  chief  command  with  unusual  evidences 
of  their  consideration. 

His  character  and  talents  were  appreciated  more  highly 
than  ever.  He  was  the  favorite  soldier  and  the  military 
master-spirit  of  Virginia.  The  House  of  Burgesses  au 
thorized  him  to  name  his  field  officers;  they  allowed  him 
an  aide-de-camp  and  secretary,  and  they  entitled  him  in  his 
commission  "  Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the  forces  raised, 
or  to  be  raised,  in  the  Colony  of  Virginia." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  261 

[The  date  of  the  governor's  commission  and  instructions 
to  Washington,  upon  his  appointment  as  Virginian  com- 
mander-in-chief,  was  August  14,  1755,  when  Washington 
was  twenty-three  years  and  six  months  of  age.  The  gov 
ernor's  action  had  provided  for  raising  sixteen  companies, 
making  the  force  1,000  men,  to  be  incorporated  into  a 
regiment. 

To  Charles  Lewis,  at  this  time,  Washington  wrote  (Au 
gust  14,  1755) :  "  I  wish,  my  Dear  Charles,  it  was  more 
in  my  power  than  it  is,  to  answer  the  favorable  opinion 
my  friends  have  conceived  of  my  military  abilities.  Let 
them  not  be  deceived;  I  am  unequal  to  the  task,  and  do 
assure  you  that  it  requires  more  experience  than  I  am 
master  of,  to  conduct  an  affair  of  the  importance  that 
this  is  now  arisen  to."] 

Governor  Dinwiddie,  in  one  of  his  official  communica 
tions  to  the  British  Government,  spoke  of  the  Virginia 
colonel  as  "  a  man  of  great  merit  and  resolution ;  "  and  he 
added :  "  I  am  convinced  had  Braddock  survived  he  would 
have  recommended  him  to  royal  favor."  But  the  universal 
sentiment  of  the  people  was  far  more  efficacious  in  promot 
ing  his  influence  and  in  forwarding  his  ultimate  purposes 
than  all  that  could  have  been  derived  from  royal  favor.  It 
is  a  memorable  fact  that  Washington,  with  all  his  acknowl 
edged  merits,  was  never  favored  with  even  one  testimony 
of  approbation  from  the  King  or  the  ministry. 

[Dinwiddie  wrote  in  the  official  communication  men 
tioned:  "  Our  officers  are  greatly  dispirited  for  want  of 
his  majesty's  commissions,  that,  when  they  join  the  regu 
lars,  they  may  have  some  rank;  and  I  am  persuaded  it 
would  be  of  infinite  service,  if  his  Majesty  would  graciously 
please  to  honor  them  with  his  commissions,  the  same  as 
Gen.  Shirley's  and  Sir  William  Peppereirs  regiments."] 

It  was  but  a  month  after  his  return  from  the  Mononga- 


2G2  WASHINGTON. 

hela  that  he  received  his  new  commission.  But  he  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  office  promptly  and  energetically. 
He  visited  all  the  outposts,  even  to  Fort  Dinwiddie,  and 
acquired  a  particular  knowledge  of  his  field  of  labor. 

At  this  time  an  incursion  of  the  Indians  on  the  western 
border  of  the  province  created  great  alarm.  Their  ravages 
were  bloody  and  dreadful,  and  the  fears  which  they  created 
were  not  less  desolating  to  many  a  happy  home  on  the 
frontier.  A  detachment  of  the  militia  was  sent  against  the 
invaders;  a  prompt  and  severe  infliction  taught  them  that 
their  depredations  and  massacres  would  meet  with  speedy 
vengeance,  and  thus  they  were  effectually  restrained  for  a 
time  from  the  repetition  of  atrocities. 

The  militia  accomplished  an  important  object.  Their  ex 
pedition  was  attended  however  with  many  and  painful  evi 
dences  of  a  want  of  military  subordination  and  control. 
In  the  whole  militia  system  there  were  imperfections  and 
difficulties,  numerous  and  formidable,  arising  chiefly  from 
the  impotence  of  the  existing  army  regulations. 

As  a  measure  of  supreme  importance  the  revision  and 
remodeling  of  these  regulations  now  engaged  the  thoughts 
of  Washington.  He  made  it  the  constant  theme  of  his  com 
munications  to  the  Governor  and  the  Assembly;  he  rallied 
round  it  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  many  influential  men ; 
and  he  had  at  last  the  great  satisfaction  of  seeing  it  re 
garded  with  the  attention  which  it  deserved,  and  of  finding 
every  desirable  provision  made  for  a  proper  military  code. 

[To  John  Robinson,  speaker  erf  the  House  of  Burgesses 
and  of  very  exceptional  eminence  as  a  Virginian  of  wealth, 
social  distinction,  and  political  importance,  Washington 
wrote  from  Alexandria,  September  n,  1755: 

"  After  a  small  halt  at  Fredericksburg,  to  issue  out  or 
ders  to  the  recruiting  officers  appointed  to  that  rendez 
vous,  I  proceeded  to  this  place,  in  order  to  collect  a  return 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  263 

of  the  provisions,  clothing,  etc.,  that  were  lodged  here, 
an  exact  copy  of  which  I  herewith  send  you.  I  find,  after 
the  soldiers  have  their  short  allowances,  there  will  arise 
great  inconveniences,  if  stores  of  clothing  are  not  laid 
in  to  supply  their  wants;  particularly  shoes,  stockings, 
and  shirts,  for  these  are  the  least  durable  and  mostly 
needed. 

"  The  method  I  would  recommend  is,  for  the  country 
to  provide  these  things,  and  lodge  them,  or  a  convenient 
part  thereof,  in  the  hands  of  the  quartermaster,  who  may 
be  appointed  to  receive  and  deliver  them  to  the  soldiers, 
by  particular  orders  from  their  captains,  taking  care  to 
produce  these  orders,  and  proper  vouchers  for  the  deliv 
ery,  each  pay-day,  when  it  must  be  deducted  out  of  the 
soldier's  pay  who  receives  it.  And  then  this,  I  think, 
will  be  a  means  of  keeping  them  always  provided  and  fit 
for  duty,  preventing  the  officers  from  supplying  the  men, 
which  is  generally  attended  with  misunderstandings;  and 
will  also  be  a  means  of  discouraging  followers  of  the  army 
from  demanding  such  exorbitant  prices,  as  is  usually  prac 
ticed  on  these  occasions.  However,  I  only  offer  this  as 
the  most  efficacious  method  I  can  at  present  think  of.  If 
any  other  more  eligible  can  be  found,  I  should  be  glad 
to  see  it  executed,  as  something  of  the  kind  must  be  done, 
otherwise  the  soldiers  will  be  barefoot,  etc.,  which  al 
ways  pleads  for  exemption  from  duty,  and,  indeed,  in 
the  approaching  season,  will  be  a  very  just  one.  You 
will  be  a  judge,  when  you  see  the  returns,  what  had  best 
be  done  with  the  provisions.  The  quantity  is  too  great 
for  the  present  consumption,  and  to  wagon  it  up  can  never 
answer  the  expense. 

"  Major  Carlyle  thinks  the  West  India  market  best,  as 
the  returns  will  be  in  rum,  which  he  can  soon  turn  into 
flour  at  the  camp. 


264  WASHINGTON. 

"  I  am  afraid  I  shall  not  be  able  to  push  things  with 
vigor  this  fall,  for  want  of  a  commissary  who  will  act  with 
spirit.  Mr.  Dick  seems  determined  not  to  enter  into  any 
further  contracts,  unless  he  is  better  supported,  or  till 
he  meets  the  committee  in  October,  by  which  time  the 
best  season  for  engaging  beef  will  be  almost  over.  And 
the  Governor,  by  the  advice  of  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  ex 
pressed,  just  as  I  was  coming  away,  his  desire  of  hav 
ing  him  continued;  so  that  I  am  entirely  ignorant  how 
to  act.  The  making  of  contracts  is  foreign  to  my  duty; 
neither  have  I  time;  and  to^  see  the  service  suffer  will 
give  me  infinite  uneasiness,  as  I  would  gladly  conduct 
everything,  as  I  am  capable,  with  life  and  spirit,  which 
never  can  be  done  without  a  fund  of  money  is  lodged  in 
camp  for  defraying  the  contingent  charges.  As  I  believed 
it  difficult  to  get  all  the  clothing  in  any  one  part  of  the 
country,  I  engaged  it  where  I  could,  and  have  got  shoes, 
stockings,  shirts,  and  hats  enough  upon  tolerably  good 
terms,  as  you  may  see  by  the  enclosed. 

"  Major  Carlyle  is  also  willing  to  engage  100  complete 
suits,  as  good  as  those  imported,  for  £3,  or  less;  which 
I  Have  acquainted  the  Governor  of,  and  I  believe  it  to  be 
as  cheap  as  can  be  got  below,  as  it  is  the  making  chiefly 
that  occasions  the  difference  between  the  imported  and 
those  provided  here." 

On  the  same  date  as  the  above  Washington  wrote  to 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  that  he  was  afraid  the  recruiting 
would  be  greatly  delayed;  that  at  the  general  muster  in 
the  county  an  attempt  failed ;  and  that  even  a  draft  would 
answer  no  end  under  the  existing  regulations,  which  had 
no  effect  to  keep  men  from  deserting. 

After  despatching  the  business  at  Alexandria,  Wash 
ington  went  on  to  Winchester,  September  I4th;  from 
thence  proceeded  to  Fort  Cumberland  and  took  com- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  265 

mand  of  the  troops  there ;  went  on  from  Fort  Cumberland 
to  Fort  Dinwiddie,  on  Jackson's  river,  September  24th; 
and  thence  returned  to  Alexandria,  where  he  arrived  Oc 
tober  2d.  Proceeding  thence  he  was  at  Fredericksburg, 
October  5th,  on  his  way  to  Williamsburg,  and  went  for 
ward  on  the  7th.  He  continued  on  to  Colonel  Baylor's 
and  was  there  overtaken  by  an  express  messenger  with 
information  of  a  massacre  of  settlers  by  Indians.  After 
a  letter  to  the  governor,  he  hurried  back  to  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  wrote  again  to  Dinwiddie,  as  follows,  October 

8,  1755: 

"  I  arrived  at  this  place  in  less  than  three  hours  after  I 
wrote  you  from  Colonel  Baylor's;  and  some  small  time 
after,  arrived  also  Colonel  Stephen,  who  gives  a  worse  ac 
count  than  he  related  in  his  letter ;  but  as  he  is  the  bearer 
of  this,  I  shall  be  less  prolix,  referring  to  him  for 
particulars. 

"  I  shall  set  out  this  evening  for  Winchester,  where  I 
expect  to  be  joined  by  the  recruits  from  Alexandria  and 
this  place,  as  soon  as  they  can  possibly  march  that  dis 
tance  ;  also,  by  100  men  from  Prince  William  and  Fred 
erick  [counties].  And  I  have  written  to  Fairfax  county, 
desiring  that  a  troop  of  horse  may  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  to  march  at  an  hour's  warning.  So  that  I  doubt 
not,  but  with  the  assistance  of  these,  I  shall  be  able  to 
repulse  the  enemy,  if  they  are  still  committing  their  out 
rages  upon  the  inhabitants.  We  are  at  a  loss  for  a  want 
of  almost  every  necessary.  Tents,  kettles,  arms,  ammu 
nition,  cartridge-paper,  etc.,  etc.,  we  are  distressed  for. 
Therefore,  I  hope,  as  your  Honor  did  not  send  to  Phila 
delphia  for  them,  you  will,  if  possible,  endeavor  to  get 
them  below,  and  send  them  by  the  first  opportunity  to  this 
place,  or  Alexandria,  with  orders  that  they  may  be  for 
warded  immediately  to  Winchester. 


266  WASHINGTON. 

"  I  must  again  take  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  your 
Honor  the  necessity  there  is  of  putting  the  militia,  when 
they  are  drawn  out  into  actual  service,  under  better  regu 
lation  than  they  are  at  present,  as  well  as  there  is  of  put 
ting  us  under  a  military  law.  Otherwise  we  shall  only  be 
a  burdensome  charge  to  the  country,  and  the  others  will 
prove  its  ruin.  That  this  may  not  appear  an  unmeaning 
expression,  I  shall  refer  your  Honor  to  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Stephen,  who  can  give  you  some  late  proofs  of  their  diso 
bedience  and  inconsistent  behavior. 

"  I  find  I  cannot  possibly  he  in  Williamsburg,  as  these 
affairs  will  engage  some  time,  till  the  6th,  7th,  or  8th 
of  November,  when  I  should  be  glad  to  meet  a  committee, 
in  order  to  settle  with  them  and  your  Honor  some  points 
that  are  very  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  expedition. 

"  Colonel  Stephen  has  orders  to  receive  some  money 
below  (if  he  can),  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  pay  the 
troops,  and  to  keep  them  in  spirits,  and  to  answer  such 
immediate  charges  as  cannot  be  dispensed  with,  until  I 
come  down.  And  I  should  be  glad  if  your  Honor  would 
order  him  to  repair  therewith  (as  soon  as  he  has  done  his 
business  with  the  committee)  to  Winchester;  and  from 
thence,  with  a  proper  guard  to  Fort  Cumberland.  I  hope 
the  treasury  will  have  a  sufficient  sum  of  money  prepared 
against  I  come  down,  that  I  meet  with  no  great  delay. 

"  I  should  be  glad  your  Honor  would  give  Colonel 
Stephen  all  the  assistance  you  can  in  getting  the  money. 
There  are  about  70  recruits  at  this  place,  and  I  left  25  at 
Alexandria,  which  I  suppose  are  augmented  before  this 
by  officers,  who,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  have  paid  slight  regard 
to  orders,  in  not  being  in  at  the  time  appointed  (Oct.  ist). 
The  most  flagrant  proof  of  this  is  Captain  Harrison,  whom 
I  have  heard  nothing  of,  though  he  had  positive  orders  to 
be  here  at  the  aforesaid  time." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  2(57 

The  matter  of  securing  Indians  to  fight  Indians,  Indian 
allies  of  the  English  to  oppose  to  the  murdering  savages 
set  on  against  the  English  by  the  French,  very  particularly 
engaged  the  attention  of  Washington.  He  wrote  from 
Winchester,  October  10,  1755,  to  Andrew  Montour,  a  man 
of  note  in  dealings  with  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  the  fol 
lowing  letter : 

"  Dear  Montour 

"  I  wrote,  some  time  ago,  a  letter  of  invitation  from 
Fort  Cumberland,  desiring  yourself,  your  family,  and 
friendly  Indians,  to  come  and  reside  among  us,  but  that 
letter  not  coming  to  hand,  I  am  induced  to  send  a  second 
express,  with  the  same  invitation,  being  pleased  that  I 
have  it  in  my  power  to  do  something  for  you  on  a  better 
footing  than  ever  it  has  been  done.  I  was  greatly  en 
raptured  when  I  heard  you  were  at  the  head  of  300  In 
dians  on  a  march  toward  Venango,  being  satisfied  that 
your  hearty  attachment  to  our  glorious  cause,  your  cour 
age,  of  which  I  have  had  very  great  proofs,  and  your 
presence  among  the  Indians,  would  animate  their  just  in 
dignation  to  do  something  noble,  something  worthy  them 
selves,  and  honorable  to  you.  I  hope  you  will  use  your 
interest  (as  I  know  you  have  much)  in  bringing  our 
Brothers  once  more  to  our  service;  assure  them,  as  you 
truly  may,  that  nothing  which  I  can  do  shall  be  wanting 
to  make  them  happy ;  assure  them,  also,  that  as  I  have 
the  chief  command,  I  am  invested  with  power  to  treat 
them  as  Brethren  and  Allies,  which,  I  am  sorry  to  say, 
they  have  not  been  of  late.  Recommend  me  kindly  to 
our  good  friend,  Monocatoocha,  and  others;  tell  them 
how  happy  it  would  make  Conotocaurius  to  have  an  op 
portunity  of  taking  them  by  the  hand  at  Fort  Cumber 
land,  and  how  glad  he  would  be  to  treat  them  as  Brothers 
of  our  Great  King  beyond  the  waters.  Flattering  myself 


268  WASHINGTON. 

that  you  will  come,  I  doubt  not  but  you'll  bring  as  many 
of  them  with  you  as  possible,  as  that  will  afford  Me  what 
alone  I  want ;  that  is,  an  opportunity  of  doing  something 
equal  to  your  wishes. 

"  I  am,  Dear  Montour,  your  real  friend  and  assured 
humble  servant. 

"  N.  B.  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  heard  of  the  ravages 
committed  on  our  frontiers  by  the  French  Indians,  and, 
I  suppose,  the  French  themselves.  I  am  now  on  my 
march  against  them,  and  hope  to  give  them  cause  of  re 
penting  of  their  rashness." 

To  another  frontiersman,  Gist,  Washington  gave  instruc 
tions  to  visit  Montour  and  use  his  utmost  influence  with 
him  to  induce  him  to  bring  in  Indians  for  service  against 
the  French  Indians.  To  Gist  he  wrote :  "  I  will  promise 
if  he  brings  many  to  do  something  handsome  for  him. 
You  had  better  be  silent  on  this  head  though,  lest  where 
you  are  measures  may  be  taken  by  the  Pennsylvanians 
to  prevent  him  from  bringing  any  Indians." 

On  Oct.  nth,  Washington  wrote  at  length  on  the  state 
of  things  with  the  people  on  the  frontier  and  in  the 
army  which  he  was  trying  to  get  together  and  to  march 
with  to  the  scene  of  the  disturbances  and  perils.  Thus 
he  said: 

"  Honorable  Sir :  As  I  think  it  my  indispensable  duty 
to  inform  you  particularly  of  my  proceedings,  and  to  give 
the  most  plain  and  authentic  account,  from  time  to  time, 
of  our  situation,  I  must  acquaint  your  Honor  that,  imme 
diately  after  giving  the  necessary  orders  at  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  despatching  expresses  to  hurry  the  recruits  from 
Alexandria,  I  rode  post  to  this  place,  passing  by  Lord 
Fairfax's,  who  was  not  at  home,  but  here,  where  I  arrived 
yesterday  about  noon,  and  found  everything  in  the  great 
est  hurry  and  confusion,  by  the  back  inhabitants  flocking 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  269 

in,  and  those  of  the  town  removing  out,  which  I  have 
prevented  as  far  as  it  was  in  my  power.  I  was  desirous 
of  proceeding  immediately,  at  the  head  of  some  militia,  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  ravages  of  the  enemy,  believing  their 
numbers  to  be  few;  but  was  told  by  Colonel  Martin,  who 
had  attempted  to  raise  the  militia  for  the  same  purpose 
that  it  was  impossible  to  get  above  20  or  25  men,  they 
having  absolutely  refused  to  stir,  choosing,  as  they  say, 
to  die  with  their  wives  and  families. 

"  Finding  this  expedient  likely  to  prove  abortive,  I  sent 
off  expresses  to  hurry  the  recruits  from  below,  and  the 
militia  from  Fairfax,  Prince  William,  etc.,  which  Lord 
Fairfax  had  ordered  out,  and  I  also  hired  spies  to  go  out 
and  see,  to  discover  the  numbers  of  the  enemy,  and  to  en 
courage  the  rangers,  who,  we  were  told,  are  blocked  up  by 
the  Indians  in  small  fortresses.  But,  if  I  may  offer  my 
opinion,  I  believe  thev  are  more  encompassed  by  fear  than 
by  the  enemy. 

"  I  have  also  impressed  wagons  and  sent  them  to  Cono- 
cocheague,  for  flour,  musket-shots,  and  flints,  powder, 
and  trifling  quantity  of  paper,  bought  at  extravagant 
prices,  for  cartridges.  I  expect  from  below  six  or  eight 
smiths  who  are  now  at  work,  repairing  the  firearms  that 
are  here,  which  are  all  that  we  have  to  depend  on.  A 
man  was  hired,  the  24th  of  last  month,  to  do  the  whole, 
but  neglected  and  was  just  moving  off  in  wagons  to  Penn 
sylvania.  I  impressed  his  wagons  and  compelled  him  by 
force  to  assist  in  this  work.  In  all  things  I  meet  with 
the  greatest  opposition.  No  orders  are  obeyed,  but  what 
a  party  of  soldiers,  or  my  own  drawn  sword,  enforces; 
without  this  a  single  horse,  for  the  most  urgent  occa 
sion,  cannot  be  had,  to  such  a  pitch  has  the  insolence  of 
these  people  arrived,  by  having  every  point  hitherto  sub 
mitted  to  them.  However,  I  have  given  up  none,  where 


270  WASHINGTON. 

his  Majesty's  service  requires  the  contrary,  and  where  my 
proceedings  are  justified  by  my  instructions;  nor  will  I  do 
it,  unless  they  execute  what  they  threaten,  i.  e.,  'to  blow 
out  my  brains.' 

"  I  have  invited  the  poor  distressed  people  (driven  from 
their  habitations)  to  lodge  their  families  in  some  place  of 
security,  and  to  join  our  parties  in  scouring  the  woods 
where  the  enemy  lie,  and  believe  some  will  cheerfully  as 
sist.  I  also  have  taken  and  shall  continue  to  take  every 
previous  step  to  forward  the  march  of  the  recruits,  etc., 
so  soon  as  they  arrive  here,  and  your  Honor  may  depend 
that  nothing  that  is  in  my  power  to  do  shall  be  wanting 
for  the  good  of  the  service. 

"  I  would  again  hint  the  necessity  of  putting  the  militia 
under  a  better  regulation,  had  I  not  mentioned  it  twice 
before,  and  a  third  time  may  seem  impertinent ;  but  I  must 
once  more  beg  leave  to  declare,  (for  here  I  am  more  im 
mediately  concerned,)  that,  unless  the  Assembly  will  enact 
a  law  to  enforce  the  military  law  in  all  its  parts,  that  I 
must,  with  great  regret,  decline  the  honor  that  has  been 
so  generously  intended  me,  and  for  this  only  reason  I 
do  it  —  the  foreknowledge  I  have  of  failing  in  every  point 
that  might  justly  be  expected  from  a  person  invested  with 
full  power  to  exert  this  authority.  I  see  the  growing  in 
solence  of  the  soldiers,  the  indolence  and  inactivity  of  the 
officers,  who  are  all  sensible  how  confined  their  punish 
ments  are,  in  regard  to  what  they  ought  to  be.  In  fine, 
I  can  plainly  see,  that  under  our  present  establishment  we 
shall  become  a  nuisance,  an  insupportable  charge  to  our 
country,  and  never  answer  any  one  expectation  of  the 
Assembly. 

"  And  here  I  must  assume  the  freedom  to  express  some 
surprise,  that  we  alone  should  be  so  tenacious  of  our  lib 
erty  as  not  to  invest  a  power  where  interest  and  politics 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  271 

so  unanswerably  demand  it,  and  from  whence  so  much 
good  must  consequently  ensue.  Do  we  not  see  that  every 
nation  under  the  sun  find  their  account  therein,  and  with 
out  it  no  order,  no  regularity  can  be  observed?  Why 
then  should  it  be  expected  from  us,  (who  are  all  young 
and  inexperienced,)  to  govern  and  keep  up  a  proper  spirit 
of  discipline  without  laws,  when  the  best  and  most  expe 
rienced  can  scarcely  do  it  with  them  ?  Then  if  we  consult 
our  interest,  I  am  sure  it  is  loudly  called  for;  for  I  can 
confidently  assert,  that  money  expended  in  recruiting, 
clothing,  arming,  maintaining,  and  subsisting  soldiers, 
who  have  deserted,  has  cost  the  country  an  immense  sum, 
which  might  have  been  prevented,  were  we  under  restraints 
that  would  terrify  the  soldiers  from  such  practices. 

"  One  thing  more  on  this  head  I  will  recommend,  and 
then  quit  the  subject;  i.  e.  to  have  the  inhabitants  liable 
to  certain  heavy  fines,  or  corporal  punishments,  for  en 
tertaining  of  deserters,  and  a  reward  for  taking  them  up. 
If  this  was  done  it  would  be  next  to  an  impossibility  for 
a  soldier  to  escape;  but,  on  the  contrary,  as  things  now 
stand,  they  are  not  only  seduced  to  run  away,  but  are 
also  harbored,  and  assisted  with  every  necessary  means 
to  do  it. 

"  Sunday  Noon. —  Last  night  arrived  an  express,  just 
spent  with  fatigue  and  fear,  reporting  that  a  party  of  In 
dians  were  about  12  miles  off,  at  the  plantation  of  one 
Isaac  Julian,  and  that  the  inhabitants  were  flying  in  the 
most  promiscuous  manner  from  their  dwellings.  I  imme 
diately  ordered  the  town  guards  to  be  strengthened ;  Per 
kins's  lieutenant  to  be  in  readiness  with  his  companies; 
some  recruits,  who  had  only  arrived  about  half  an  hour 
before,  to  be  armed;  and  sent  two  men,  well  acquainted 
with  the  roads,  to  go  up  that  road  and  lay  in  wait,  to  see 
if  they  could  discover  the  number  and  motion  of  the  In- 


272  WASHINGTON. 

dians,  that  we  might  have  timely  notice  of  their  approach. 
This  morning,  before  we  could  parade  the  men,  to  march 
upon  the  last  alarm,  arrived  a  second  express,  ten  times 
more  terrified  than  the  former,  with  information  that  the 
Indians  had  got  within  four  miles  of  the  town,  and  were 
killing  and  destroying  all  before  them,  for  that  he  himself 
had  heard  constant  firing  and  shrieks  of  the  unhappy  mur 
dered.  Upon  this  I  immediately  collected  what  force  I 
could,  which  consisted  of  22  men  recruited  for  the  rangers 
and  19  of  the  militia,  and  marched  directly  to  the  place 
where  these  horrid  murders  were  said  to  be  committed. 
When  we  came  there,  whom  should  we  find  occasioning 
all  this  disturbance  but  three  drunken  soldiers  of  the  light- 
horse,  carousing,  firing  their  pistols,  and  uttering  the  most 
unheard  of  imprecations !  These  we  took  and  marched 
prisoners  to  town  [Winchester],  where  we  met  the  men 
I  sent  out  last  night,  and  learned  that  the  party  of  Indians, 
discovered  by  Isaac  Julian,  proved  to  be  a  mulatto  and 
negro,  seen  hunting  of  cattle  by  his  child,  who  alarmed 
the  father,  and  the  father  the  neighborhood.  These  cir 
cumstances  are  related  only  to  show  what  a  panic  prevails 
among  the  people ;  how  much  they  are  alarmed  at  the 
most  usual  and  customary  cries ;  and  yet  how  impossible 
it  is  to  get  them  to  act  in  any  respect  for  their  common 
safety.  As  an  instance  of  this  —  Colonel  Fairfax,  who  ar 
rived  in  town  when  we  were  upon  a  scout,  immediately 
sent  to  a  noble  captain,  not  far  off,  to  repair  with  his  com 
pany  forthwith  to  Winchester.  With  coolness  and  mode 
ration  this  great  captain  answered  that  his  wife,  family, 
and  corn  were  all  at  stake ;  so  were  his  soldiers ;  there 
fore  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  come.  Such  is  the  ex 
ample  of  the  officers;  such  the  behavior  of  the  men;  and 
upon  such  circumstances  depends  the  safety  of  our 
country !  " 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  273 

The  date  of  the  continuance  of  this  communication  the 
next  day  shows  that  Washington  began  it  Sunday  morn 
ing,  and  went  on  with  it  Sunday  noon.  He  went  on 
further  the  next  morning  as  follows: 

"Monday  morning,  I2th  —  The  men  I  hired  to  bring 
intelligence  from  the  Branch  returned  last  night,  with  let 
ters  from  Captain  Ashby,  and  the  other  parties  there ;  by 
which  I  learn  that  the  Indians  are  gone  off ;  scouts  having 
been  dispersed  upon  those  waters  for  several  days,  with 
out  discovering  tracks  or  other  signs  of  the  enemy. 

"  I  am  also  informed  that  it  is  believed  their  numbers 
amounted  to  about  150;  that  70  of  our  men  are  killed  and 
missing,  and  that  several  houses  and  plantations  are  de 
stroyed,  but  not  so  great  havoc  made  as  was  represented 
at  first.  The  rangers,  and  a  small  company  of  militia,  or 
dered  there  by  Lord  Fairfax,  I  am  given  to  understand, 
intend  to  march  down  on  Monday  next,  who  will  be  imme 
diately  followed  by  all  the  inhabitants  of  those  parts,  that 
had  gathered  together  under  their  protection.  I  have, 
therefore,  sent  peremptory  orders  to  the  contrary,  but 
what  obedience  will  be  paid  to  them  a  little  time  will  re 
veal.  I  have  ordered  those  men,  that  were  recruited  for 
the  rangers,  to  join  their  respective  companies.  And  there 
is  also  a  party  of  militia  marched  with  them  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Harden.  Captain  Waggener  is  this 
instant  arrived  with  30  recruits,  which  he  marched  from 
Bellhaven  in  less  than  three  days  —  a  great  march  indeed ! 
Major  Lewis  and  his  recruits  from  Fredericksburg  I  ex 
pect  in  tomorrow,  when,  with  these  and  22  of  Captain 
Bell's  now  here,  I  shall  proceed  by  quick  marches  to  Fort 
Cumberland,  in  order  to  strengthen  that  garrison.  Be 
sides  these,  I  think  it  absolutely  necessary  that  there  should 
be  two  or  three  companies  (exclusively)  of  rangers,  to 
guard  the  Potomac  waters  until  such  time  as  our  regiment 
18 


274  WASHINGTON. 

is  completed.  And,  indeed,  these  rangers  and  volunteer 
companies  in  Augusta  (county)  with  some  of  their  militia, 
should  be  properly  disposed  of  on  these  frontiers,  for 
fear  of  an  attack  from  that  quarter.  This  though  is  sub 
mitted  to  your  honor's  judgment,  and  waits  your  orders 
for  execution  if  thought  expedient. 

"  Captain  Waggener  informs  me,  that  it  was  with  diffi 
culty  he  passed  the  Ridge  for  the  crowds  of  people  who 
were  flying  as  if  every  moment  was  death.  He  endeavored, 
but  in  vain,  to  stop  them ;  they  firmly  believing  that  Win 
chester  was  in  flames.  I  shall  send  expresses  down  the 
several  roads  in  hopes  of  bringing  back  the  inhabitants, 
who  are  really  frightened  out  of  their  senses.  I  despatched 
an  express  immediately  upon  my  arrival  at  this  place,  with 
a  copy  of  the  enclosed  to  Andrew  Montour,  who  I  heard 
was  at  a  place  called  Long  Island  with  300  Indians,  to 
see  if  he  could  engage  him  and  them1  to  join  us.  The 
letter  savors  a  little  of  flattery,  etc.,  etc.,  but  this,  I  hope, 
is  justifiable  on  such  occasions.  I  also  wrote  to  Gist,  ac 
quainting  him  with  the  favor  you  intended  him,  and  de 
sired  he  would  repair  home  in  order  to  raise  his  com 
panies  of  scouts  (he  having  been  commissioned  Captain 
of  a  company  of  scouts). 

"  I  shall  defer  writing  to  the  Speaker  and  Committee 
upon  any  other  head  than  that  of  commissary,  still  hoping 
to  be  down  by  the  time  mentioned  in  my  last  (provided 
no  new  disturbances  happen,)  having  some  points  to  set 
tle  that  I  am  uneasy  and  urgent  about.  I  have  been 
obliged  to  do  duty  very  foreign  to  my  own;  but  that  I 
shall  never  hesitate  about,  when  the  good  of  the  service 
requires  it. 

"  In  a  journey  from  Fort  Cumberland  to  Fort  Dinwiddie, 
which  I  made  purposely  to  see  the  situation  of  our  fron 
tiers,  how  the  rangers  were  posted  and  how  troops  might 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  275 

be  disposed  of  for  the  defense  of  the  country,  I  purchased 
650  beeves,  to  be  delivered  at  Fort  Cumberland  by  the 
ist  of  November,  at  10  shillings  per  hundred  weight,  ex 
cept  a  few  that  I  was  obliged  to  give  eleven  shillings  for ; 
and  have  my  own  bonds  now  out  for  the  performance  of 
covenants,  this  being  the  commissary's  business,  who,  I 
am  sorry  to  say,  has  hitherto  been  of  no  use,  but  of  dis 
service  to  me,  in  neglecting  my  orders,  and  leaving  this 
place  without  flour,  and  Fredericksburg  without  any  pro 
visions  for  the  recruits,  although  he  had  timely  notice 
given.  I  must  beg  that,  if  Mr.  Dick  will  not  act,  some 
other  person  may  be  appointed  that  will ;  for,  if  things 
remain  in  this  uncertain  situation,  the  season  will  pass 
without  having  provision  made  for  the  winter,  or  sum 
mer's  campaign.  Whoever  acts  as  commissary  should  be 
sent  up  immediately  about  salting  the  provisions,  etc.  It 
will  be  difficult,  I  believe,  to  provide  a  quantity  of  pork. 
I  enquired  as  I  rode  through  Hampshire,  Augusta,  etc., 
and  could  not  hear  of  much  for  sale. 

"  Most  of  the  new  appointed  officers  have  been  ex 
tremely  deficient  in  their  duties  by  not  repairing  to  their 
rendezvous  according  to  appointment.  Capt.  McKenzie, 
Lieut.  King  and  Ensigns  Miller  and  Dean,  who  were  or 
dered  to  send  their  recruits  to  Alexandria  by  the  first  of 
October,  were  not  arrived  when  Capt.  Waggener  left  that 
place,  nor  have  we  heard  anything  of  Capt.  Harrison, 
whose  recruits  should  have  been  at  Fredericksburg  by 
the  same  time ;  and  Capt.  Bell  only  sent  his  here  on  Sat 
urday  last.  If  these  practises  are  allowed  of,  we  may  as 
well  quit  altogether,  for  no  duty  can  ever  be  carried  on 
if  there  is  not  the  greatest  punctuality  observed,  one  thing 
always  depending  so  immediately  upon  another. 

"  I  have  appointed  Capt.  George  Mercer  (whose  se 
niority  entitled  him  to  it)  my  aide-de-camp ;  and  Mr.  Kirk- 


276  WASHINGTON. 

patrick  of  Alexandria,  my  secretary,  a  young  man  bred 
to  business,  of  good  character,  well  recommended,  and 
a  person  of  whose  abilities  I  had  not  the  least  doubt. 

"  I  hope  your  Honor  will  be  kind  enough  to  despatch 
Colonel  Stephen,  with  orders  to  repair  hither  immediately, 
and  excuse  the  prolixity  of  this.  I  was  willing  to  give 
a  circumstantial  account  of  our  situation,  that  you  may 
be  the  better  enabled  to  judge  what  orders  are  necessary 
to  give." 

"Winchester,  Oct.  13,  1755:  Major  Lewis  is  just  ar 
rived,  and  on  Thursday  I  shall  begin  my  march  to  Fort 
Cumberland,  allowing  the  recruits  one  day  to  refresh 
themselves." 

Either  the  same  day  or  the  next  Washington  issued  the 
following  "  Advertisement "  to  warn  people  not  to  give 
way  to  panic  fear  so  far  as  to  forsake  their  homes  and 
leave  their  plantations  to  go  to  ruin: 

"  Advertisement. —  Whereas  divers  timorous  persons 
run  through  the  country  and  alarm  its  inhabitants  by  false 
reports  of  the  Indians  having  attacked  and  destroyed  the 
country  —  even  Winchester  itself,  and  that  they  are  still 
proceeding : 

"  This  is  to  give  notice  to  all  people,  that  I  have  great 
reason  to  believe  that  the  Indians  who  committed  the  late 
cruelties  (though  no  lower  than  the  South  Branch)  are  re 
turned  home,  as  I  have  certain  accounts  that  they  have 
not  been  seen  nor  heard  of  these  ten  days  past.  And  I 
do  advise  all  my  countrymen  not  to  be  alarmed  on  every 
false  report  they  may  hear,  as  they  must  now  be  satisfied, 
from  the  many  false  ones  that  have  been  made ;  but  to 
keep  to  their  homes,  and  take  care  of  their  crops,  as  I 
can  ventured  to  assure  them  that  in  a  short  time  the  fron 
tiers  will  be  so  well  guarded  that  no  mischief  can  be  done, 
either  to  them  or  their  plantations,  which  must  of  course 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  277 

be  destroyed,  if  they  desert  them  in  so  shameful  a 
manner." 

The  views  of  Washington  in  regard  to  maintenance  of 
a  good  hold  upon  Indians  not  engaged  by  the  French, 
he  expressed  in  a  letter  of  October  17,  1755,  to  Governor 
Dinwiddie : 

"  Last  night  by  the  return  of  the  express,  who  went 
to  Capt.  Montour,  I  received  the  enclosed  from  Mr.  Har 
ris  at  Susquehanna.  I  think  no  means  should  be  neg 
lected  to  preserve  what  few  Indians  still  remain  in  our 
interest.  For  which  reason  I  shall  send  Mr.  Gist,  as  soon 
as  he  arrives  (which  I  expect  will  be  to-day),  to  Harris's 
Ferry,  in  hopes  of  engaging  and  bringing  with  him  the 
Belt  of  Wampum  and  other  Indians  that  are  at  that  place. 
I  shall  further  desire  him  to  send  an  Indian  express  to 
Andrew  Montour,  to  try  if  he  cannot  be  brought  with 
them. 

"  In  however  trifling  a  light  the  French  attempting  to 
alienate  the  affections  of  our  southern  Indians  may  at 
first  appear,  I  must  look  upon  it  as  a  thing  of  the  utmost 
consequence,  that  requires  our  greatest  and  most  immedi 
ate  attention.  I  have  often  wondered  at  not  hearing  this 
was  attempted  before,  and  had  it  noted  among  other  memo 
randums  to  acquaint  your  Honor  with  when  I  should  come 
down. 

"  The  French  policy  in  treating  with  the  Indians  is  so 
prevalent,  that  I  should  not  be  in  the  least  surprised,  were 
they  to  engage  the  Cherokees,  Catawbas,  etc.,  unless 
timely  and  vigorous  measures  are  taken  to  prevent  it.  A 
pusillanimous  behavior  now  will  ill  suit  the  times ;  and  trust 
ing  to  traders  and  common  interpreters,  who  will  sell  their 
integrity  to  the  highest  bidder,  may  prove  the  destruction 
of  these  affairs.  I  therefore  think  that  if  a  person  of  dis 
tinction,  acquainted  with  their  language  is  to  be  found, 


278  WASHINGTON. 

his  price  should  be  come  to  at  any  rate.  If  no  such  person 
can  be  had,  a  man  of  sense  and  character,  to  conduct  the 
Indians  to  any  council  that  may  be  held,  or  superintend 
any  other  matters  will  be  found  extremely  necessary.  It 
is  impertinent,  I  own,  in  me  to  offer  my  opinion  in  these 
affairs,  when  better  judges  may  direct ;  but  my  steady  and 
hearty  zeal  for  the  cause,  and  the  great  impositions  I 
have  known  practised  by  the  traders,  etc.,  upon  these 
occasions  would  not  suffer  me  to  be  quite  silent.  I  have 
heard  from  undoubted  authority,  that  some  of  the  Chero- 
kees,  who  have  been  introduced  to  us  as  Sachems  and 
Princes  by  this  interpreter,  who  shares  the  profits,  have 
been  no  other  than  common  hunters,  and  bloodthirsty 
villains. 

"  We  have  no  accounts  yet  of  the  militia  from  Fairfax, 
etc.  This  day  I  marched  with  about  one  hundred  men  to 
Fort  Cumberland.  Yesterday  an  express  informed  me  of 
eighty  odB  recruits  at  Fredericksburg,  which  I  have 
ordered  to  proceed  to  this  place;  but,  for  want  of  that 
regularity  being  observed  by  which  I  should  know  where 
every  officer,  etc.,  is,  my  orders  are  only  conditional,  and 
always  confused.  The  commissary  is  much  wanted ;  there 
fore  I  hope  your  Honor  will  send  him  up  immediately ;  if 
not,  things  will  greatly  suffer  here.  Whatever  necessaries 
your  Honor  gets  below  I  should  be  glad  to  have  sent  to 
Alexandria;  from  whence  they  are  much  more  handy  than 
from  Fredericksburg.  Besides,  as  provision  is  lodged  there, 
and  none  at  any  other  place,  it  will  be  better  for  the  men, 
to  be  all  sent  there  that  can  anyways  conveniently.  For 
we  have  met  with  insufferable  difficulties  at  Fredericksburg, 
and  in  our  march  from  thence,  through  neglect  of  the 
commissary,  who  is  greatly  wanted  up  here.  Therefore, 
I  hope  your  Honor  will  order  him." 

After  the  journey  to  Fort  Cumberland,  and  returning 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  279 

from  Williamsburg  to  headquarters  at  Winchester,  Wash 
ington  was  at  Fredericksburg,  and  there  wrote,  Novem 
ber  18,  1755,  to  Lieuf.-Col.  Adam  Stephen: 

"  I  came  to  this  place  on  Sunday  last,  and  intended  to 
proceed  immediately  up;  but  receiving  yours  and  other 
letters  contradicting  the  reports  lately  transmitted,  deter 
mined  me  to  go  to  Alexandria,  where  I  shall  wait  a  few 
days,  hoping  to  meet  the  express  from  General  Shirley,  to 
whom  the  Governor  sent  for  commissions  for  the  field 
officers. 

"  I  beg  that  you  will  be  particularly  careful  in  seeing 
strict  order  observed  among  the  soldiers,  as  that  is  the 
life  of  military  discipline.  We  now  have  it  in  our  power 
to  enforce  obedience  [through  a  military  law  recently 
passed  by  the  Assembly  of  the  colony] ;  and  obedience  will 
be  expected  from  us,  the  men  being  subject  to  death  as 
in  military  law.  The  Assembly  have  also  offered  a  reward 
to  all  who  will  apprehend  deserters,  and  a  severe  punish 
ment  upon  those  who  shall  entertain  or  suffer  them  to  pass ; 
also  upon  any  constable  who  refuses  to  convey  them  to 
the  company  or  troop  to  which  they  belong,  or  shall  suffer 
them  to  escape  after  such  deserters  are  committed  to  his 
custody. 

"These  things,  with  the  articles  of  war  and  a  proper 
exhortation,  I  would  have  you  read  immediately  to  the 
men,  and  see  that  it  is  frequently  done  hereafter.  I  must 
desire  tEat  you  will  use  all  possible  means  to  facilitate  the 
salting  our  provisions,  and  give  the  commissary  such  as 
sistance  of  men,  etc.,  as  he  shall  reasonably  require.  The 
Governor  approves  of  the  committee's  resolve,  in  not  al 
lowing  either  the  Maryland  or  Carolina  companies  to  be 
supported  out  of  our  provisions.  This  you  are  to  make 
them  acquainted  with,  and,  in  case  any  of  the  compa 
nies  should  be  discharged  to  use  your  utmost  endeavors 


280  WASHINGTON. 

to  enlist  as  many  of  the  men  as  you  can.  Lieutenant  Mc- 
Manners  has  leave  to  go  to  Carolina  if  he  desires  it.  The 
Assembly  would  make  no  alteration  in  our  militia  law; 
nor  would  the  Governor  order  them  to  be  drafted  to  com 
plete  our  regiment,  so  that  the  slow  method  of  recruiting 
is  likely  to  be  our  only  means  to  raise  the  men.  I  think, 
could  a  brisk  officer,  and  two  or  three  sergeants,  be 
sent  among  the  militia  stationed  on  the  South  Branch, 
they  would  have  a  probable  chance  of  engaging  many,  as 
some  were  inclinable  in  Winchester  to  list.  Doctor  Craik 
is  expected  round  to  Alexandria  in  a  vessel,  with  medicines 
and  other  stores  for  the  regiment.  So  soon  as  he  arrives, 
I  shall  take  care  to  despatch  him  to  you. 

"The  Colonels  Byrd  and  Randolph  [members  of  the 
Governor's  Council  and  gentlemen  of  distinction]  are  ap 
pointed  commissioners  [to  visit  and  conciliate  the  south 
ern  Indians],  and  will  set  out  very  shortly,  with  a  present, 
etc.,  to  the  country  of  the  Cherokees,  in  order  to  engage 
them  to  our  interest." 

To  the  same  officer  Washington  wrote  again  November 
28,  1755,  from  Alexandria: 

"  I  received  your  two  letters  by  Jenkins  last  night,  and 
was  greatly  surprised  to  hear  that  Commissary  Walker 
was  not  arrived  at  camp  when  he  came  away.  He  set 
out  from  Williamsburg  about  the  I2th  instant,  with  orders 
to  proceed  immediately  up;  but  such  disobedience  of 
commands,  as  I  have  generally  met  with,  is  insufferable, 
and  shall  not  go  unpunished.  The  account  you  enclosed 
of  the  method  of  receiving  the  beef,  I  suppose  is  custom 
ary;  but  for  want  of  judgment  in  those  affairs,  I  can 
neither  applaud  nor  condemn  it.  I  am  as  much  astonished 
as  you  were  surprised  at  the  quantity  of  salt  said  to  be 
wanted  for  the  provision,  but  certain  it  is,  that  if  it,  or  a 
greater  quantity,  is  necessary,  it  must  be  had.  I  have 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  281 

left  a  discretionary  power  in  Commissary  Walker  to  kill 
or  winter  the  Carolina  beeves  as  the  interest  of  the  ser 
vice  requires.  Pray  assist  him  with  your  advice,  and  urge 
him  on  to  make  the  necessary  purchases  of  flour  and  pork 
fn  time. 

"  The  Governor  did  not  seem  inclinable  to  promote  the 
removal  of  the  fort;  however,  the  Committee  have  lodged 
a  discretionary  power  in  my  hands,  and  have  resolved  to 
pay  for  all  extraordinary  labor.  I  would,  therefore,  have 
as  little  labor  lost  at  Fort  Cumberland  as  possible ;  at 
least  until  I  come  up,  which  will  5e  very  shortly,  my  stay 
here  being  only  for  a  few  days,  in  order  to  receive  re 
cruits,  and  hurry  up  the  stores  to  Winchester. 

"  I  believe  those  who  say  Governor  Sharpe  [of  Mary 
land]  is  to  command,  can  only  wish  it.  I  do  not  know 
that  Governor  Shirley  [at  Boston,  in  chief  command  for 
the  King's  regular  troops  in  America]  has  a  power  to  ap 
point  a  chief  to  our  forces, —  to  regulars  he  may.  As  to 
that  affair  of  turning  the  storehouse  into  a  dwelling-room, 
I  do  not  know  what  better  answer  to  give  than  saying 
that  this  is  one  among  the  many  instances  that  might 
be  offered  of  the  inconvenience  of  having  a  fort  in  Mary 
land.  As  soon  as  I  hear  from  Gov.  Shirley,  which  is 
hourly  expected,  I  can  give  a  more  determined  answer. 

"  There  has  been  such  total  negligence  among  the  re 
cruiting  officers  in  general,  such  disregard  of  the  service 
they  were  employed  in,  and  such  idle  proceedings,  that  I 
am  determined  to  send  out  none  until  we  all  meet,  when 
each  officer  shall  have  his  own  men,  and  have  only  this 
alternative,  either  to  complete  his  number  or  lose  his  com 
mission.  There  are  several  officers  who  have  been  out 
six  weeks,  or  two  months,  without  getting  a  man,  spend 
ing  their  time  in  all  the  gayety  of  pleasurable  mirth,  with 
their  relations  and  friends;  not  attempting,  nor  having  a 


282  WASHINGTON. 

possible  chance  of  recruiting  any  but  those  who,  out  of 
their  inclination  to  the  service,  will  proffer  themselves. 

"  I  should  be  glad  to  have  ten  or  twelve  wagons  sent 
to  this  place,  for  salt  enough  may  be  had  here  to  load 
that  number,  and  it  comes  upon  easier  terms  than  at 
Fredericksburg,  by  sixpence  or  eightpence  per  bushel. 
Those  stores  at  Watkins  Ferry  should  be  hurried  up  as 
fast  as  the  water  affords  opportunities,  if  it  were  only  to 
prevent  disputes. 

"  If  the  paymaster  is  at  Winchester,  and  not  on  his  way 
to  Fort  Dinwiddie,  order  him  tlown  here  immediately.  If 
he  should  be  going  with  pay  to  Captain  Hogg  [whose 
unpaid  men  had  mutinied] ,  he  is  to  proceed  with  despatch ;' 
but  if  he  is  at  Fort  Cumberland,  order  him  down  to  Win 
chester,  to  wait  there  until  I  arrive." 

December  5,  1755,  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Din 
widdie  from  Alexandria : 

"  I  have  sent  the  bearer,  Captain  John  Mercer  (who  has 
accounts  to  settle  with  the  Committee),  to  the  Treasurer 
for  the  balance  of  that  ^10,000;  and  to  acquaint  your 
Honor,  that,  meeting  with  letters  at  Fredericksburg,  in 
forming  me  that  all  was  peaceable  above,  and  that  noth 
ing  was  so  immediately  wanting  as  salt,  I  got  what  I  could 
at  that  place,  and  hastened  on  here  to  engage  more,  to 
receive  the  recruits  expected  in,  and  to  wait  the  arrival  of 
the  vessel  with  arms,  etc.,  from  James  River,  in  order  to 
forward  them  up  with  the  greater  despatch.  The  vessel 
is  not  yet  arrived. 

"  I  have  impatiently  expected  to  hear  the  result  of  your 
Honor's  letter  to  Governor  Shirley,  and  wish  that  the 
delays  may  not  prove  ominous.  In  that  case,  I  shall  not 
know  how  to  act ;  for  I  can  never  submit  to  the  command 
of  Captain  Dagworthy,  since  you  have  honored  me  with 
the  command  of  the  Virginia  regiment,  etc. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  283 

"  The  country  has  sustained  inconceivable  losses,  by  de 
laying  the  commissaries  at  Williamsburg.  Many  of  the 
beeves  are  dead,  through  absolute  poverty,  and  the  chief 
part  of  them  too  poor  to  slaughter.  We  are  at  a  loss  how 
to  act,  for  want  of  the  mutiny  bill ;  and  should  be  obliged 
to  your  Honor,  if  you  will  have  fifty  or  a  hundred  printed, 
and  sent  by  the  bearer.  There  is  a  clause  in  that  bill, 
which,  if  you  are  not  kind  enough  to  obviate  it,  will  pre 
vent  entirely  the  good  intention  of  it,  that  is,  delaying  the 
execution  of  sentences,  until  your  Honor  shall  be  made 
acquainted  with  the  proceedings  of  the  court.  This,  at 
times  when  there  is  the  greatest  occasion  for  examples, 
will  be  morally  impossible;  I  mean,  when  we  are  on  our 
march,  perhaps  near  the  Ohio,  when  none  but  strong  par 
ties  can  pass  with  safety.  At  all  times  it  must  be  attended 
with  great  expense,  trouble,  and  inconveniency.  This  I 
represented  to  Col.  Corbin,  and  some  other  gentlemen  of 
the  Council,  when  I  was  down,  who  said  that  the  objec 
tion  would  be  removed,  by  your  Honor's  giving  blank 
warrants,  to  be  filled  up  as  occasion  should  require.  This 
would  effectually  remedy  all  those  evils,  and  put  things 
in  their  proper  channel. 

"  We  suffer  greatly  for  want  of  kettles ;  those  sent  from 
below,  being  tin,  are  of  short  duration.  We  shall  also,  in 
a  little  time,  suffer  as  much  for  the  want  of  clothing ;  none 
can  be  got  in  these  parts ;  those  which  Major  Carlyle  and 
Dalton  contracted  to  furnish  we  are  disappointed  of. 
Shoes  and  stockings  we  have,  and  can  get  more  if  wanted, 
but  nothing  else.  I  should  be  glad  your  Honor  would 
direct  what  is  to  be  done  in  these  cases;  and  that  you 
would  be  kind  enough  to  desire  the  treasurer  to  send  some 
part  of  the  money  in  gold  and  silver.  Were  this  done  we 
might  often  get  necessaries  for  the  regiment  in  Maryland, 


284  WASHINGTON. 

or  Pennsylvania,  when  they  cannot  be  had  here.  But  with 
our  money  it  is  impossible ;  our  paper  not  passing  there. 

"  The  recruiting  service  goes  on  extremely  slow.  Yes 
terday  being  a  day  appointed  for  rendezvousing  at  this 
place,  there  came  in  ten  officers  with  twenty  men  only.  If 
I  had  any  other  than  paper  money,  and  you  approved  of 
it,  I  would  send  to  Pennsylvania  and  the  borders  of  Caro 
lina.  I  am  confident  men  might  be  had  there.  Your 
Honor  never  having  given  any  particular  directions  about 
the  provisions,  I  should  be  glad  to  know,  whether  you 
would  have  more  laid  in  than  what  will  serve  for  1200  men, 
that  I  may  give  orders  accordingly. 

"As  I  cannot  now  conceive  that  any  great  danger  can 
be  apprehended  at  Fort  Cumberland  this  winter,  I  am  sensi 
ble  that  my  constant  attendance  there  cannot  be  so  ser 
viceable  as  riding  from  place  to  place,  making  the  proper 
dispositions,  and  seeing  that  all  our  necessaries  are  for 
warded  up  with  despatch.  I  therefore  think  it  advisable 
to  inform  your  Honor  of  it,  hoping  it  will  correspond  with 
your  own  opinion. 

"  I  forgot  to  mention  when  I  was  down,  that  Mr.  Living 
ston,  the  Fort  Major,  was  appointed  adjutant  to  our  regi 
ment.  I  know  of  none  else  whose  long  servitude  in  a 
military  way  had  better  qualified  for  the  office.  He  was 
appointed  the  I7th  of  September. 

"  Captain  Mercer's  pay  as  aid-de-camp  seems  yet  doubt 
ful.  I  should  be  glad  if  your  Honor  would  fix  it ;  as  so 
is  Captain  Stewart's.  If  Captain  Stewart's  is  increased, 
I  suppose  all  the  officers  belonging  to  the  light-horse  will 
expect  to  have  theirs  augmented  also.  Colonel  Stephen, 
in  a  late  letter,  discovered  an  inclination  to  go  to  the  Creek 
and  Cherokee  Indians  this  winter.  I  told  him  where  to 
apply,  if  he  had  any  such  thoughts.  I  believe,  on  so  useful 
a  business,  he  might  be  spared  until  the  spring.  If  your 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  285 

Honor  think  proper  to  order  the  Act  of  Assembly  for 
apprehending  deserters,  and  against  harboring  them,  to  be 
published  every  Sunday  in  each  parish  church,  until  the 
people  are  made  acquainted  with  the  law,  it  would  have 
a  very  good  effect.  The  commonalty  in  general  err  more 
through  ignorance  than  design.  Few  of  them  are  acquainted 
that  such  a  law  exists,  and  there  is  no  other  certain  way 
of  bringing  it  to  their  knowledge.  There  are  a  great  many 
of  the  men  that  did  once  belong  to  our  companies,  de 
serted  from  the  regiments  into  which  they  were  drafted, 
that  would  now  gladly  return,  if  they  could  be  sure  of 
indemnity.  If  your  Honor  would  be  kind  enough  to  in 
timate  this  to  General  Shirley,  or  the  colonels  of  those 
regiments,  it  would  be  of  service  to  us.  Without  leave, 
we  dare  not  receive  them." 

December  28,  1755,  Washington  wrote  from  Winchester 
to  Lieut.-Col.  Adam  Stephen : 

"  Captain  John  Mercer  only  returned  last  night  from 
Williamsburg,  and  brings  no  satisfactory  answers  to  any 
thing  I  questioned  the  Governor  upon. 

"  The  express,  that  was  sent  to  General  Shirley,  is  re 
turned  without  seeing  him ;  however,  the  Governor  writes 
that  he  expects  answers  to  his  letters  by  Colonel  Hunter, 
who  is  now  at  New  York,  and  waits  the  arrival  of  the 
General  at  that  place.  The  Governor  is  very  strongly  of 
the  opinion,  that  Captain  Dagworthy  has  no  right  to  con 
tend  for  the  command ;  and  in  his  letter  he  says,  after  men 
tioning  the  return  of  the  express,  and  his  expectancy  of 
satisfactory  letters,  '  But  I  am  of  opinion  you  might  have 
obviated  the  inconsistent  dispute  with  Captain  Dag- 
worthy,  by  asking  him  if  he  did  not  command  a  provincial 
company  by  virtue  of  Governor  Sharpe's  commission;  as 
that  he  had  formerly  from  his  Majesty  now  ceases,  as  he  is 
not  on  the  half-pay  list ;  if  so,  the  method  you  are  to  take 


286  WASHINGTON. 

is  very  obvious,  as  your  commission  from  me  is  greater 
than  what  he  has/  And  in  Williamsburg,  when  I  was 
down  there,  both  he  and  Colonel  Fitzhugh  told  me,  that 
Dagworthy  could  have  no  more  pretensions  to  command 
me,  or  either  of  the  field-officers  of  the  Virginia  regiment, 
than  we  have  to  command  General  Shirley;  and  further 
gave  it  as  their  opinion,  that  as  Dagworthy's  was  only  a 
botched-up  commission  at  best,  and  as  he  commanded  a 
provincial  company,  and  by  virtue  of  a  governor's  commis 
sion,  that  he  ought  to  be  arrested  for  his  presumption. 
They  say,  allowing  his  commission  from  the  King  to  be 
valid,  yet,  as  he  is  not  there  by  order  of  his  Majesty,  he 
can  have  no  better  pretensions  than  a  visiting  half-pay  offi 
cer,  who  transiently  passes  through  the  camp,  to  assume 
the  command. 

"  I  wish  you  would  sound  him  on  this  head,  and  hear 
how  he  will  answer  these  things,  and  let  me  know  when 
you  come  down,  which  I  desire  may  be  immediately,  as 
I  want  much  to  consult  you  upon  several  accounts.  The 
paymaster  and  commissary  (if  he  is  not  very  much  en 
gaged)  must  accompany  you.  Desire  both  to  have  their 
accounts  settled,  and  brought  with  them,  as  that  is  neces 
sary  before  I  can  give  more  money. 

"  I  have  sent  you  one  of  the  mutiny  bills  which  I  re 
ceived  from  below,  but  I  think,  indeed  I  believe  it  is  abso 
lutely  necessary,  as  we  still  want  the  power,  to  postpone 
trials  until  after  your  return.  Also  desire  all  the  officers 
who  have  received  money  for  recruiting,  to  make  up  their 
accounts  immediately;  and  charge  for  no  more  men  than 
have  actually  been  received  at  the  several  rendezvous. 
Allowance  will  be  made  for  no  others.  The  arrears  of  pay 
for  these  officers  and  soldiers  who  have  not  received  for 
the  months  of  January  and  February,  are  immediately  to 
be  made  out,  and  sent  down  by  you  with  the  recruiting  ac- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  287 

counts.  Desire  them  to  charge  for  no  men  but  what  are 
present,  as  I  can  pay  for  no  others  now. 

"  Enclosed  is  a  commission  for  Captain  Waggener,  which 
I  have  neglected  giving  before ;  so  long  as  I  have  had  it. 
Desire  him,  as  the  command  upon  your  leaving  the  place 
will  devolve  upon  him,  to  be  very  circumspect  in  his  duty, 
and  to  see  that  the  troops  are  duly  drawn  out  and  trained 
to  their  exercise,  and  practised  to  bush-fighting." 

To  Governor  R.  H.  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  Washing 
ton  wrote  from  Winchester,  January  5,  1756: 

"  I  am  sorry  it  has  not  been  in  my  power  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  yours  until  now.  At  the  time  that  your 
letter  came  to  Winchester,  I  was  at  Williamsburg ;  before 
I  got  back  it  was  conveyed  thither;  and  so  from  place  to 
place  has  it  been  tossing  almost  till  this  time. 

"  There  is  nothing  more  necessary  than  good  intelli 
gence  to  frustrate  a  designing  enemy,  and  nothing  that 
requires  greater  pains  to  obtain.  I  shall,  therefore,  cheer 
fully  come  into  any  measures  you  can  propose  to  settle  a 
correspondence  for  this  salutary  end;  and  you  may  de 
pend  upon  receiving  (when  the  provinces  are  threatened) 
the  earliest  and  best  intelligence  that  I  can  procure. 

"  I  sympathized  in  general  concern  to  see  the  inactivity 
of  your  province  in  a  time  of  eminent  danger;  but  am 
pleased  to  find,  that  a  feeling  sense  of  wrongs  has  roused 
the  spirit  of  your  martial  Assembly  to  vote  a  sum  which, 
with  your  judicious  application,  will  turn  to  a  general  good. 

"  We  took  some  pretty  vigorous  measures  to  collect  a 
force  upon  our  frontiers  upon  the  first  alarm,  which  has 
kept  us  peaceable  ever  since.  How  long  this  may  last  is 
uncertain,  since  that  force,  which  were  militia,  are  dis 
banded,  and  the  recruiting  service  almost  stagnated. 

"  If  you  propose  to  levy  troops,  and  their  designation  is 
not  a  secret,  I  should  be  favored  were  I  let  into  the  scheme, 


288  WASHINGTON. 

that  we  may  act  conjointly,  so  far  as  the  nature  of  things 
will  admit. 

"  Pray  direct  to  me  at  Alexandria,  to  which  place  I  de 
sign  to  go  in  about  ten  days  from  this." 

In  communicating  to  the  officers  of  the  Virginia  regi 
ment  the  fact  that  an  officer  had  been  tried  by  court-martial 
and  suspended,  Washington  made  this  address,  January  8, 
1756: 

"  This  timely  warning  of  the  effects  of  misbehavior  will, 
I  hope,  be  instrumental  in  animating  the  younger  officers 
to  a  laudable  emulation  in  the  service  of  their  country. 
Not  that  I  apprehend  any  of  them  can  be  guilty  of  of 
fences  of  this  nature;  but  there  are  many  other  misde 
meanors,  that  will,  without  due  circumspection,  gain  upon 
inactive  minds,  and  produce  consequences  equally  dis 
graceful. 

"  I  would,  therefore,  earnestly  recommend,  in  every 
point  of  duty,  willingness  to  undertake,  and  intrepid  reso 
lution  to  execute.  Remember  that  it  is  the  actions,  and 
not  the  commission,  that  make  the  officer,  and  that  there 
is  more  expected  from  him  than  the  title.  Do  not  forget 
that  there  ought  to  be  a  time  appropriated  to  attain  this 
knowledge,  as  well  as  to  indulge  pleasure.  And  as  we 
now  have  no  opportunities  to  improve  from  example,  let 
us  read  for  this  desirable  end.  There  are  Eland's  and 
other  treatises  which  will  give  the  wished-for  information. 

"  I  think  it  my  duty,  gentlemen,  as  I  have  the  honor  to 
preside  over  you,  to  give  this  friendly  admonition ;  especi 
ally  as  I  am  determined,  as  far  as  my  small  experience  in 
service,  my  abilities,  and  interest  of  the  service  may  dic 
tate,  to  observe  the  strictest  discipline  through  the  whole 
economy  of  my  behavior.  On  the  other  hand,  you  may 
as  certainly  depend  upon  having  the  strictest  justice  admin 
istered  to  all,  and  that  I  shall  make  it  the  most  agreeable 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  289 

part  of  my  duty  to  study  merit,  and  reward  the  brave  and 
deserving.  I  assure  you,  gentlemen,  that  partiality  shall 
never  bias  my  conduct,  nor  shall  prejudice  injure  any; 
but,  throughout  the  whole  tenor  of  my  proceedings,  I  shall 
endeavor,  as  far  as  I  am  able,  to  reward  and  punish,  with 
out  the  least  diminution." 

January  14,  1756,  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Din- 
widdie  from  Alexandria : 

"  Major  Lewis,  being  at  Winchester  when  your  letter 
came  to  hand,  was  immediately  despatched  to  Augusta, 
to  take  upon  him  the  command  of  the  troops  destined 
against  the  Shawnese  Town;  with  orders  to  follow  such 
directions  as  he  should  receive  from  you.  This  scheme, 
though,  I  am  apprehensive  will  prove  abortive,  as  we  are 
told  that  those  Indians  are  removed  up  the  river,  into  the 
neighborhood  of  Fort  Duquesne. 

"  I  have  given  all  necessary  orders  for  training  the  men 
to  a  proper  use  of  their  arms,  and  the  method  of  Indian 
fighting,  and  hope  in  a  little  time  to  make  them  expert. 
And  I  should  be  glad  to  have  your  Honor's  express  com 
mands,  either  to  prepare  for  taking  the  field,  or  for  guard 
ing  our  frontiers,  in  the  spring,  because  the  steps  for  these 
two  are  very  different.  I  have  already  built  two  forts  on 
Patterson's  Creek,  which  have  engaged  the  chief  of  the 
inhabitants  to  return  to  the  plantations;  and  have  now 
ordered  Captain  Waggener  with  60  men  to  build  and 
garrison  two  others,  on  places  I  have  pointed  out  high 
up  on  the  South  Branch,  which  will  be  a  means  of  securing 
near  a  hundred  miles  of  our  frontiers,  exclusive  of  the 
command  at  Fort  Dinwiddie,  on  Jackson's  river.  And, 
indeed,  without  a  much  greater  number  of  men  than  we 
have  a  visible  prospect  of  getting,  I  do  not  see  how  it  is 
possible  to  think  of  passing  the  mountains,  or  acting  more 
than  defensively.  This  seems  to  be  the  full  determination 
19 


290  WASHINGTON. 

of  the  Pennsylvanians ;  so  that  there  can  be  no  hope  o! 
assistance  from  that  quarter.  If  we  only  act  defensively, 
I  would  most  earnestly  recommend  the  building  of  a 
strong  fort  at  some  convenient  place  in  Virginia,  as  that 
in  Maryland,  not  to  say  anything  of  its  situation,  which 
is  extremely  bad,  will  ever  be  an  eyesore  to  this  colony, 
and  attended  with  more  inconvenience  than  it  is  possible 
to  enumerate.  One  instance  of  this  I  have  taken  notice 
of,  in  a  letter  that  accompanies  this,  and  many  more  I 
could  recite,  were  it  necessary. 

"  If  we  take  the  field  there  is  no  time  to  carry  on  a  work 
of  this  kind,  but  we  should  immediately  set  about  engag 
ing  wagons,  horses,  forage,  pack-saddles,  etc.  And  here 
I  cannot  help  remarking,  that  I  believe  it  will  be  impossible 
to  get  wagons  or  horses  sufficient,  without  the  old  score 
is  paid  off ;  as  the  people  are  really  ruined  for  want  of  their 
money,  and  complain  justly  of  their  grievances. 

"  I  represented  in  my  last  the  inconveniences  of  the 
late  act  of  Assembly,  which  obliges  us  first  to  send  to 
your  Honor  for  a  commission  to  hold  general  courts- 
martial,  and  then  to  delay  execution  until  a  warrant  can 
be  had  from  Williamsburg ;  and  I  hope  you  will  take  the 
thing  into  consideration.  We  have  several  deserters  now 
on  hand,  whom  I  have  taken  by  vigorous  measures,  and 
who  should  be  made  examples  to  others,  as  this  practice 
is  continued  with  greater  spirit  than  ever. 

"  Unless  clothing  is  soon  provided,  the  men  will  be  un 
fit  for  any  kind  of  service.  And  I  know  of  no  expedient 
to  procure  them,  but  by  sending  to  the  northward,  as 
cloth  cannot  be  had  here.  I  left,  among  other  returns,  an 
exact  account  of  the  clothing  at  every  place,  when  I  was 
in  Williamsburg.  I  shan't  care  to  lay  in  provisions  for 
more  than  1000  men,  unless  I  have  your  Honor's  orders. 
We  have  put  out  such  of  the  beeves  as  were  unfit  for 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  291 

slaughtering.  If  they  survive  the  winter  they  may  be 
useful  in  the  summer. 

"  Ensign  Poison  having  received  a  commission  in  Col 
onel  Gage's  regiment,  makes  a  vacancy  here  which,  with 
your  approbation,  will  be  rilled  by  Mr.  Dennis  McCarthy, 
whom  you  once  appointed  a  captain.  He  has  continued 
a  volunteer  ever  since,  and  has  recruited  several  men  into 
the  service,  and  I  hope  your  Honor  will  allow  me  the 
liberty,  as  you  once  promised  me,  of  filling  up  the  vacan 
cies  as  they  happen,  with  the  volunteers,  who  serve  with 
that  expectation.  We  have  several  with  us,  that  seem 
to  be  very  deserving  young  gentlemen.  I  shall  observe 
the  strictest  justice  in  promoting  them  according  to  their 
merit,  and  their  time  of  entering  the  service  I  have  or 
dered  Capt.  Hog  to  render  immediately  a  fair  account  to 
the  company  of  the  money  sent  him.  He  was  ordered  to 
lay  in  provisions  for  only  12  months.  Capt.  Stewart  has 
recruited  his  complement  of  men.  I  should  be  glad  to 
know  whether  he  is  to  complete  his  horse  against  the 
spring  and  provide  accoutrements. 

"I  have  been  obliged  to  suspend  Ensign  Dekeyser  for 
misbehavior  until  your  pleasure  is  known.  See  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  enquiring  courts.  His  character  in  many 
other  respects  has  been  infamous.  I  have  also  been 
obliged  to  threaten,  in  your  name,  the  new  appointed  offi 
cers  with  the  same  fate  if  they  are  not  more  diligent  in 
recruiting  the  companies,  as  each  received  his  commission 
upon  those  terms.  Capt.  Mercer  comes  down  for  more 
money  and  to  satisfy  how  the  £10,000  has  been  applied. 

"  The  skipper  of  the  vessels  has  embezzled  some  of  the 
stores;  but  for  want  of  a  particular  invoice  of  them,  we 
cannot  ascertain  the  loss.  He  is  kept  in  confinement  until 
your  Honor's  pleasure  is  known." 


292  WASHINGTON. 

Under  the  same  date  Washington  wrote  again  to  Gov. 
Dinwiddie  from  Alexandria: 

"  When  I  was  down  the  Committee  among-  other  things 
resolved,  that  the  Maryland  and  Carolina  companies 
should  not  be  supported  with  our  provisions.  This  re 
solve  (I  think)  met  with  your  approbation;  upon  which  I 
wrote  to  Colonel  Stephen,  desiring  him  to  acquaint  Cap 
tain  Dagworthy  thereof,  who  paid  slight  regard  to  it, 
saying  it  was  in  the  King's  garrison,  and  all  the  troops 
had  an  equal  right  to  draw  provisions  with  us,  by  his 
order  as  commanding  officer,  and  that  we,  after  it  was 
put  there,  had  no  power  to  remove  it  without  his  leave. 
I  should,  therefore,  be  glad  of  your  Honor's  peremptory 
orders  what  to  do  in  this  case,  as  I  do  not  care  to  act 
without  instructions,  lest  it  should  appear  to  proceed  from 
pique  and  resentment  at  having  the  command  disputed. 
This  is  one  among  the  numberless  inconveniences  of  hav 
ing  the  fort  in  Maryland.  Captain  Dagworthy,  I  dare 
venture  to  affirm,  is  encouraged  to  say  this  by  Governor 
Sharpe,  who  we  know  has  wrote  to  him  to  keep  the  com 
mand.  This  Captain  Dagworthy  acquainted  Colonel 
Stephen  of  himself.  As  I  have  not  yet  heard  how  Gen 
eral  Shirley  has  answered  your  Honor's  request,  I  fear 
the  success,  especially  as  it  is  next  to  an  impossibility  (as 
Governor  Sharpe  has  been  there  to  plead  Captain  Dag- 
worthy's  cause)  by  writing  to  make  the  General  ac 
quainted  with  the  nature  of  the  dispute.  The  officers 
have  drawn  up  a  memorial  to  be  presented  to  the  Gen 
eral,  and,  that  it  may  be  properly  strengthened,  they  hum 
bly  beg  your  solicitation  to  have  us  (as  we  have  certain 
advices  that  it  is  in  his  power)  put  upon  the  establish 
ment.  This  would  at  once  put  an  end  to  contention, 
which  is  the  root  of  evil,  and  destructive  to  the  best  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  293 

operations;  and  turn  all  our  movements  into  a  free,  easy 
channel. 

"  They  have  urged  it  in  the  warmest  manner  to  me,  to 
appear  personally  before  the  General  for  that  end,  which 
I  would,  at  this  disagreeable  season,  gladly  do,  things  be 
ing  thus  circumstanced,  if  I  had  your  permission;  which 
I  more  freely  ask,  since  I  am  determined  to  resign  a  com 
mission,  which  you  were  generously  pleased  to  offer  me, 
(and  for  which  I  shall  always  retain  a  grateful  sense  of 
the  favor),  rather  than  submit  to  the  command  of  a  per 
son,  who,  I  think,  has  not  such  superlative  merit  to  bal 
ance  the  inequality  of  rank,  however  he  adheres  to  what 
he  calls  his  right,  and  in  which  I  know  he  is  supported 
by  Governor  Sharpe.  He  says,  that  he  has  no  commis 
sion  from  the  province  of  Maryland,  but  acts  by  virtue 
of  that  from  the  King;  that  this  was  the  condition  of  his 
engaging  in  the  Maryland  service ;  and  when  he  was  sent 
up  there  the  ist  of  last  October,  was  ordered  by  Governor 
Sharpe  and  Sir  John  St.  Clair  not  to  give  up  his  right. 
To  my  certain  knowledge  his  rank  was  disputed  before 
General  Burgoyne,  who  gave  it  in  his  favor;  and  he  ac 
cordingly  took  place  of  every  captain  upon  the  expedition, 
except  Capt.  James  Mercer  and  Capt.  Rutherford,  whose 
commissions  were  older  than  his ;  so  that  I  should  not  by 
any  means  choose  to  act,  as  your  Honor  hinted  in  your 
last,  lest  I  should  be  called  to  an  account  myself. 

"  I  have,  during  my  stay  above  (at  Winchester)  from 
the  ist  of  December  to  this,  disposed  of  all  the  men  and 
officers  (that  are  not  recruiting  and  can  be  spared  from 
the  fort)  in  the  best  manner  I  can  for  the  defence  of  the 
inhabitants,  and  they  will  need  no  further  orders  till  I 
could  return.  And  the  recruiting  officers  are  allowed  till 
the  first  of  March  to  repair  to  their  rendezvous,  which 
leaves  at  present  nothing  to  do  at  the  Fort,  but  to  train 


294  WASHINGTON. 

and  discipline  the  men,  and  prepare  and  salt  the  provi 
sions.  For  the  better  perfecting  both  these,  I  have  left 
full  and  clear  directions. 

"  Besides,  in  other  respects,  I  think  my  going  to  the 
northward  might  be  of  service,  as  I  should  thereby,  so 
far  as  they  thought  proper  to  communicate,  be  acquainted 
with  the  plan  of  operations,  especially  the  Pennsylvanians  ', 
so  as  to  act,  as  much  as  the  nature  of  things  would  admit, 
in  concert. 

"  If  you  think  proper  to  comply  with  my  request,  I 
should  be  glad  of  any  letters,  such  as  you  think  would 
enforce  the  petition  to  the  General,  or  any  of  the  Gov 
ernors  in  my  way  there." 

Two  weeks  later,  February  I,  1756,  Washington  wrote 
from  Alexandria  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Stephen : 

"  Looking  upon  our  affairs  at  this  crtical  juncture  to 
be  of  such  importance,  and  having  a  personal  acquaintance 
with  General  Shirley,  which  I  thought  might  add  some 
weight  to  the  strength  of  our  memorial,  I  solicited  leave, 
which  is  obtained,  to  visit  him  in  person,  and  accordingly 
set  out  in  two  days  for  Boston,  having  procured  letters, 
etc.,  from  the  Governor,  which  was  the  result  of  a  Council 
for  the  purpose  called.  You  may  depend  upon  it,  I  shall 
leave  no  stone  unturned  for  this  salutary  end ;  and,  I  think, 
if  reason,  justice,  and  every  other  equitable  right  can  claim 
attention,  we  deserve  to  be  heard. 

"As  I  have  taken  the  fatigue,  etc.,  of  this  tedious  jour 
ney  upon  myself,  (which  I  never  thought  of  until  I  had  left 
Winchester),  I  hope  you  will  conduct  everything  in  my 
absence  for  the  interest  and  honor  of  the  service.  And 
I  must  exhort  you  in  the  most  earnest  manner  to  strict 
discipline  and  due  exercise  of  arms. 

ft  You  may  tell  Mr.  Livingston  from  me,  that,  if  the 
soldiers  are  not  skilled  in  arms  equal  to  what  may  reason- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  295 

ably  be  expected,  he  most  assuredly  shall  answer  it  at  my 
return.  And  I  must  ingenuously  tell  you,  that  I  also  ex 
pect  to  find  them  expert  at  bush-fighting. 

"The  Governor  seems  determined  to  make  the  officers 
comply  with  the  terms  of  getting  their  commissions,  or 
forfeit  them,  and  approves  of  Dekeyser's  suspension,  and 
orders  that  he  shall  not  be  admitted  into  the  camp.  He 
seems  uneasy  at  what  I  own  gives  me  much  concern,  i.  e., 
that  gaming  seems  to  be  introduced  into  the  camp.  I 
am  ordered  to  discourage  it,  and  must  desire  that  you  will 
intimate  the  same. 

"  Things  not  being  rightly  settled  for  punishing  de 
serters  according  to  their  crimes,  you  must  go  on  in  the 
old  way  of  whipping  stoutly." 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  Washington  wrote  from  Alex 
andria,  February  2,  1756: 

"  I  can  but  return  my  hearty  thanks  for  your  kind  con 
descension  in  suffering  me  to  wait  upon  General  Shirley, 
as  I  am  very  well  assured  it  was  done  with  the  intention 
to  favor  my  suit. 

"  There  is  as  yet  an  unanswerable  argument  against  our 
taking  the  field,  which  I  forgot  to  mention  in  my  last ;  that 
is,  the  want  of  a  train  of  artillery,  and,  what  is  full  as  nec 
essary,  engineers  to  conduct  the  affair,  if  we  hope  to  ap 
proach  Fort  Duquesne.  By  the  advices,  which  we  have 
received  hitherto  from  the  northward,  the  Pennsylvanians 
are  determined  to  act  defensively.  For  that  purpose  they 
have  posted  their  new  raised  levies  upon  their  frontiers 
at  different  passes,  and  have  received  the  additional 
strength  and  favor  of  a  detachment  or  two  from  the  regu 
lars.  I  have  ordered,  besides  the  forts  that  are  built  and 
are  now  building,  that  a  road  which  I  had  reconnoitred, 
and  which  proves  nearer  and  better,  to  be  immediately 
opened  for  the  more  easy  transportation  of  stores,  etc., 


296  WASHINGTON. 

from  Winchester  to  Fort  Cumberland ;  so  there  is  not  the 
ieast  fear  of  the  soldiers  being  corrupted  through 
idleness." 

After  explaining  that  the  commission  for  calling  gen 
eral  courts-martial  did  not  empower  the  commander  to 
act  without  first  receiving  an  order  from  the  Governor 
to  do  so,  Washington  further  said : 

"  I  have  always,  so  far  as  it  was  in  my  power,  en 
deavored  to  discourage  gaming  in  the  camp ;  and  always 
shall  so  long  as  I  have  the  honor  to  preside  there. 

"  I  cannot  help  observing  that  your  Honor,  if  you  have 
not  seen  the  clothing  lately  sent  up,  has  been  imposed 
upon  by  the  contractors,  for  they  are  really  unfit  for  use ; 
at  least,  will  soon  be  so."] 

The  chronic  difficulty  of  the  old  contest  between  royal 
and  provincial  officers  had  not  yet  been  laid.  At  Fort 
Cumberland  a  royally  commissioned  officer,  Captain  Dag- 
worthy,  with  a  small  company  of  Maryland  militia,  refused 
obedience  to  the  Virginia  provincial  commander-in-chief, 
and  according  to  the  King's  order  in  the  case  of  royal  and 
provincial  officers,  he  even  claimed  precedency  in  rank. 
The  commander  appealed  to  Governor  Dinwiddie  but  could 
not  induce  him  to  take  decisive  measures  in  the  case,  and 
the  Governor  of  Maryland  actually  sustained  the  claim  of 
Dagworthy.  To  settle  this  annoying  and  embarrassing  dis 
pute  Washington,  at  the  request  of  his  officers,  with  the 
approval  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  with  commendatory 
letters  from  him  (Feb.  4,  1756),  repaired  to  Boston  to 
General  Shirley,  who  then  was  Commander-in-Chief  of 
the  British  troops  in  America.  It  was  now  midwinter, 
but  attended  by  Captain  Mercer,  who  was  his  aide,  and 
by  Captain  Stewart,  he  performed  the  journey  of  500 
miles  on  horseback. 

General  Shirley's  decision  on  the  subject  was  ready  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  297 

positive.  He  issued  an  order  requiring  Captain  Dagworthy 
to  yield  obedience  to  the  Virginia  commander.  Washing 
ton  he  received  in  the  kindest  manner,  and  he  acquainted 
him  with  the  details  of  his  plan  of  the  next  season's  cam 
paign. 

The  journey  to  Boston  by  way  of  Philadelphia,  New 
York,  and  Ocher  principal  cities,  little  as  such  results 
could  have  been  anticipated  or  could  be  desired  by  sticklers 
for  the  superiority  of  royal  commissions,  essentially  con 
tributed  to  Washington's  celebrity,  influence,  and  knowl 
edge  of  affairs.  In  less  than  two  months'  time  he  was 
again  engrossed  with  measures  for  repelling  intrusions  of 
the  French  and  for  staying  depredations  and  incursions  of 
the  savages,  which  had  become  frequent  and  very  daring. 

[Washington  left  Alexandria  for  Boston,  February  4, 
1756.  He  was  in  Philadelphia  on  the  8th,  where  the  old 
campaigner,  Gist,  had  found  reason  the  autumn  before 
to  write  to  him :  "  Your  name  is  more  talked  of  in  Phila 
delphia  than  that  of  any  other  person  in  the  army,  and 
everybody  seems  willing  to  venture  under  your  com 
mand."  The  New  York  Mercury  of  February  i6th  re 
corded  his  arrival  in  New  York  on  the  I5th,  and  on  the 
26th  he  had  left  for  Boston  on  the  Friday  previous,  the 
25th.  He  passed  through  New  London,  Newport,  and 
Providence,  and  was  in  Boston  February  27th-March  loth. 
He  was  in  New  York  on  the  return  March  I4th;  was  in 
Philadelphia  March  I7th;  and  March  23d  was  at  Alexan 
dria,  to  resume  his  duties  as  Commander-in-Chief  on  the 
frontier.  April  7,  1756,  he  wrote  from  Winchester  to 
Governor  Dinwiddie: 

"  I  arrived  here  yesterday,  and  think  it  advisable  to 
despatch  an  express  to  inform  you  of  the  unhappy  situa 
tion  of  affairs  in  this  quarter.  The  enemy  have  returned 
in  greater  numbers,  committed  several  murders  not  far 


298  WASHINGTON. 

from  Winchester,  and  even  are  so  daring  as  to  attack  our 
forts  in  open  day,  as  your  Honor  may  see  by  the  enclosed 
letters  and  papers.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  are  in  a 
miserable  situation  by  their  losses,  and  so  apprehensive 
of  danger  that,  I  believe,  unless  a  stop  is  put  to  the  depre 
dations  of  the  Indians,  the  Blue  Ridge  will  soon  become 
our  frontier. 

"  I  find  it  impossible  to  continue  on  to  Fort  Cumber 
land,  until  a  body  of  men  can  be  raised,  in  order  to  do 
what  I  have  advised  with  Lord  Fairfax,  and  other  officers 
of  the  militia,  who  have  ordered  each  captain  to  call  a 
private  muster,  and  to  read  the  exhortation  enclosed  (for 
orders  are  no  longer  regarded  in  this  county),  in  hopes 
that  this  expedient  may  meet  with  the  wished-for  success. 
If  it  should,  I  shall  with  such  men  as  are  ordered  from 
Fort  Cumberland  to  join  these,  scour  the  woods  and  sus 
pected  places,  in  all  the  mountains,  valleys,  etc.,  on  this 
part  of  our  frontiers,  and  doubt  not  but  I  shall  fall  in  with 
the  Indians  and  their  more  cruel  associates!  I  hope  the 
present  emergency  of  affairs,  assisted  by  such  good  news 
as  the  Assembly  may  by  this  time  have  received  from 
England,  and  the  Commissioners,  will  determine  them 
to  take  vigorous  measures  for  their  own  and  country's 
safety,  and  no  longer  depend  on  an  uncertain  way  of  rais 
ing  men  for  their  own  protection.  However  absurd  it 
may  appear,  it  is  nevertheless  certain,  that  500  Indians 
have  it  more  in  their  power  to  annoy  the  inhabitants  than 
ten  times  their  number  of  regulars.  For  besides  the  ad 
vantageous  way  they  have  of  fighting  in  the  woods,  their 
cunning  and  craft  are  not  to  be  equalled,  neither  their 
activity  and  indefatigable  sufferings.  They  prowl  about 
like  wolves,  and,  like  them,  do  their  mischief  by  stealth. 
They  depend  upon  their  dexterity  in  hunting  and  upon 
the  cattle  of  the  inhabitants  for  provisions.  For  which 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  299 

reason,  I  own,  I  do  not  think  it  unworthy  the  notice  of 
the  legislature  to  compel  the  inhabitants  (if  a  general  war 
is  likely  to  ensue,  and  things  to  continue  in  this  un 
happy  situation  for  any  time),  to  live  in  townships,  work 
ing  at  each  others  farms  by  turns,  and  to  drive  their  cattle 
into  the  thickly  settled  parts  of  the  country.  Were  this 
done,  they  could  not  be  cut  off  by  small  parties,  and  large 
ones  could  not  subsist  without  provisions." 

To  Speaker  Robinson,  Washington  also  wrote: 

"If  the  fears  of  the  people  do  not  magnify  numbers, 
those  of  the  enemy  are  not  inconsiderable.  They  have 
made  many  ineffectual  attempts  upon  several  of  our  forts, 
destroyed  cattle,  burned  plantations,  and  this  in  defiance 
of  our  smaller  parties,  while  they  dexterously  avoid  the 
larger.  Our  detachments,  by  what  I  can  learn,  have 
sought  them  diligently,  but  the  cunning  and  vigilance  of 
Indians  in  the  woods  are  no  more  to  be  conceived,  than 
they  are  to  be  equalled  by  our  people.  Indians  are  only 
match  for  Indians ;  and  without  these,  we  shall  ever  fight 
upon  unequal  terms.  I  hope  the  Assembly  since  they 
see  the  difficulty  of  getting  men  by  enlistment,  will  no 
longer  depend  upon  that  uncertain  way  of  raising  them, 
but  make  each  of  the  lower  Counties  furnish  its  full  pro 
portion." 

The  work  of  the  recruiting  officers  for  the  whole  win 
ter  had  only  secured  600  men.  In  the  letter  to  Dinwiddie 
of  April  7th,  Washington  went  on  to  say: 

"  It  seemed  to  be  the  sentiment  of  the  House  of  Bur 
gesses  when  I  was  down,  that  a  chain  of  forts  should  be 
erected  upon  our  frontiers,  for  the  defence  of  the  people. 
This  expedient,  in  my  opinion,  without  an  inconceivable 
number  of  men,  will  never  answer  their  expectations." 

The  House  had  voted  in  the  spring  session  to  erect  a 
chain  of  forts  beginning  at  Harry  Enochs,  on  Great 


300  WASHINGTON. 

Cape-capon,  in  the  county  of  Hampshire,  and  extending 
to  the  south  fork  of  Mayo-river  in  Halifax  county,  the 
number  and  distance  from  each  other  to  be  such  as  the 
governor  or  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  colony  should 
think  necessary." 

After  a  reference  to  Major  Lewis's  expedition,  intended 
to  reach  the  Indian  Shawanes  Town,  but  prevented  by  the 
state  of  the  rivers,  swollen  by  heavy  rains  and  melting 
snow,  Washington  goes  on  to  say: 

"  It  was  an  expedition,  from  which,  on  account  of  the 
length  of  the  march  down,  I  always  had  little  expectation 
of,  and  often  expressed  my  uneasy  apprehensions  on  that 
head.  But  since  they  are  returned,  with  the  Indians  that 
accompanied  them,  I  think  it  would  be  a  very  happy  step 
to  prevail  upon  the  latter  to  proceed  as  far  as  Fort  Cum 
berland.  It  is  in  their  power  to  be  of  infinite  use  to  us ; 
and  without  Indians,  we  shall  never  be  able  to  cope  with 
those  cruel  foes  to  our  country. 

"  I  would  therefore  beg  leave  to  recommend  in  a  very 
earnest  manner,  that  your  Honor  would  send  an  express 
to  them  immediately  for  this  desirable  end.  I  should 
have  Hone  it  myself,  but  was  uncertain  whether  it  might 
prove  agreeable  or  not.  I  also  hope  your  Honor  will 
order  Major  Lewis  to  secure  his  guides,  as  I  understand 
he  attributes  all  his  misfortunes  to  their  misconduct.  Such 
offences  as  those  should  meet  with  adequate  punishment, 
else  we  may  ever  be  misled  by  designing  villains. 

"  Since  writing  the  above,  Mr.  Pearis,  who  commanded 
a  party  as  per  enclosed  list,  is  returned,  who  relates,  that, 
upon  the  North  River,  he  fell  in  with  a  small  body  of  In 
dians  which  he  engaged,  and,  after  a  dispute  of  half  an 
hour,  put  them  to  flight.  M.  Douville,  commander  of  the 
party,  was  killed  and  scalped,  and  his  instructions  found 
about  him,  which  I  enclose.  We  had  one  man  killed,  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  301 

two  wounded.  Mr.  Pearls  sends  the  scalp  by  Jenkins ; 
and  I  hope,  although  it  is  not  an  Indian's,  they  will  meet 
with  an  adequate  reward  at  least,  as  the  Monsieur's  is  of 
much  more  consequence.  The  whole  party  jointly  claim 
the  reward,  no  person  pretending  solely  to  assume  the 
merit." 

The  Assembly  had  offered,  in  August,  1755,  a  reward  of 
£10  for  every  scalp  of  a  male  Indian  above  the  age  of 
twelve.  This  reward  was  increased  to  £15  in  April,  1757, 
and  a  further  sum  of  £30  for  each  scalp  taken  within  the 
next  two  years.  Maryland  had,  in  September,  1756,  made 
the  reward  for  an  Indian  scalp  £50. 

The  letter  to  Dinwiddie  continues: 

"  Your  Honor  may  in  some  measure  penetrate  into  the 
daring  designs  of  the  French  by  their  instructions,  where 
orders  are  given  to  burn,  if  possible,  our  magazine  at 
Conococheague,  a  place  that  is  in  the  midst  of  a  thickly 
settled  country." 

The  orders  in  question  were  given  by  Dumas,  who  had 
succeeded  Contrecoeur  as  French  commandant  at  Fort 
Duquesne.  In  translation  they  read  as  follows :  "  Fort 
Duquesne,  March  23,  1756.  The  Sieur  Douville,  at  the 
head  of  a  detachment  of  50  savages,  is  ordered  to  go  and 
observe  the  motions  of  the  enemy  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Fort  Cumberland.  He  will  endeavor  to  harass  their 
convoys,  and  burn  their  magazines  at  Conococheague, 
should  this  be  practicable.  He  must  use  every  effort  to 
take  prisoners,  who  may  confirm  what  we  already  know 
of  the  enemies  designs.  The  Sieur  Douville  will  employ 
all  his  talent  and  all  his  credit  to  prevent  the  savages  from 
committing  any  cruelties  on  those  who  may  fall  into  their 
hands.  Honor  and  humanity  ought,  in  this  respect,  to 
serve  as  our  guide." 

These  last  words  Mr.  W.  C.  Ford  says,  "  at  least  give  a 


302  WASHINGTON. 

favorable  indication  of  the  commandant's  humanity,"  the 
fact  having  been  that  the  words  in  no  way  operated  to 
hold  the  hand  of  savage  massacre,  and  most  manifestly 
were  neither  intended  nor  expected  to  have  any  such 
result.  Washington's  letter  goes  on  to  say  of  the  threat 
ened  magazine: 

n  I  have  ordered  the  party  there  to  be  made  as  strong 
as  time  and  our  present  circumstances  will  afford,  for  fear 
they  should  attempt  to  execute  the  orders  of  Dumas.  I 
have  also  ordered  up  an  officer  and  20  recruits  to  assist 
Joseph  Edwards,  and  the  people  on  those  waters  (the 
Great  Cacapehon).  The  people  of  this  town  are  under 
dreadful  apprehensions  of  an  attack,  and  all  the  roads 
between  this  and  Fort  Cumberland  are  much  infested.  As 
I  apprehend  you  will  be  obliged  to  draft  men,  I  hope  care 
will  be  taken  that  none  shall  be  chosen  but  active,  reso 
lute  men, —  men,  who  are  practised  to  arms,  and  are 
marksmen. 

"  I  also  hope  that  a  good  many  more  will  be  taken  than 
what  are  requisite  to  complete  our  numbers  to  what  the 
Assembly  design  to  establish;  as  many  of  those  we  have 
got  are  really  in  a  manner  unfit  for  duty;  and  were  re 
ceived  more  through  necessity  than  choice;  and  will  very 
badly  bear  a  re-examination.  Another  thing  I  would  beg 
leave  to  recommend;  and  that  is,  that  such  men  as  are 
drafted,  should  be  only  taken  for  a  time,  by  which  means 
we  shall  get  better  men,  and  which  will  in  all  probability 
stay  with  us." 

"  I  think  it  not  amiss,"  Washington  said  in  a  letter  to 
Speaker  Robinson,  "  that  they  should  serve  only  18  or  20 
months,  and  then  be  discharged.  Twenty  months  will 
embrace  two  full  campaigns,  which  will,  I  apprehend, 
bring  matters  to  a  crisis  one  way  or  another." 

In  a  letter  of  April  9,    1756,  to  Governor  Morris,  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  303 

Pennsylvania,  Washington  related  the  success  of  the  party 
which  encountered  Douville  with  his  detachment  of  sav 
ages,  and  then  went  on  to  say : 

"The  accident  that  has  determined  the  fate  of  M.  Dou 
ville  has,  I  believe,  dispersed  his  party,  for  I  don't  hear  of 
any  mischief  done  in  this  colony  since,  though  we  are  not 
without  numbers  who  are  making  hourly  discoveries. 

"  I  have  sent  you  a  copy  of  the  instructions  that  were 
found  about  this  officer,  that  you  may  see  how  bold  and 
enterprising  the  enemy  have  grown,  how  unconfmed  are 
the  ambitious  designs  of  the  French,  and  how  much  it  will 
be  in  their  power  (if  the  Colonies  continue  in  their  fatal 
lethargy)  to  give  a  final  stab  to  liberty  and  property. 

"  Nothing  I  more  sincerely  wish  than  a  Union  to  the 
Colonies  in  this  time  of  eminent  danger,  and  that  you  may 
find  your  Assembly  in  a  temper  of  mind  to  act  consist 
ently  with  their  preservation.  What  Maryland  has  done 
or  will  do,  I  know  not,  but  this  I  am  certain  of,  that 
Virginia  will  do  everything  that  can  be  expected  to  promote  the 
public  good. 

"  I  went  to  Williamsburg  fully  resolved  to  resign  my 
commission,  but  was  disuaded  from  it  at  least  for  a  time. 

"  P.  S.  A  letter  this  instant  arriving  from  Williamsburg 
informs  that  our  Assembly  have  voted  £20,000  more,  and 
that  their  forces  should  be  increased  to  2000  men.  A 
laudable  example  this,  and  I  hope  not  a  singular  one." 

In  a  letter  of  April  10,  1756,  Governor  Sharpe  of  Mary 
land  said  to  Governor  Shirley  of  Massachusetts,  who  was 
British  Commander-in-Chief  for  America: 

"The  enclosed  letter  I  am  desired  to  forward  to  your 
Excellency  from  Colonel  Washington,  and  to  request  you 
to  commission  and  appoint  him  second  in  command,  in 
case  these  colonies  shall  raise  a  sufficient  number  of  troops 
for  carrying  on  an  expedition  or  making  a  diversion  to 


304:  WASHINGTON. 

the  westward  this  summer.  As  Mr.  Washington  is  much 
esteemed  in  Virginia,  and  really  seems  a  gentleman  of 
merit,  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  learn  that  your 
Excellency  is  not  averse  to  favoring  his  application  and 
request." 

To  John  Robinson,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
Washington  wrote  from  Winchester,  April  16,  1756: 

"  When  I  wrote  you  last,  I  was  in  high  hopes  of  being 
by  this  time  at  the  head  of  a  large  party  scouring  the 
Alleghany  Hills.  But  the  timidity  of  the  inhabitants  of 
this  county  is  to  be  equalled  by  nothing  but  their  perverse- 
ness.  Yesterday  was  the  time  appointed  for  all  to  meet 
who  were  inclined  to  join  for  this  desirable  end,  and  only 
15  came,  some  of  whom  refused  to  go  but  upon  terms 
such  as  must  have  rendered  their  services  burthensome 
to  the  country.  Therefore,  I  am  again  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  waiting  the  arrival  of  a  party  from  Fort  Cum 
berland  before  I  can  leave  this  place.  There  has  been 
no  mischief  done  since  I  wrote  you  last,  which  I  attribute 
in  some  measure  to  the  frequent  parties  I  have  ordered 
out  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  Yesterday  I  received  an 
account  which  made  me  suspect  that  the  Indians  rendez 
voused  upon  the  back  of  the  Warm  Spring  Mountain.  I 
have,  therefore,  sent  orders  to  an  officer  who  is  out  with 
a  party  of  100  men,  to  proceed  thither  with  the  best 
guides  he  can  procure,  and  search  that  mountain  well; 
which,  if  the  intelligence  be  true,  I  hope  he  will  render 
a  good  account  of  them. 

"  Nothing,  Sir,  equals  the  pleasure  I  felt  at  hearing  of 
the  generous  supplies  the  Assembly  have  voted.  But  to 
find  that  the  men  and  money  which  they  have  given  are 
properly  disposed  of,  and  that  the  men  are  formed  for  the 
service  of  the  country,  and  not  to  make  commissions  to 
serve  individuals,  I  have  sent  the  Governor  a  plan  or 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  305 

scheme,  of  which  you  have  a  copy ;  to  form  the  2000  men 
into  one  regiment,  consisting  of  two  battalions,  of  ten 
companies  each ;  with  five  field  officers  each  having  a  com 
pany,  and  every  company  to  consist  of  one  captain,  two 
lieutenants,  one  ensign,  four  sergeants,  four  corporals, 
two  drummers,  and  87  private  men:  which  will  save  the 
country  the  annual  expense  of  £5006  i6s.  and  8d.,  as  you 
may  see  by  the  enclosed.  And  we  at  the  same  time  be 
better  appointed,  and  established  more  after  the  British 
custom  than  we  now  are,  or  shall  be  if  formed  into  two 
regiments,  or  one  regiment  with  only  50  men  in  a  com 
pany.  The  difference,  £5006  i6s.  8d.,  would  go  a  great 
length  either  in  clothing,  or  defraying  incident  charges 
of  the  regiment.  Another  difference  is  that  of  giving  the 
field  officers  companies,  which  is  practised  in  all  parts  of 
the  world  but  this,  and  here  discontinued  evidently  to 
the  disadvantage  of  the  country,  as  the  field  officers  who 
have  no  companies  are  allowed  in  the  same  proportion 
as  if  they  had,  and  three  captains  are  paid  to  do  this  duty. 

"  I  have  made  bold,  Sir,  to  offer  my  opinion  freely,  and 
if  it  meets  with  the  approbation  of  your  House,  I  should 
be  glad  if  you  would  help  it  into  execution.  Otherwise, 
as  I  am  sensible  the  Governor  may  be  strongly  impor 
tuned  for  commissions,  he  may  good-naturedly  grant 
them  without  considering  how  manifest  an  injury  it  will 
be  to  the  country  and  service  in  general. 

"As  I  am  convinced  that  no  other  method  can  be  used 
to  raise  2000  men,  but  by  drafting,  I  hope  to  be  excused 
when  I  again  repeat,  how  great  care  should  be  observed 
in  choosing  active  marksmen.  The  manifest  inferiority  of 
inactive  persons,  unused  to  arms,  in  this  kind  of  service, 
although  equal  in  numbers,  to  lively  persons  who  have 
practised  hunting,  is  inconceivable.  The  chance  against 
them  is  more  than  two  to  one.  Another  thing  I  hope  will 
20 


306  WASHINGTON. 

merit  the  consideration  of  the  Assembly,  and  that  is,  that 
they  will  put  all  such  men  as  are  raised  for  the  expedition 
in  actual  pay,  and  under  the  same  dicipline  that  ours  are 
at  present ;  otherwise,  I  am  very  well  convinced  their  good 
intentions  will  prove  abortive,  and  all  the  drafts  quit  the 
service  as  soon,  or  before,  they  are  brought  into  it. 

"  I  do  not  conceive  it  to  be  a  hardship  to  put  even  drafts 
under  martial  law,  if  they  are  only  taken  for  a  certain  time, 
which  I  could  wish  to  be  the  case,  as  I  thereby  hope  for 
better  men." 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie  in  this  connection  Washington 
wrote : 

"  I  have  a  brother  that  has  long  discovered  an  inclina 
tion  to  enter  the  service,  but  has  till  this  been  dissuaded 
from  it  by  my  mother,  who  now,  I  believe,  will  give  consent. 
I  must,  therefore,  beg  that,  if  your  Honor  should  issue  any 
new  commission  before  I  come  down,  you  will  think  of 
him  and  reserve  a  Lieutenancy.  I  flatter  myself  that  he 
will  endeavor  to  deserve  it  as  well  as  some  that  have,  and 
others  that  may  get  (commissions)." 

April  1 8,  1756,  Washington  wrote  from  Winchester  to 
Dinwiddie : 

"  It  gave  me  infinite  concern  to  find  in  yours  by  Gov 
ernor  Innes,  that  any  representations  should  inflame  the 
Assembly  against  the  Virginia  regiment,  or  give  cause 
to  suspect  the  morality  and  good  behavior  of  the  officers. 
(Dinwiddie  had  reported  "  that  the  Assembly  were  greatly 
inflamed,  being  told  that  the  greatest  immoralities  and 
drunkenness  have  been  much  countenanced  and  proper 
discipline  neglected ").  How  far  any  of  the  individuals 
may  have  deserved  such  invidious  reflections,  I  will  not 
take  it  upon  me  to  determine,  but  this  I  am  certain  of, 
and  can  call  my  conscience,  and  what,  I  suppose,  will  be  a 
still  more  demonstrable  proof  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  my 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  307 

orders,  to  witness  how  much  I  have,  both  by  threats  and 
persuasive  means,  endeavored  to  discountenance  gaming, 
drinking,  swearing,  and  irregularities  of  every  other  kind; 
while  I  have,  on  the  other  hand,  practised  every  artifice 
to  inspire  a  laudable  emulation  in  the  officers  for  the  ser 
vice  of  their  country,  and  to  encourage  the  soldiers  in 
the  unerring  exercise  of  their  duty.  How  far  I  have  failed 
in  this  desirable  end  I  cannot  pretend  to  say.  But  it  is 
nevertheless  a  point,  which  does  in  my  opinion  merit 
some  scrutiny,  before  it  meets  with  a  final  condemnation. 
Yet  I  will  not  undertake  to  vouch  for  the  conduct  of  many 
of  the  officers,  as  I  know  there  are  some  who  have  the 
seeds  of  idleness  very  strongly  engrafted  in  their  natures ; 
and  I  also  know  that  the  unhappy  difference  about  the 
command,  which  has  kept  me  from  Fort  Cumberland,  has 
consequently  prevented  me  from  enforcing  the  orders 
which  I  never  failed  to  send. 

"  However,  if  I  continue  in  the  service,  I  shall  take  care 
to  act  with  a  little  more  vigor  than  has  hitherto  been 
practised,  since  I  find  it  so  necessary. 

"  I  wrote  your  Honor  in  my  last  how  unsuccessfully  we 
attempted  to  raise  the  militia,  and  that  I  was  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  waiting  here  the  arrival  of  an  escort  from 
Fort  Cumberland. 

"  The  garrison  at  Fort  Cumberland  is  barely  manned. 
The  rest  are  out  on  parties;  yet  the  Indians  continue  to 
hunt  the  roads,  and  pick  up  straggling  persons." 

On  the  next  day  Washington  further  wrote  to  Din- 
widdie : 

"  Since  writing  my  letter  of  yesterday's  date,  the  en 
closed  came  to  hand,  by  which  your  Honor  will  be  in 
formed  of  a  very  unlucky  affair  (a  skirmish  with  the  In 
dians  at  Edwards's  Fort,  in  which  Captain  J.  Mercer  and 
several  of  his  party  were  killed). 


308  WASHINGTON. 

"  I  immediately  consulted  Governor  Innes,  and  such 
officers  of  my  regiment  as  were  at  this  place,  on  the  neces 
sary  steps  to  be  taken.  They  unanimously  advised  that  I 
should  remain  here  with  the  50  recruits  that  are  in  town, 
for  the  defence  of  the  place,  until  the  militia  be  raised, 
that  we  may  thereby  be  enabled  to  compose  a  formidable 
body  and  march  out  against  the  enemy.  This  engagement 
happened  within  20  miles  of  Winchester,  and  the  sergeant, 
who  brought  the  letter,  assures  me  that  they  have  reason 
to  imagine,  that  their  numbers  are  greater  than  the  letter 
informs.  He  says  that  there  were  many  French  amongst 
them,  and  that  the  chief  part  of  the  whole  were  mounted 
on  horseback;  so  that  there  is  a  great  probability  that 
they  may  have  a  design  upon  this  place. 

"  I  have  sent  an  express  to  Lord  Fairfax,  with  a  copy 
of  Stark's  letter,  and  have  desired,  in  the  most  earnest 
manner,  that  he  will  be  expeditious  in  calling  the  militia; 
but,  alas!  that  is  an  unhappy  dependence;  yet  the  only 
one  we  have  at  present." 

"Washington's  old  friend,  Lord  Fairfax/'  says  Irving, 
had  "  found  himself  no  longer  safe  in  his  rural  abode. 
Greenway  Court  was  in  the  midst  of  a  woodland  region, 
affording  a  covert  approach  for  the  stealthy  savage.  His 
lordship  was  considered  a  great  chief,  whose  scalp  would 
be  an  inestimable  trophy  for  an  Indian  warrior.  Fears 
were  entertained,  therefore,  by  his  friends,  that  an  attempt 
would  be  made  to  surprise  him  in  his  greenwood  castle. 
His  nephew,  Colonel  Martin  of  the  militia,  who  resided 
with  him,  suggested  the  expediency  of  a  removal  to  the 
lower  settlements,  beyond  Blue  Ridge.  The  high-spirited 
old  nobleman  demurred;  his  heart  cleaved  to  the  home 
which  he  had  formed  for  himself  in  the  wilderness.  'I 
am  an  old  man/  said  he,  'and  it  is  of  little  importance 
whether  I  fall  by  the  tomahawk  or  die  of  disease  and  old 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  309 

age ;  but  you  are  young,  and,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  have  many 
years  before  you,  therefore  decide  for  us  both;  my  only 
fear  is,  that  if  we  retire,  the  whole  district  will  break  up 
and  take  to  flight ;  and  this  fine  country,  which  I  have  been 
at  such  cost  and  trouble  to  improve,  will  again  become 
a  wilderness.' 

"  Colonel  Martin  took  but  a  short  time  to  deliberate. 
He  knew  the  fearless  character  of  his  uncle,  and  perceived 
what  was  his  inclination.  He  considered  that  his  lordship 
had  numerous  retainers,  white  and  black,  with  hardy  hunts 
men  and  foresters  to  rally  round  him,  and  that  Greenway 
Court  was  at  no  great  distance  from  Winchester;  he  de 
cided,  therefore,  that  they  should  remain  and  abide  the 
course  of  events." 

To  Lord  Fairfax,  April  iQth,  Washington  wrote : 

"  Unless  I  can  throw  some  ammunition  into  Edwards's 
Fort  to-night,  the  remainder  of  our  party,  and  the  inhab 
itants  that  are  there,  will  more  than  probably  fall  a  sacri 
fice  to  the  Indians,  as  the  bearer,  who  came  off  with  the 
enclosed,  assures  me  that  the  fort  was  surrounded,  and 
that  an  assault  was  expected  to-day."] 

They  had  waylaid  and  massacred  scouting  parties.  They 
had  attacked  forts.  In  a  skirmish  they  had  routed  a  party 
of  Americans  and  had  killed  Captain  Mercer.  They  had 
also  slain  other  military  officers,  and  they  had  robbed  and 
murdered  occupants  of  villages  and  plantations  but  a  few 
miles  from  large  towns,  and  even  within  twenty  miles  of 
the  Commander-in-Chief's  headquarters  at  Winchester. 

The  whole  frontier  of  Virginia  for  the  distance  of  more 
than  350  miles  was  exposed  to  the  encroachments  of  the 
savages.  And  the  sufferings  of  the  settlers,  throughout 
that  range  of  border  territory,  were  peculiarly  afflictive  at 
this  crisis.  Their  once  happy  homes  were  now  haunted  by 
continual  apprehensions  of  scenes  of  blood.  While  at  the 


310  WASHINGTON. 

plough  or  while  gathering  the  fruits  yielded  by  their 
orchards  or  gardens  they  were  liable  to  be  surprised  by  the 
demoniac  red  man,  seen  coming  at  a  distance,  or  discov 
ered  lurking  behind  trunks  of  trees,  or  crouching  in  high 
grass  and  among  underwood.  The  cheerful  harvest  song 
of  the  borderer  might,  at  any  moment,  be  interrupted  and 
hushed  by  the  Indian  whoop  or  yell.  And  the  engaging 
pictures  of  rural  domestic  life,  afforded  by  the  mother  at 
her  spinning-wheel  or  in  her  household  duties,  her  children 
in  their  gleeful  sports,  and  her  infant  in  the  cradle,  might 
suddenly  be  transformed  into  tragic  scenes  of  blood,  which 
none  but  fiends  in  the  human  form  could  have  the  heart 
to  create  or  could  look  upon  without  remorse. 

At  the  signal  of  Indians  coming  the  borderers  would 
sometimes  be  able  to  flee  unharmed,  but  it  was  to  surrender 
life's  comforts  and  often  common  necessaries.  They  might 
resort  for  protection,  as  they  frequently  did,  to  stockade 
forts,  but  there,  surrounded  by  their  pursuers,  they  were 
generally  reduced  to  extreme  thirst  and  hunger,  and  on  at 
tempting  to  escape  for  their  lives,  were  hunted  down  and 
slain.  And  to  these  evils  were  added  those  of  captivity 
and  torture,  for  the  fierce  and  bloodthirsty  red  man  of  the 
woods  seizes  ruthlessly  and  indiscriminately  men,  women, 
children,  and  even  tender  babes,  and,  not  content  with 
slaughter,  delights  at  times  in  protracted  merciless  cruelty, 
and  exults  at  shrieks  of  anguish  extorted  from  his  victims. 

The  want  of  suitable  legislative  measures  providing  for 
this  state  of  things  was  felt  and  lamented.  Unfurnished 
with  the  necessary  men  and  means  for  defense  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  appealed  to  Governor  Dinwiddie  in  touch 
ing  terms.  In  one  of  his  appeals  he  uses  these  glowing 
words :  "  Your  honor  may  see  to  what  unhappy  straits  the 
distressed  inhabitants  and  myself  are  reduced.  I  am  too 
little  acquainted,  sir,  with  pathetic  language,  to  attempt  a 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  311 

description  of  the  people's  distresses,  though  I  have  a 
generous  soul  sensible  of  wrongs  and  swelling  for  redress. 
But  what  can  I  do?  If  bleeding,  dying!  would  glut  their 
insatiate  revenge,  I  would  be  a  willing  offering  to  savage 
fury,  and  die  by  inches  to  save  a  people.  I  see  their  situa 
tion,  know  their  danger,  and  participate  their  sufferings, 
without  having  it  in  my  power  to  give  them  further  relief 
than  uncertain  promises.  In  short,  I  see  inevitable  de 
struction  in  so  clear  a  light  that  unless  vigorous  measures 
are  taken  by  the  Assembly  and  speedy  assistance  sent 
from  below,  the  poor  inhabitants  that  are  now  in  forts 
must  unavoidably  fall  while  the  remainder  are  fleeing  be 
fore  the  barbarous  foe. 

"  In  fine,  the  melancholy  situation  of  the  people,  the 
little  prospect  of  assistance,  the  gross  and  scandalous 
abuse  cast  upon  the  officers  in  general,  which  is  reflecting 
upon  me  in  particular,  for  suffering  misconduct  of  such 
extraordinary  kinds,  and  the  distant  prospect,  if  any,  of 
gaining  honor  and  reputation  in  the  service,  cause  me  to 
lament  the  hour  that  gave  me  a  commission  and  would 
induce  me,  at  any  other  time  than  this  of  imminent  dan 
ger,  to  resign,  without  one  hesitating  moment,  a  command 
from  which  I  never  expect  to  reap  either  honor  or  benefit, 
but  on  the  contrary,  have  almost  an  absolute  certainty  of 
incurring  displeasure  below,  while  the  murder  of  helpless 
families  may  be  laid  to  my  account  here ! 

"  The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women,  and  moving  peti 
tions  of  the  men,  melt  me  into  such  deadly  sorrow  that  I 
solemnly  declare,  if  I  know  my  own  mind,  I  could  offer 
myself  a  willing  sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy,  provided 
that  would  contribute  to  the  people's  ease. 

["  Lord  Fairfax  has  ordered  men  from  the  adjacent 
counties,  but  when  they  will  come,  or  in  what  numbers,  I 
cannot  pretend  to  determine.  If  I  may  judge  from  the  sue- 


312  WASHINGTON. 

cess  we  have  met  with  here,  I  have  but  little  hopes,  as 
three  days  incessant  endeavors  have  produced  but  20  men. 

"  I  have  too  often  urged  my  opinion  for  vigorous  meas 
ures  ;  therefore  I  shall  only  add,  that,  besides  the  accounts 
you  will  receive  in  the  letters,  we  are  told  from  all  parts 
that  the  woods  seem  to  be  alive  with  Indians,  who  feast 
upon  the  fat  of  the  land.  As  we  have  not  more  than  a 
barrel  or  two  of  powder  at  this  place  (Winchester),  the 
rest  being  at  Fort  Cumberland,  I  could  wish  your  Honor 
would  send  some  up.  I  have  written  to  Alexandria  and 
Fredericksburg,  desiring  that  -  two  barrels  may  be  sent 
from  each  place,  but  whether  there  is  any  at  either,  I 
know  not.  I  have  sent  orders  to  Captain  Harrison  to 
be  diligent  on  the  waters  where  he  is  poste_d,  and  to  use 
his  utmost  endeavors  to  protect  the  people ;  and,  if  possi 
ble,  to  surprise  the  enemy  at  their  sleeping  places  Ashby's 
letter  is  a  very  extraordinary  one  (reporting  that  400  In 
dians  had  demanded  the  surrender  of  his  fort,  1500  had 
gone  to  Fort  Cumberland  and  2000  to  the  Juniata).  The 
design  of  the  Indians  was  only,  in  my  opinion,  to  intimi 
date  him  into  a  surrender.  For  which  reason  I  have  writ 
ten  him  word,  that  if  they  do  attack  him,  he  must  defend 
that  place  to  the  last  extremity,  and  when  he  is  bereft  of 
hope,  then  to  lay  a  train  to  blow  up  the  fort,  and  retire 
by  night  to  Fort  Cumberland.  A  small  fort,  which  we 
have  at  the  mouth  of  Patterson's  Creek,  containing  an 
officer  and  30  men  guarding  stores,  was  attacked  smartly 
by  the  French  and  Indians ;  they  were  as  warmly  received, 
upon  which  they  retired.  Our  men  at  present  are  dis 
persed  into  such  small  bodies,  guarding  the  people  and 
public  stores,  that  we  are  not  able  to  make,  or  even  form 
a  body."]* 

His  heartfelt  concern  for  the  people's  welfare  could  not 
*  Letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  22,  1756. 


SAMUEL  ADAMS. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  313 

find  utterance  in  words  more  glowing.  He  was  willing  to 
surrender  his  life  for  their  sake.  Yet  at  the  very  period 
when  thus,  in  the  spirit  of  the  Roman  Decii,  he  was  in 
dulging  intense  emotions  of  self-sacrifice,  his  feelings  were 
subjected  to  a  severe  torture.  A  plot  was  formed  to  effect 
his  removal  from  his  post.  Numerous  reports  to  the  dis 
credit  of  the  army,  the  officers,  and  the  commander,  were 
industriously  circulated  through  the  columns  of  a  news 
paper. 

The  keen  sensibilities  of  the  commander  were  of  course 
deeply  wounded,  especially  as  the  authors  of  the  libelous 
reports  did  not  meet  with  prompt  rebukes  in  his  behalf. 
Indulging  the  noble  independence  of  his  mind  he  thought 
of  at  once  resigning  his  commission.  This  was  the  secret 
hope  of  his  calumniators.  But  it  was  doomed  to  bitter 
disappointment.  The  faction  which  sought  by  means  oi 
his  retirement  and  of  their  favor  with  their  Scotch  country 
man,  Governor  Dinwiddie,  to  gain  rank  and  emolument, 
was  detected  and  rewarded  to  the  full  measure  with  deserved 
obloquy,  and  Colonel  Washington  gave  free  utterance  to 
such  sentiments  as  the  occasion  demanded  and  caused  his 
merits  to  shine  with  increased  luster.  Robinson,  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  said:  "Our  hopes, 
Dear  George,  are  all  fixed  on  you  for  bringing  our  affairs 
to  a  happy  issue.  Consider  of  what  fatal  consequences 
to  your  country  your  resigning  the  command  at  this  time 
may  be;  more  especially  as  there  is  no  doubt  that  most 
of  the  officers  would  follow  your  example.  I  hope  you 
will  allow  your  ruling  passion,  the  love  of  your  country, 
to  stifle  your  resentment  at  least  till  the  arrival  of  Lord 
Loudoun,  or  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly,  when  you 
may  be  sure  of  having  justice  done.  Who  those  of 
your  pretended  friends  are  who  give  credit  to  the  ma 
licious  reflections  in  that  scandalous  libel  I  assure  you  I 


314  WASHINGTON. 

am  ignorant;  and  I  do  declare  that  I  never  heard  any  man 
of  honor  or  reputation  speak  the  least  disrespectful  of  you, 
or  censure  your  conduct,  and  there  is  no  well-wisher  of  his 
country  that  would  not  be  greatly  concerned  to  hear  of 
your  resigning." 

An  affectionate  friend  wrote  to  him :  "  You  cannot  but 
know  that  nothing  but  want  of  power  in  your  country  has 
prevented  it  from  adding  every  honor  and  reward  that  per 
fect  merit  could  have  entitled  itself  to.  How  are  we  grieved 
to  hear  Col.  George  Washington  hinting  to  his  country 
that  he  is  willing  to  retire!  Give  me  leave,  as  your  most 
intimate  friend,  to  persuade  you  to  forget  that  anything 
has  been  said  to  your  dishonor;  and  recollect  that  it  could 
not  have  come  from  any  man  that  knew  you.  And  as  it 
may  have  been  the  artifice  of  one  in  no  esteem  among  your 
countrymen  to  raise  in  you  such  unjust  suspicions  as  would 
induce  you  to  desert  the  cause  that  his  own  preferment 
might  meet  with  no  obstacle,  I  am  confident  you  will 
endeavor  to  give  us  the  good  effects,  not  only  of  duty  but 
of  great  cheerfulness  and  satisfaction  in  such  a  service. 
No,  sir;  rather  let  Braddock's  bed  be  your  aim  than  any 
thing  that  might  discolor  those  laurels  which  I  promise 
myself  are  kept  in  store  for  you."* 

Another  friend  wrote :  "  From  my  constant  attendance 
in  the  House  (of  Burgesses),  I  can  with  great  truth  say, 
I  never  heard  your  conduct  questioned.  Whenever  you 
are  mentioned,  it  is  with  the  greatest  respect.  Your  or 
ders  and  instructions  appear  in  a  light  worthy  of  the  most 
experienced  officer.  I  can  assure  you  that  a  very  great 
majority  of  the  House  prefer  you  to  any  other  person." 

Colonel  William  Fairfax,  a  member  of  the  Governor's 
council,  thus  eloquently  appealed  to  him  :  "  Your  endeavors 
in  the  service  and  defense  of  your  country  must  redound 

*  Letter  "from  Landon  Carter. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  315 

to  your  honor;  therefore  do  not  let  any  unavoidable  inter 
ruptions  sicken  your  mind  in  the  attempts  you  may  pursue. 
Your  good  health  and  fortune  are  the  toast  of  every  table. 
Among  the  Romans,  such  a  general  acclamation  and  pub 
lic  regard,  shown  to  any  of  their  chieftains,  were  always 
esteemed  a  high  honor  and  gratefully  accepted."* 

[Sparks  says  of  this  plot  against  Washington:  "The 
Governor,  being  a  Scotchman,  was  surrounded  by  a  knot 
of  Caledonian  friends,  who  wished  to  profit  by  this  alli 
ance,  and  obtain  for  themselves  a  larger  share  of  consid 
eration  than  they  could  command  in  the  present  order  of 
things.  The  discontented,  and  such  as  thought  their 
merits  undervalued,  naturally  fell  into  this  faction.  To 
create  dissatisfaction  in  the  army,  and  cause  the  officers 
to  resign  from  disgust,  would  not  only  distract  the  coun 
sels  of  the  ruling  party,  but  make  room  for  new  promo 
tions.  Colonel  Innes,  the  governor's  favorite,  would 
ascend  to  the  chief  command,  and  the  subordinate  places 
would  be  reserved  for  his  adherents.  Hence  false  rumors 
were  set  afloat,  and  the  pen  of  detraction  was  busy  to  dis 
seminate  them.  Stories  were  circulated  to  the  disparage 
ment  of  the  army,  charging  the  officers  with  gross  irregu 
larities  and  neglect  of  duty,  and  indirectly  throwing  the 
blame  upon  the  commander.  A  malicious  person  filled  a 
gazette  with  tales  of  this  sort,  which  seemed  for  the  mo 
ment  to  receive  public  countenance.  But  the  artifice  was 
easily  seen  through,  and  its  aims  were  defeated,  by  the 
leaders  on  the  patriotic  side,  who  looked  to  Colonel  Wash 
ington  as  a  pillar  of  support  to  their  cause."] 

These  powerful  appeals  addressed  to  the  noble  and  gen 
erous  mind  of  Washington  could  not  fail  of  success.  He 
continued  in  his  office.  And  he  was  even  cheered  to  pur 
sue  its  duties  with  increased  alacrity. 

•  *  Letter  to  Washington. 


316  WASHINGTON. 

At  this  time  (1756)  the  Assembly  resolved  to  increase 
the  army  to  1,500  men  and  to  establish  a  line  of  twenty- 
three  forts  which,  extending  from  the  Potomac  to  North 
Carolina,  would  constitute  a  frontier  defense  for  about  300 
miles.  But  this,  in  the  opinion  of  the  commander,  was  an 
inadequate  provision  for  the  existing  exigency.  He  urged 
the  House  of  Burgesses  to  increase  the  army  to  2,000  men. 
He  pointed  to  the  great  extent  of  the  frontier  to  be  pro 
tected;  he  pointed  to  the  forts  which  required  to  be  gar 
risoned;  and  he  pointed  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  border 
country  retiring  before  the  enemy  until  they  were  about 
even  to  cross  the  Blue  Ridge. 

The  powerful  eloquence  of  his  appeal  was  not  without 
effect.  There  prevailed  a  general  and  intense  feeling.  The 
Burgesses  requested  the  Governor  to  summon  half  the 
militia  of  the  adjoining  counties  to  co-operate  in  meeting 
the  fearful  emergency.  And  the  Attorney-General,  Mr. 
Peyton  Randolph,  in  the  ardor  of  his  military  zeal  on  the 
occasion,  formed  a  company  of  100  gentlemen  to  act  as 
volunteers  in  the  approaching  campaign.  His  conduct  was 
an  expressive  indication  of  the  spirit  of  the  times.  But  the 
measure  which  he  adopted  was  evidently  far  more  credit 
able  to  his  heart  than  to  his  head.  Judge  Marshall,  allud 
ing  to  the  incident,  very  judiciously  observes  "  Ten  well- 
trained  woodsmen  or  Indians  would  have  rendered  more 
service." 

The  House  of  Burgesses'  scheme  to  establish  a  line  of 
forts  from  the  Potomac  to  North  Carolina  was  disapproved 
of  by  the  Governor.  Washington,  also,  for  reasons  which 
he  assigned,  preferred  a  few  strong  to  many  feeble  gar 
risons  ;  yet  in  obedience  to  the  Assembly's  will  he  planned 
and  constructed  the  proposed  military  works.  In  doing 
this  however  he  encountered  many  and  perplexing  annoy 
ances,  arising  chiefly  from  Governor  Dinwiddie's  exer- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  317 

else  of  his  prerogative  in  military  matters,  and  from  the 
Governor  of  Maryland's  deranging  the  Virginia  Assembly's 
plans. 

To  provide  effectually  for  relief  from  all  existing  evils 
Washington  sent  a  full  narrative  of  the  state  of  things  to 
the  Earl  of  Loudoun,  who  had  succeeded  General  Shirley 
as  commander-in-chief,  and  was  then  at  New  York.  It 
was  the  first  intention  of  Lord  Loudoun  to  go  to  Virginia. 
This  intention  however  he  did  not  fulfill.  But  he  held  at 
Philadelphia  a  meeting  of  the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  North  Carolina,  and  Virginia.  Washington,  who 
was  present  at  the  meeting,  was  favorably  regarded  by  the 
Governors  in  their  consultations. 

It  was  his  wish  that  the  Virginia  troops  should  be  put 
upon  the  regular  establishment  and  that  he  and  his  officers 
should  hold  royal  commissions.  In  this  wish  however  he 
was  disappointed;  yet,  by  an  arrangement  agreeable  to 
him,  he  and  all  the  provincial  officers  not  comprehended 
in  the  northern  army,  were  to  conduct  their  operations 
under  the  general  orders  of  Colonel  Stanwix,  an  accom 
plished  British  officer  stationed  in  the  interior  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  mid 
dle  and  southern  provinces. 

The  thoughts  of  the  Governors  were  directed  particu 
larly  toward  Canada  and  the  northern  lakes,  and  they  re 
solved  to  take  no  offensive  measures  in  the  South.  Fort 
Cumberland,  being  situated  in  Maryland,  they  agreed  to 
commit  to  that  province's  keeping.  The  defense  of  Vir 
ginia  against  savages  was  to  be  provided  for  by  Colonel 
Stanwix. 

It  was  a  welcome  communication  which  Washington  re 
ceived  from  Governor  Dinwiddie,  instructing  him  to  look 
to  the  British  colonel  for  orders.  "  Colonel  Stanwix,"  said 
the  Governor,  "  being  appointed  commander-in-chief,  you 


318  WASHINGTON. 

must  submit  to  his  orders  without  regard  to  any  you  may 
receive  from  me ;  he  being  near  the  place  can  direct  affairs 
better  than  I  can." 

The  intercourse  of  Washington  with  this  accomplished 
military  officer  was  always  of  the  most  agreeable  nature. 
Colonel  Stanwix  was  a  gentlemen  of  education  and  refine 
ment.  He  was  promoted  in  the  year  1758  to  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general,  and,  being  sent  to  an  important  post  at 
the  head  of  boat  navigation  on  the  Mohawk,  he  built  a 
fort  there,  called,  in  honor  of  his  name,  Fort  Stanwix. 
This  military  work,  afterward  called  Fort  Schuyler,  was 
greatly  celebrated  during  the  Revolutionary  War. 

[The  extraordinary  interest  and  importance  of  the  pas 
sage  in  Washington's  life  covering  his  military  service  on 
the  frontiers  to  the  west  and  northwest  of  Virginia,  are 
very  inadequately  shown  by  any  narrative  of  the  general 
facts,  without  large  reproduction  of  his  own  account  of 
particulars.  The  interest,  in  fact,  of  what  he  said,  in  vari 
ous  letters  and  elaborate  communications,  far  exceeds 
that  of  anything  that  was  done,  and  it  is  most  surprising 
that  no  story  of  the  years  1756  and  1757,  in  his  own  words, 
has  ever  been  attempted.  That  story  we  add  here  as 
of  the  greatest  importance  for  knowledge  of  Washington 
at  24  and  25  years  of  age. 

April  24,  1756,  Washington  wrote  from  Winchester  to 
Governor  Dinwiddie: 

"  Not  an  hour,  nay  scarcely  a  minute  passes,  that  does 
not  produce  fresh  alarms  and  melancholy  accounts;  so 
that  I  am  distracted  what  to  do.  Nor  is  it  possible  for 
me  to  give  the  people  the  necessary  assistance  for  their 
defense,  upon  account  of  the  small  number  we  have,  or 
are  likely  to  be  here  for  some  time.  The  inhabitants  are 
removing  daily,  and  in  a  short  time  will  leave  this  county 
as  desolate  as  Hampshire,  where  scarce  a  family  lives. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  319 

"Three  families  were  murdered  the  night  before  last 
within  12  miles  from  this  place;  and  every  day  we  have 
accounts  of  such  cruelties  and  barbarities  as  are  shocking 
to  human  nature.  Nor  is  it  possible  to  conceive  the  situa 
tion  of  this  miserable  country.  Such  numbers  of  French 
and  Indians  are  all  around,  no  road  is  safe  to  travel; 
and  here  we  know  not  the  hour  how  soon  we  may  be 
attacked. 

"  I  have  written  for  the  militia  of  Fairfax,  Prince  Wil 
liam,  and  Culpeper  (counties),  and  expect  them  here  in 
a  very  few  days.  But  how  they  are  to  be  supplied  with 
ammunition  and  provision,  I  am  quite  at  a  loss.  The 
distance  of  Fort  Cumberland  from  us,  where  these  sup 
plies  are,  renders  them  useless,  in  a  manner,  and  puts 
us  to  the  greatest  straits;  and  the  inhabitants  leaving  their 
farms  will  make  it  impossible  for  the  militia  to  subsist 
without  provisions,  which  are  now  very  scarce,  and  will 
be  more  so.  I  should  therefore  be  glad  your  Honor 
would  send  up  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions,  and 
give  immediate  orders  for  the  Irish  beef  at  Alexandria, 
which  cannot  be  had  without  your  consent. 

11  Your  Honor  spoke  of  sending  some  Indians  to  our 
assistance,  in  which  no  time  should  be  lost,  nor  means 
omitted  to  engage  all  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees  that 
can  possibly  be  gathered  together,  and  immediately  dis 
patched  hither.  For  without  Indians  to  oppose  Indians, 
we  may  expect  but  small  success.  And  I  should  think 
it  no  bad  scheme,  (while  the  Indians  remain  here  in  such 
numbers,)  to  have  a  detachment  sent  out  with  some 
friendly  Indians  to  make  an  attempt  upon  their  towns, — 
though  this  should  be  executed  with  all  imaginable  secrecy. 

"  I  have  been  just  now  informed,  that  numbers  about 
the  neighborhood  hold  councils  and  cabals  to  very  dis 
honorable  purposes,  and  unworthy  the  thoughts  of  a  Brit- 


320  WASHINGTON. 

ish  subject.  Despairing  of  assistance  and  protection  from 
below  (as  they  foolishly  conjecture),  they  talk  of  capitu 
lating  and  coming  upon  terms  with  the  French  and 
Indians,  rather  than  lose  their  lives  and  fortunes  through 
obstinacy.  My  force,  at  present,  is  very  weak,  and  un 
able  to  take  the  necessary  measures  with  those  suspected; 
but,  as  soon  as  the  militia  arrive,  be  assured  I  will  do 
my  utmost  to  detect  and  secure  such  pests  of  society, 
if  my  information  is  not  groundless,  which  I  should  be 
pleased  to  find  so." 

Reporting  that  a  council  of  war  had  determined  that 
"  Enoch's  "  fort  should  be  abandoned  and  that  all  of  the 
garrison  possible  to  be  spared  at  Fort  Edwards  should 
march  to  Winchester;  and  also  that  there  had  been  a 
fight  with  the  French  and  Indians  at  Fort  Hopewell,  on 
the  South  Branch,  with  the  waters  so  high  that  assist 
ance  could  not  be  sent, —  Washington  added: 

"  From  these  and  other  circumstances,  you  may  form 
but  a  faint  idea  of  the  wretched  and  unhappy  situation 
of  this  country,  nor  can  it  be  conceived. 

"  My  extreme  hurry,  confusion,  and  anxiety  must 
plead  an  excuse  for  incorrectness,  &c." 

To  John  Robinson,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
an  ardent  friend,  and  the  recognized  political  chief  of  the 
colony,  Washington  wrote  the  same  day,  from  Winchester: 

"  The  deplorable  situation  of  this  people  is  no  more 
to  be  described  than  my  anxiety  and  uneasiness  for  their 
relief.  And  I  see  in  so  clear  a  light  the  inevitable  de 
struction  of  this  county  without  immediate  assistance, 
that  I  cannot  look  forward  but  with  the  most  poignant 
sorrow. 

"You  may  expect,  by  the  time  this  comes  to  hand, 
that,  without  a  considerable  reinforcement,  Frederick 
county  will  not  be  mistress  of  fifteen  families.  They  are 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  321 

now  retreating  to  the  securest  parts  in  droves  of  fifties. 
In  short,  everything  has  too  melancholy  an  appearance 
for  pen  to  communicate.  I  have  therefore  sent  an  officer, 
whose  good  sense  and  judicious  observations  will  be  a 
more  effectual  way  of  transmitting  an  account  of  the  peo 
ple's  distresses. 

"  I  wish  the  Assembly  had  given  2000  men,  instead  of 
1500,  and  that  I  had  been  acquainted  with  the  dispositions 
they  intended  to  make.  Since  I  am  ignorant  of  this,  I 
hope  it  will  not  be  thought  presuming  when  I  offer  my 
sentiments  upon  the  subject. 

"  We  are,  Sir,  first  to  consider,  that  if  a  chain  of  forts 
is  to  be  erected  upon  our  frontiers,  it  is  done  with  a  de 
sign  to  protect  the  people.  Therefore,  if  these  forts  are 
more  than  15  and  18  miles,  or  a  day's  march,  asunder,  and 
garrisoned  with  less  than  80  or  100  men  each,  the  intention 
is  lost,  and  for  these  reasons,  ist,  if  they  are  greater  dis 
tances,  it  is  inconvenient  for  the  soldiers  to  scout,  and 
allows  the  enemy  to  pass  between  without  being  easily  dis 
covered,  and  when  discovered  so  soon  pursued.  And  sec 
ondly,  if  they  are  garrisoned  with  less  than  80  or  100  men 
each,  the  number  will  be  too  few  to  afford  detachments. 
Then,  again,  our  frontiers  are  so  extensive,  that,  were  the 
enemy  to  attack  us  on  the  one  side,  before  the  troops  on 
the  other  could  get  to  their  assistance,  they  might  overrun 
and  destroy  half  the  country.  And  it  is  more  than  proba 
ble,  if  they  had  a  design  upon  the  first,  they  would  make 
a  feint  upon  the  other.  Then  we  are  to  consider  what 
sums  the  building  of  20  forts  would  cost,  and  the  remov 
ing  stores  and  provisions  to  each;  and  in  the  last  place, 
we.  are  to  consider  where  and  when  this  expense  is  to 
end.  For,  if  we  do  not  endeavor  to  remove  the  cause, 
we  are  as  liable  to  the  same  incursions  seven  years  hence 

21 


323  WASHINGTON. 

as  now,  if  the  war  continues,  and  they  are  allowed  to  re 
main  on  the  Ohio. 

"  I  shall  next  give  the  reasons,  which  I  think  make 
for  a  defensive  plan.  If  the  neighboring  Colonies  refuse 
us  their  assistance,  we  have  neither  strength  or  abilities 
of  ourselves  to  conduct  an  expedition;  or,  if  we  had,  and 
were  the  whole  to  join  us,  I  do  not  see  to  what  pur 
pose,  since  we  have  neither  a  train  of  artillery,  artillery 
men,  engineers,  &c.,  to  execute  any  scheme  beyond  the 
mountains  against  a  regular  fortress.  Again,  we  have 
not,  that  I  can  see  either  stores  or  provisions,  arms  or 
ammunition,  wagons  or  horses,  in  any  degree  propor 
tioned  to  the  service;  and  to  undertake  an  affair,  where 
we  are  sure  to  fall  through,  would  be  productive  of  the 
worst  consequences,  and  another  defeat  would  entirely 
lose  us  the  interest  of  every  Indian. 

"  If,  then,  we  cannot  act  offensively  with  a  prospect 
of  success,  we  must  be  upon  the  defensive;  and  that  there 
is  no  way  to  protect  the  people,  or  save  ourselves,  but 
by  a  chain  of  forts,  is  evidently  certain. 

"  I  would  beg  leave,  in  that  case,  to  propose  that  there 
should  be  a  strong  fort  erected  at  this  place  (Winches 
ter)  for  a  general  receptacle  of  all  the  stores,  &c.,  and 
a  place  of  residence  for  the  commanding  officers,  to  be 
garrisoned  with  one  company  for  the  security  of  the 
stores,  and  to  serve  as  escorts  for  all  wagons  that  are 
going  higher  up,  because  it  is  the  most  public  and  most 
convenient  for  intelligence  of  any  in  the  country,  and  the 
most  convenient  to  the  part  that  will  ever  be  attacked  by 
numbers,  it  lying  directly  on  the  road  to  Fort  Duquesne, 
from  whence,  and  their  Indian  allies,  who  are  still  higher 
up,  we  have  the  greatest  reason  to  apprehend  danger.  It 
also  lies  convenient  to  the  inhabitants  for  raising  the  mili 
tia  when  occasion  requires. 


LIFE^AND  TIMES.  323 

"  I  have  found  by  experience,  that  being  just  within  the 
inhabitants  is  absolutely  necessary  to  give  orders  for  the 
defense  of  the  people;  and  that  Fort  Cumberland  is  of  no 
more  use  towards  the  defence  of  the  country  than  Fort 
George  at  Hampton,  and  know  as  little  what  is  doing, 
For  the  people  so  soon  as  they  are  alarmed,  immediately 
fly  towards,  and  at  this  time  there  is  not  an  inhabitant 
living  between  here  and  Fort  Cumberland,  except  a  few 
settlements  upon  the  Manor  about  a  fort  we  built  there, 
and  a  few  families  at  Edwards's,  on  Cacapehon,  with  a 
guard  of  ours;  which  makes  this  very  town  at  present  the 
outmost  frontiers,  and  though  a  place  trifling  in  itself, 
is  yet  of  the  utmost  importance,  as  it  commands  the  com 
munication  from  east  to  west,  as  well  as  from  north  to 
south;  for  at  this  place  do  almost  all  the  roads  center; 
and  secures  the  great  roads  of  one  half  of  our  frontiers 
to  the  markets  of  the  neighboring  colonies,  as  well  as 
to  those  on  Rappahannock  and  Potomack.  At  Fort  Cum 
berland  I  would  have  one  company  garrisoned  to  secure 
the  place,  to  procure  the  earliest  intelligence,  and  to  cover 
all  detachments  that  may  be  sent  towards  the  Ohio, 
which  is  all  the  use  that  it  can  ever  be  of.  In  the  next 
place,  I  would  propose,  that  a  good  fort  should  be  erected 
between  this  and  Fort  Cumberland,  which  shall  be  in  a 
line  with  the  chain  of  forts  across  the  country,  and  be 
garrisoned  with  two  companies.  This  I  would  advise, 
because,  as  I  before  observed,  if  we  are  ever  attacked 
by  a  large  body,  it  must  be  here,  as  they  have  no  other 
road  to  our  frontiers,  either  to  transport  men  or  neces 
saries. 

"  These  three  forts  that  I  have  already  spoken  of  will  em 
ploy  four  companies,  which  will  be  a  tolerable  body,  if  the 
companies  are  large,  which  they  would  be  according  to  the 
plan  I  sent  you.  And  it  would  be  a  trifling  expense  to 


324  WASHINGTON. 

augment  each  company  to  100  privates,  which  will  make 
2000  exclusive  of  officers,  which  were  included  in  the 
scheme  last  sent. 

"  After  this  is  done,  I  would  post  the  remaining  com 
panies  equidistant,  or  at  proper  passes,  along  our  fron 
tiers,  agreeable  to  the  enclosed  sketch,  and  order  com 
munications  to  be  opened  between  fort  and  fort,  and  large 
detachments  scouting  to  discover  the  tracks  of  the  enemy. 

"  And  now,  Sir,  one  thing  to  add,  which  requires  the 
Assembly's  attention,  and  that  is,  in  what  vale,  or  upon 
what  part  of  our  frontiers  these  forts  are  to  be  built? 
For  I  am  to  tell  you  that  the  Great  Ridge  or  North  Moun 
tain,  so  called  in  Evans's  map,  to  which  I  refer,  is  now 
become  our  exterior  bound,  there  not  being  one  inhabitant 
beyond  that  on  all  the  Potomack  waters,  except  a  few 
families  on  the  South  Branch,  and  at  Joseph  Edwards's, 
on  Cacapehon,  guarded  by  a  party  of  ours.  So  that  it 
requires  some  consideration  to  determine  whether  we  are 
to  build  near  this  to  protect  the  present  inhabitants;  or 
on  the  South  Branch,  or  Patterson's  Creek,  in  the  hopes 
of  drawing  back  those  who  have  forsaken  their  dwellings. 

"  If  we  do  not  build  there,  that  country  will  ever  want 
settlers;  and  if  we  do,  there  is  so  great  a  blank,  with  such 
a  series  of  mountains  between,  that  it  will  be  next  to  im 
possible  to  guard  the  people  effectually.  I  could  again 
wish  that  the  Assembly  had  given  2000  men,  exclusive  of 
officers,  to  be  formed  into  two  battalions  of  ten  companies 
each,  with  four  field  officers.  Indeed,  1500  men  are  a 
greater  number  than  ever  was  in  a  regiment  of  only  one 
battalion,  and  they  should  be  divided  into  two,  with  four 
field  officers,  who  should  be  posted  so  as  to  have  the  im 
mediate  care  of  a  certain  number  of  forts,  with  orders  to 
draw  from  one  to  another,  as  occasion  should  require. 

"  I  could  add  more  on  this  subject,  but  I  am  so  hurried 


LIFE' AND  TIMES.  325 

that  I  am  obliged  to  refer  for  further  particulars  to  the 
bearer,  who  will  tell  you  that,  to  carry  on  all  these  works, 
a  number  of  tools,  as  well  as  many  other  necessaries,  will 
be  absolutely  wanted. 

"  I  have  given  my  opinion  with  candor,  and  submit  to 
correction  with  the  greatest  pleasure.  Confusion  and 
hurry  must  apoligize  for  the  incoherence  and  incorrect 
ness  hereof." 

In  the  same  letter  to  Robinson,  Washington  said: 

"  I  am  sorry  to  hear  the  reflections  upon  the  conduct 
of  the  officers.  I  could  wish  that  their  names  had  been 
particularized,  that  justice  might  be  done  to  the  inno 
cent  and  guilty!  for  it  is  extremely  hard,  that  the  whole 
corps  should  suffer  the  most  ungenteel  reproaches  for  the 
inadvertence  and  misconduct  of  a  few." 

The  orders  of  Washington  were  as  strict  as  language 
could  make  them,  and  as  severe  in  the  penalties  threat 
ened  as  could  be  ventured.  A  soldier  found  drunk  was 
liable  to  100  lashes,  and  one  presuming  to  quarrel  or 
fight  to  500  lashes, —  a  figure  more  meant  for  terror  by 
threat  than  for  execution. 

April  27,  1756,  in  a  second  letter  to  Robinson,  Wash 
ington  added  further  observations  on  the  defense  of  the 
frontiers  by  a  chain  of  forts.  Thus  he  said: 

"  If  the  province  of  Maryland  makes  no  provision  for 
its  frontiers,  we  shall  have  a  long,  unguarded  space  quite 
open  and  defenceless  from  Wills  Creek  to  the  mouth  of 
Shanandoah,  where  the  enemy  may  have,  and  have  already 
given  proof  of,  free  egress  and  regress  in  crossing  Poto- 
mack;  plundering,  burning,  murdering  and  destroying  all 
before  them.  It  is  matter  of  moment,  and  worthy  the 
Assembly's  notice.  For  we  must  secure  that  weak  side, 
if  our  neighbors  are  so  indifferent  as  to  disregard  their 
own  safety,  because  of  its  connexion  with  ours.  In  this 


326  WASHINGTON. 

case  the  number  of  forts  will  be  increased  to  two  or  three 
more.  Another  material  point  to  be  regarded  by  the  As 
sembly,  and  of  very  great  importance  to  the  inhabitants, 
is  the  situation  of  these  forts  intended  along  the  frontiers. 
As  I  mentioned  to  you  before,  placing  them  on  the  for 
mer  utmost  frontiers  would  be  of  small  service  to  defend 
the  present  frontier  settlements,  now  so  remote  from  the 
former.  •-."  s 

"  I  would  again  urge  the  necessity  of  a  large  and  strong 
fort  at  this  town.  It  being  the  center  of  all  the  public 
roads,  it  will  be  the  sole  refuge  for  the  inhabitants  upon 
any  alarm.  Had  such  a  place  of  defence  been  here,  it 
would  have  hindered  some  hundreds  of  families  from  mov 
ing  further  than  this  that  are  now  lost  to  the  country. 
The  women  and  children  might  have  been  secure,  while 
the  men  would  have  gone  in  a  body  against  the  savages, 
whereas  the  number  of  men  now  left  is  so  small  that  no 
assistance  or  defence  can  be  made  to  any  purpose.  Win 
chester  is  now  the  farthest  boundary  of  this  cpunty  —  no 
inhabitants  beyond  it;  and  if  measures  are  not  taken  to 
maintain  it,  we  must  retire  below  the  Blue  Ridge  in  a 
very  short  time.  Should  this  panic  and  fear  continue, 
not  a  soul  will  be  left  on  this  side  the  Ridge;  and  what 
now  remain  are  collected  in  small  forts  (out  of  which 
there  is  no  prevailing  on  them  to  stir)  and  every  planta 
tion  deserted. 

"  I  have  exerted  every  power  for  the  protection  and 
peace  of  this  distressed,  unhappy  people,  and  used  my 
utmost  to  persuade  them  to  continue,  until  assistance 
come,  though  to  little  effect.  I  have  repeatedly  urged 
Lord  Fairfax  to  send  for  the  militia  of  the  adjacent  coun 
ties,  and  have  sent  myself  several  expresses  to  hurry 
them  on." 

In  pursuance  of  the  urgent  advice  thus  given,  a  fort 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  327 

was  ordered  to  be  built  at  Winchester  for  the  defense  of 
Frederick  county.  Another  letter  of  the  same  date  (April 
27,  1756),  addressed  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  Washing 
ton  said: 

"  Desolation  and  murder  still  increase,  and  no  pros 
pects  of  relief.  The  Blue  Ridge  is  now  our  frontier,  no 
men  being  left  in  this  county,  except  a  few  that  keep  close 
with  a  number  of  women  and  children  in  forts,  which 
they  have  erected  for  that  purpose.  There  are  now  no 
militia  in  this  county;  when  there  were  they  could  not 
be  brought  to  action.  If  the  inhabitants  of  the  adjacent 
counties  pursue  the  same  system  of  disobedience,  the 
whole  must  fall  an  inevitable  sacrifice;  and  there  is  room 
to  fear  they  have  caught  the  infection,  since  I  have  sent 
(besides  divers  letters  to  Lord  Fairfax)  express  after  ex 
press  to  hurry  them  on,  and  yet  have  no  tidings  of  their 
march.  We  have  the  greatest  reason  to  believe  that  the 
number  of  the  enemy  is  very  considerable,  and  as  they  are 
spread  all  over  this  part  of  the  country;  and  that  their 
success,  and  the  spoils  with  which  they  have  enriched 
themselves,  dished  up  with  a  good  deal  of  French  policy, 
will  encourage  the  Indians  of  distant  nations  to  fall  upon 
our  inhabitants  in  greater  numbers,  and,  if  possible,  with 
greater  rapidity.  They  enjoy  the  sweets  of  a  profitable 
war,  and  will  no  doubt  improve  the  success  which  ever 
must  attend  their  arms,  without  we  have  Indians  to  op 
pose  theirs.  I  would  therefore  advise,  as  I  often  have 
done,  that  there  should  be  neither  trouble  nor  expense 
omitted  to  bring  the  few  who  are  still  inclined  into  our 
service,  and  that  too  with  the  greatest  care  and  expedition. 
A  small  number,  just  to  point  out  the  wiles  and  tracks  of 
the  enemy,  is  better  than  none;  for  which  reason  I  must 
earnestly  recommend  that  those  who  accompanied  Major 
Lewis  should  be  immediately  sent  up,  and  such  of  the 


328  WASHINGTON. 

Catawbas  as  can  be  engaged  in  our  interest.  If  such  an 
other  torrent  as  this  has  been,  (or  may  be  ere  it  is  done,) 
should  press  upon  our  settlements,  there  will  not  be  a 
living  creature  left  in  Frederick  county;  and  how  soon 
Fairfax  and  Prince  William  may  share  its  fate  is  easily 
conceived,  if  we  only  consider  a  cruel  and  bloodthirsty 
enemy,  conquerors  already  possessed  of  the  finest  parts 
of  Virginia,  plenteously  filled  with  all  kinds  of  provisions, 
pursuing  a  people  overcome  with  fear  and  consternation 
at  the  inhuman  murders  of  these  barbarous  savages. 

"The  inhabitants,  who  are ^ now  in  forts,  are  greatly 
distressed  for  the  want  of  ammunition  and  provision,  and 
are  incessantly  importuning  me  for  both;  neither  of  which 
have  I  at  this  place  to  spare.  To  hear  the  cries  of  the 
hungry,  who  have  fled  for  refuge  to  these  places,  with 
nothing  more  than  they  carry  on  their  backs,  is  exceed 
ingly  moving. 

"  I  have  been  formerly,  and  am  at  present,  pretty  full 
in  offering  my  opinion  and  counsel  upon  matters  which 
regard  the  public  interest  and  safety.  These  have  been 
solely  the  object  of  all  my  thoughts,  words,  and  actions; 
and,  in  order  to  avoid  censure  in  every  part  of  my  con 
duct,  I  make  it  a  rule  to  obey  the  dictates  of  your  Honor, 
the  Assembly,  and  a  good  conscience." 

May  3,  1756,  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Din- 
widdie  from  Winchester: 

"  We  have  some  reason  to  believe  the  Indians  are  re 
turned  to  Fort  Duquesne,  as  some  scouts  from  Fort  Cum 
berland  saw  their  tracks  that  way;  and  many  corroborat 
ing  accounts  affirm  that  the  roads  over  the  Alleghaney 
mountains  are  as  much  beaten  as  they  were  last  year  by 
General  Braddock's  army.  From  these  and  other  cir 
cumstances  we  may  judge  their  numbers  were  considera- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  329 

ble.  Whether  they  are  gone  for  the  season,  or  only  to 
bring  in  a  larger  party,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  determine. 

"  Though  I  have  often  troubled  you  on  this  head,  I 
must  again  beg  leave  to  desire  your  particular  instruc 
tions,  and  information  of  what  is  to  be  done,  as,  being 
in  a  state  of  uncertainty,  without  knowing  the  plan  of 
operations,  or  what  scheme  to  go  upon,  reduces  me  to 
the  greatest  straits,  and  leaves  me  to  guess  at  everything. 
Orders  that  are  absolutely  necessary  to  be  despatched  to 
the  officers  one  day,  appear  the  next  as  necessary  to  be 
contradicted.  *  *  *  So  much  am  I  kept  in  the  dark 
that  I  do  not  know  whether  to  prepare  for  the  offensive 
or  defensive;  and  what  might  be  absolutely  necessary  in 
the  one  would  be  quite  useless  in  the.  other. 

"  There  are  now  in  town  about  150  of  the  Fairfax  mili 
tia;  300  are  expected  from  Prince  William;  and  with  the 
soldiers  and  militia  now  here,  I  intend  to  go  out  and 
scour  the  woods  hereabouts  for  three  or  four  days  until 
the  others  arrive. 

"  I  want  very  much  to  go  to  Fort  Cumberland  to  regu 
late  affairs  there,  but  fear  I  cannot  spare  time,  as  my 
presence  will  be  very  necessary  here. 

"  Clothes  for  the  men  are  very  much  wanted.  There 
are  none  in  store,  and  some  men,  who  have  been  en 
listed  these  two  months,  to  whom  we  could  give  nothing 
but  a  blanket,  shoes,  and  shirt,  are  justly  dissatisfied  at 
having  two  pence  per  day  stopped  from  them  [out  of  a 
wage  of  eight  pence  per  day,  the  purpose  being  to  pay 
for  clothes].  Provision  here  is  scarce,  and  the  commis 
sary  much  wanted  to  lay  in  more.  I  have  been,  and  still 
am,  obliged  to  do  this  duty,  as  well  as  most  others,  which 
I  would  take  upon  me,  rather  than  let  anything  be  want 
ing  for  the  good  of  the  country,  which  I  could  do." 

Colonel    William    Fairfax,   Washington's    early   friend, 


330  WASHINGTON. 

wrote  to  him  at  this  time  in  regard  to  the  trouble  he  had 
with  the  militia  assembled  at  Winchester: 

"  I  am  sensible  that  such  a  medley  of  undisciplined  mili 
tia  must  create  you  various  troubles,  but,  having  Caesar's 
Commentaries,  and  perhaps  Quintus  Curtius,  you  have 
therein  read  of  greater  fatigues,  murmurings,  mutinies, 
and  defections,  than  will  probably  come  to  your  share; 
though,  if  any  of  those  casualties  should  interrupt  your 
quiet,  I  doubt  not  you  would  bear  them  with  a  magnanim 
ity  equal  to  that  of  any  of  the  heroes  of  those  times.  The 
Council  and  Burgesses  are  mostly  your  friends;  so  that 
if  you  have  not  always  particular  instructions  from  the 
Governor,  which  you  think  necessary  and  desire,  the  omis 
sion,  or  neglect,  may  proceed  from  the  confidence  enter 
tained  in  your  ability  and  discretion  to  do  what  is  fit  and 
praiseworthy." 

May  23,  1756,  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Dinwid- 
die  from  Winchester: 

"  The  spirit  of  desertion  was  so  remarkable  in  the  mili 
tia,  that  it  had  a  surprising  effect  upon  the  regiment,  and 
encouraged  many  of  the  soldiers  to  desert. 

"  I  found  it  absolutely  impossible  to  go  to  Fort  Cum 
berland  at  this  time,  without  letting  matters  of  greater 
importance  suffer  in  my  absence  here;  such  a  multiplicity 
of  different  kinds  of  business  am  I  engaged  in. 

"  I  am  heartily  glad  your  Honor  has  fixed  upon  the 
gentlemen  Associators  to  point  out  the  place  for  erect 
ing  of  forts,  but  am  sorry  to  find  their  motions  so  slow. 

"  Your  Honor  approved  the  scheme  I  sent  down  for 
forming  the  regiment  into  two  battalions  of  twenty  com 
panies,  but  never  gave  any  directions  concerning  the  ap 
pointment.  Nor  do  I  think  there  can  be  any  plan  judi 
ciously  concerted,  until  we  know  what  number  of  forts  are 
to  be  built  upon  our  frontiers. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  331 

"  At  this  place  I  have  begun  the  fort  according  to  your 
orders,  and  found  that  the  work  would  not  be  conducted 
if  I  was  away,  which  was  one  among  many  reasons  that 
detained  me  here." 

The  gentlemen  Associators  referred  to  in  the  above 
were  about  one  hundred  leading  gentlemen  of  the  colony, 
headed  by  Peyton  Randolph,  the  Attorney-General.  They 
organized  as  volunteers  upon  the  special  alarm  of  great 
peril  on  the  frontier,  and  marched  towards  Winchester, 
but  undertook  no  further  service  when  the  alarm  subsided. 
When  Robinson,  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  gave  no 
tice  to  Washington  of  the  organization  of  the  company 
of  gentlemen  volunteers,  he  said  further: 

"  The  Council  and  House  of  Burgesses  have  agreed  on 
a  representation  to  his  Majesty,  in  which  you  and  the 
other  officers  are  recommended  to  his  Majesty's  favor. 
Our  hopes,  Dear  George,  are  all  fixed  on  you  for  bring 
ing  our  affairs  to  a  happy  issue." 

Governor  Dinwiddie  wrote,  May  28,  1756,  to  Major-Gen 
eral  Abercrombie: 

"  As  we  are  told  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  is  to  raise  three 
regiments  on  this  continent,  on  the  British  establishment, 
I  dearn't  venture  to  trouble  him  immediately  on  his  arri 
val  with  any  recommendations;  but,  good  Sir,  give  me 
leave  to  pray  your  interest  with  his  Lordship  in  favor  of 
Colonel  George  Washington,  who,  I  will  venture  to  say, 
is  a  very  deserving  gentleman,  and  has  from  the  begin 
ning  commanded  the  forces  of  this  dominion.  General 
Braddock  had  so  high  an  esteem  for  his  merit,  that  he 
made  him  one  of  his  aid-de-camps,  and,  if  he  had  sur 
vived,  I  believe  he  would  have  provided  handsomely  for 
him  in  the  regulars.  He  is  a  person  much  beloved  here, 
and  he  has  gone  through  many  hardships  in  the  service; 
and  I  really  think  he  has  great  merit,  and  believe  he  can 


332  WASHINGTON. 

raise  more  men  here  than  any  one  present  that  I  know. 
If  his  Lordship  will  be  so  kind  as  to  promote  him  in  the 
British  establishment,  I  think  he  will  answer  my  recom 
mendation." 

June  25,  1/56,  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Din- 
widdie  from  Winchester: 

"  I  intend  to  take  the  advice  of  a  council  of  war  about 
the  line  on  which  these  forts  are  to  be  erected,  and  shall 
visit  all  the  ground  that  I  conveniently  can,  and  direct 
the  building. 

"  It  is  a  work  that  must  be  conducted  tedious,  for  these 
reasons:  the  scarcity  of  tools,  smallness  of  our  numbers, 
and  want  of  conductors.  We  can  only  attempt  to  build 
fort  after  fort,  not  attempting  too  many  at  a  time. 

"  Two  hundred  and  forty  six  drafts  are  the  total  number 
brought  in,  out  of  which  number  several  have  deserted. 

"  I  was  in  hope  that  by  garrisoning  the  forts  with 
part  of  the  militia,  we  should  have  been  able  to  have  mus 
tered  a  greater  number  of  soldiers  to  work  upon  the  forts 
that  are  to  be  built  But  I  am  under  the  greatest  appre 
hensions  that  all  who  are  now  up  will  desert.  They  go 
off  in  twenties,  and  all  threaten  to  return  [home]  if  they 
are  not  relieved  in  a  very  short  time  or  discharged. 
*  *  *  If  they  should  go,  as  I  suppose  they  will,  we 
shall  again  be  much  exposed,  and  cannot  defend  so  ex 
tensive  a  frontier. 

"  Governor  Sharpe  is  building  a  fort  on  Potomac  river, 
which  may  be  of  great  service  towards  the  protection  of 
our  people  on  that  side." 

In  a  letter  of  July  13,  1756,  from  Fort  Cumberland,  to 
Captain  Waggener,  Washington  said: 

"  From  the  great  confidence  I  repose  in  your  diligence, 
I  have  appointed  you  to  a  command  on  which  much  de 
pends;  and  I  doubt  not  you  will  see  the  work  carried  on 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  333 

with  expedition.  And  I  must  particularly  recommend  it 
to  you  to  keep  up  a  strict  command,  both  over  officers 
and  men,  as  you  will  be  answerable  for  any  delays  or 
neglect  which  may  happen  for  want  of  due  discipline;  and 
I  would  not  wish  your  good  nature  should  occasion  you 
to  overlook  a  fault  in  an  officer,  who  may  be  our  best 
friend. 

"  The  Governor  has  ordered  the  militia  to  be  discharged 
as  soon  as  harvest  is  over,  since  they  are  so  unwilling  to 
continue  until  December." 

Captain  Waggener  was  ordered  to  see  whether  a  fort 
erected  by  the  people  would  answer  for  a  public  fort,  and 
if  so  to  garrison  it;  and  then  go  on  to  the  next  place  in 
the  proposed  chain  of  forts;  get  all  the  timbers  ready,  and 
by  that  time  a  plan  of  the  kind  of  forts  to  be  built  would 
reach  him. 

To  Captain  Peter  Hog  orders  were  given  to  attend  to 
the  building  of  forts  southward  from  Fort  Dinwiddie 
towards  Mayo  river.  He  was  to  secure  at  Augusta  Court 
house  expeditions  calling  out  the  militia  of  Augusta  county 
to  aid  the  soldiers  in  building  the  forts.  These  orders  were 
given  at  Winchester,  July  21,  1756;  and  on  the  same  day, 
in  a  letter  to  Captain  Hog,  Washington  said: 

"  There  is  a  part  of  your  recruiting  account  which  much 
astonishes  me,  and  I  thought  you  nor  no  officer  who 
valued  his  character,  would  have  presumed  to  have  done 
such  a  thing,  as  he  must  be  certain  it  would  appear  as  a 
palpable  fraud  in  him." 

Washington  had  provided  both  money  and  provision  for 
sending  to  Waggener  some  enlisted  men,  and  the  latter 
had  charged  for  the  subsistence  of  these  men  before  he 
received  them,  when  he  had  been  at  no  cost  on  their 
account. 

July  22,  1756,  Washinton  wrote  to  Captain  Stewart  from 


334  WASHINGTON. 

Winchester,  giving  directions  in  regard  to  the  construc 
tion  of  forts,  and  the  tools  which  he  had  secured,  and 
other  tools  which  he  must  borrow,  hire,  or  buy  from  the 
inhabitants.  He  further  said: 

"  I  have  too  great  an  opinion  of  your  good  sense  and 
discretion  to  think  you  need  any  admonition  to  induce 
you  to  a  diligent  discharge  of  your  duty.  You  see  our 
situation,  know  our  danger,  and  bear  witness  of  the  peo 
ple's  sufferings,  which  are  sufficient  excitements  to  a  gen 
erous  mind. 

"  This  instant  I  received  yours  of  yesterday's  date,  and 
am  extremely  sorry  that  the  Indians  have  visited  us  at 
this  critical  juncture  of  harvesting,  especially  as  it  will 
prevent  your  proceedings  in  the  operations  ordered. 

"  If  you  can  learn  from  good  intelligence  that  their  num 
bers  are  great  and  motions  designed  for  Virginia,  endeavor 
to  give  the  inhabitants  notice,  that  they  may  lodge  their 
women  and  children,  and  assist  against  the  enemy. 

"  If  you  find  they  are  only  flying  parties  of  the  Indians, 
I  would  advise  the  settlers  by  no  means  to  neglect  their 
harvest,  as  their  whole  support  depends  upon  it,  and  your 
assistance  to  get  it  in. 

"  I  have  sent  you  two  barrels  of  powder,  and  four  boxes 
of  ball.  As  to  cartridge  paper,  I  neither  have  nor  can 
get  any  upon  any  terms.  You  must  get  horns  and 
pouches,  if  you  send  over  the  neighborhood  for  them." 

August  4,  1756,  Washington  wrote  to  Dinwiddie  from 
Winchester  that  the  necessary  orders  and  directions  for 
the  chain  of  forts  to  be  built  on  the  frontiers  had  been 
attended  to,  and  plans  and  tools  despatched  with  the  or 
ders  to  all  the  officers  appointed  to  the  work.  The  Coun 
cil  and  himself  had  not  wholly  followed  the  act  of  the  As 
sembly,  some  changes  being  required  by  the  situation  of 
the  country,  but  the  scheme  adopted  would  undoubtedly 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  335 

give  "  the  best  chain  that  can  possibly  be  erected  for  the 
defence  of  the  people." 

"  I  make  no  doubt  your  Honor  has  ere  this  heard  of  the 
defeat  of  Lieutenant  Rutherford  of  the  Rangers,  escort 
ing  an  express  to  me  at  Fort  Cumberland,  and  of  the  das 
tardly  behavior  of  the  militia,  who  ran  off  without  one 
half  of  them  having  discharged  their  pieces,  although  they 
were  apprised  of  the  ambuscade  by  one  of  their  flanking 
parties,  before  the  Indians  fired  upon  them;  and  ran  back 
to  Ashby's  Fort,  contrary  to  orders,  persuasions,  threats, 
&c.  They  are  all  ordered  in  (from  detachment  duty  as 
guards  to  the  plantations),  as  soon  as  the  people  have  se 
cured  their  harvest.  Through  the  passive  behavior  of  their 
officers  they  have  been  very  refractory. 

"  I  think  with  the  number  of  men  we  have,  there  is  but 
a  poor  prospect  of  our  finishing  our  forts  in  time,  and  a 
much  worse  of  defending  our  frontiers  properly,  and  I 
would  be  glad  if  some  expedient  could  be  fallen  upon  to 
augment  it. 

"  There  is  an  act  of  Parliament  to  allow  all  servants  to 
enlist,  and  the  owners  to  be  paid  a  reasonable  allowance 
for  them.  If  we  had  this  privilege,  we  could  soon  com 
plete  the  regiment.  *  *  *  If  we  have  not  this  liberty 
granted  us,  the  servants  will  all  run  off  to  the  regular 
officers  who  are  recruiting  about  us ;  and  that  would  be  to 
weaken  our  colony  much.  For  my  part  I  see  no  other 
expedient. 

"  Your  Honor  sees  plainly  how  little  our  strength  has 
been  augmented  by  the  drafts,  and  in  three  or  four  months 
they  are  to  be  discharged. 

"  I  could  wish  we  were  clear  of  Fort  Cumberland.  It 
takes  a  great  part  of  our  small  force  to  garrison  it,  and  I 
see  no  service  that  it  is  to  our  colony;  for  since  the  In 
dians  have  driven  the  inhabitants  so  low  down,  they  do 


336  WASHINGTON. 

not  hestiate  to  follow  them  as  far  as  this  place.  There 
have  been  several  families  murdered,  on  the  Maryland 
side,  this  week ;  and  P'ort  Cumberland  is  now  so  much  out 
of  the  way  that  they  seldom  hear  of  those  things  within 
a  month  after  they  are  done.  Our  men  want  many  neces 
saries,  until  the  arrival  of  their  regimentals,  which  cannot 
be  had  without  sending  to  Philadelphia ;  and  the  great  loss 
we  shall  suffer  by  sending  them  our  paper  money,  has 
prevented  my  purchasing  these  things,  until  the  men  are 
almost  naked. 

"We  cannot  afford  to  put  up  with  the  loss  of  sending 
paper  money,  which  I  am  credibly  informed  may  be  bought 
up  in  Philadelphia  for  fifteen  per  cent  their  currency. 

""We  are  in  great  want  of  drums  here,  and  none  can 
be  bought.  We  now  have  many  young  drummers  learn 
ing  here. 

"  I  could  by  no  means  bring  the  Quakers  to  any  terms. 
They  chose  rather  to  be  whipped  to  death  than. bear  arms, 
or  lend  us  any  assistance  whatever  upon  the  fort,  or  any 
thing  of  self-defence.  Some  of  their  friends  have  been 
security  for  their  appearance,  when  they  are  called  for; 
and  I  have  released  them  from  the  guard  house  until  1 
receive  further  orders  from  your  Honor,  which  they  have 
agreed  to  apply  for. 

"  I  observe  your  Honor's  proposal  of  carrying  on  an 
expedition  against  the  Ohio.  I  have  always  thought  it 
the  best  and  only  method  to  put  a  stop  to  the  incursions 
of  the  enemy,  as  they  would  then  be  obliged  to  stay  at 
home  to  defend  their  own  possessions.  But  we  are  quite 
unprepared  for  such  an  undertaking.  If  it  is  fixed  upon, 
now  is  the  time  for  buying  up  provisions,  and  laying  them 
in  at  the  most  convenient  place.  The  Pennsylvania  butch 
ers  are  buying  quantities  of  beef  here,  which  should  be  put 
a  stop  to,  if  we  are  to  march  towards  the  Ohio.  If  we 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  337 

are  still  to  remain  on  the  defensive,  and  garrison  the  chain 
of  forts,  provisions  must  be  laid  in  at  each  of  them;  and 
I  much  fear,  if  we  march  from  the  frontiers,  all  the  inhab 
itants  will  quit  their  plantations." 

An  English  letter  of  May  n,  1756,  to  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  stated  that  the  King  had  appointed  the 
Earl  of  Loudoun  to  succeed  Governor  Shirley  as  British 
Commander-in-Chief  for  America, —  a  bad  choice,  on  ac 
count  of  the  Earl's  incompetency.  When  Pitt  came  into 
power  he  was  recalled.  Loudoun  was  empowered  to  raise 
in  the  Colonies  a  Royal  American  regiment,  to  consist 
of  four  battalions  and  be  commanded  by  officers  commis 
sioned  by  the  King.  Permission  to  enlist  servants  was 
given,  and  the  consequent  recruiting  made  trouble  with 
the  colonial  service.  By  servants  were  meant  whites  "  in 
dented  "  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  not  negro  slaves, 
unless  in  exceptional  cases.  The  Virginia  drafting  of  men 
was  made  a  farce  almost  by  permitting  a  person  drafted 
to  escape  service  upon  paying  £10,  and  by  making  the 
term  of  service  too  short.  The  Quakers  got  off  easily, 
through  Dinwiddie's  orders  to  "  use  them  with  lenity/' 
merely  holding  them,  "  at  their  own  expense,"  to  the  end 
of  the  term  for  which  they  were  drafted. 

August  5,  1756,  Washington  addressed  a  very  long  let 
ter  to  his  most  influential  friend,  John  Robinson,  Speaker 
of  the  Assembly.  In  this  he  said : 

"  Captain  Gist  has  at  divers  times  entreated  me,  in  the 
most  interesting  manner,  to  intercede  in  his  behalf,  that 
he  may  get  the  balance  of  his  account,  his  distresses  calling 
aloud  for  all  the  assistance  that  all  these  sums  can  con 
tribute.  I  do  not  know  really  who  to  apply  to  for  this 
purpose,  or  whose  right  it  is  to  pay  the  account,  but  it 
is  certainly  wrong  not  to  pay  him  at  all.  If  a  hearty  zeal 
for  the  interest  of  this  colony,  many  losses  in  serving  it 

22 


338  WASHINGTON. 

and  true  distress,  can  recommend  him  to  any  favor,  he 
certainly  merits  indulgence.  The  Governor  bids  him  go 
to  the  Committee,  and  the  Committee  think  the  Governor 
should  pay  it.  So  that  the  poor  man  suffers  greatly  and 
would  be  glad  to  know  his  doom  at  once,  as  it  has  been 
so  long  depending. 

"  I  could  heartily  wish  the  Governor  and  Committee 
would  resolve  me,  whether  Fort  Cumberland  is  to  be  gar 
risoned  with  any  of  the  Virginia  forces  or  not.  It  lies  in 
a  most  defenceless  posture,  and  I  do  not  care*  to  be  at 
expense  in  erecting  new,  or  repairing  old  works,  until  I 
am  satisfied  on  this  point. 

"  The  place  at  present  contains  all  our  provisions  and 
valuable  stores,  and  is  not  capable  of  an  hour's  defence, 
if  the  enemy  were  to  bring  only  one  single  half-pounder 
against  it;  which  they  might  do  with  great  ease  on  horse 
back.  It  lies  so  remote  now  from  this,  as  well  as  the 
neighboring  inhabitants,  that  it  requires  as  much  force 
to  keep  the  communication  open  to  it,  as  a  fort  at  the 
Meadows  would  do,  and  employs  150  men,  who  are  a  dead 
charge  to  the  country,  as  they  can  be  of  no  other  use  than 
just  to  protect  and  guard  the  stores,  which  might  as  well 
be  lodged  at  Cox's  [on  Patterson's  Creek,  25  miles  nearer 
to  Winchester]  ;  indeed  better.  A  strong  guard  there 
would  not  only  protect  the  stores,  but  also  the  few  re 
maining  inhabitants  at  the  Branch  [south  Branch  of 
Potomac],  and  at  the  same  time  waylay  and  annoy  the 
enemy,  as  they  pass  and  repass  the  mountains;  whereas 
those  at  Fort  Cumberland,  lying  out  in  a  corner,  quite 
remote  from  the  inhabitants  to  where  the  Indians  always 
repair  to  do  their  murders,  can  have  no  intelligence  of 
anything  that  is  doing,  but  remain  in  total  ignorance  of 
all  transactions.  When  I  was  down  I  applied  to  the  Gov 
ernor  for  his  particular  and  positive  directions  in  this  af- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  339 

fair.  The  following  is  an  exact  copy  of  his  answer. — 
'  Fort  Cumberland  is  a  King's  fort,  and  built  chiefly  at 
the  charge  of  the  colony,  therefore  properly  under  our 
direction,  until  a  governor  is  appointed/  Whether  I  am 
to  understand  this  ay  or  no  to  the  question,  *  Is  the  fort 
to  be  continued  ? '  —  I  know  not.  But  in  all  important 
matters  I  am  directed  in  this  ambiguous  and  uncertain 
way/' 

In  a  written  expression  of  his  view  Dinwiddie  appears 
as  saying,  "  Its  a  King's  fort  and  a  magazine  for  stores ; 
its  not  in  my  power  to  order  it  to  be  deserted  *  *  * 
at  present  it  must  be  properly  supported  with  men/' 
Robinson  said  on  this  matter  in  reply  to  Washington, 
"The  Committee  were  all  of  opinion  with  you,  that  the 
keeping  Fort  Cumberland  was  an  unnecessary  expense ; 
but,  upon  my  mentioning  their  opinion  to  the  Governor, 
he  appeared  very  warm,  and  said  my  Lord  Loudoun 
might  do  what  he  pleased,  but  for  his  part  he  would  no1 
remove  the  garrison,  or  order  the  fort  to  be  demolished, 
for  his  right  hand." 

The  letter  of  Washington  to  Robinson  touched  upoi> 
other  points : 

"  Great  and  inconceivable  difficulties  arise  in  the  execu 
tion  of  my  commands,  as  well  as  infinite  loss  and  disrepute 
to  the  service,  by  my  not  having  power  to  pay  for  [the 
return  of]  deserters.  Many  of  our  deserters  are  appre 
hended  in  Maryland,  and  some  in  Pennsylvania,  and,  for 
the  sake  of  a  reward,  are  brought  hither.  But  when  they 
[who  bring  them]  are  to  receive  certificates  only,  that 
they  are  entitled  to  200  pounds  of  tobacco,  and  those 
certificates  are  to  be  given  in  to  a  court  of  claims,  there 
to  lie  perhaps  till  they  are  quite  forgot,  gives  so  much 
dissatisfaction,  that  many,  I  believe,  rather  than  appre- 


340  WASHINGTON. 

hend  one,  would  aid  fifty  to  escape,  and  this  too  among 
our  own  people. 

"  I  should  be  glad  to  know  whether  the  act  of  the  As 
sembly  prohibits  the  forces  from  marching  out  of  the  col 
ony.  If  we  cannot  take  any  of  the  forces  out  of  the  col 
ony,  the  disadvantages  the  country  may  labor  under  are 
not  to  be  described;  for  the  enemy  may  commit  the  most 
unheard  of  cruelties,  and  by  stepping  across  the  Potomac 
evade  pursuit,  and  mock  our  best  endeavors  to  scourge 
them. 

"  The  inconveniences  that  arise  from  paying  the  soldiers 
in  large  bills  are  not  to  be  conceived.  We  are  obliged 
afterwards  to  give  the  pay  of  two  or  three  soldiers  to  one 
man.  He,  ten  to  one,  drinks,  games,  or  pays  it  away; 
by  which  means  the  parties  are  all  dissatisfied,  and  per 
petually  complaining  for  want  of  their  pay.  It  also  pre 
vents  them  from  laying  out  their  pay  for  absolute  neces 
saries,  and  obliges  them  many  times  to  drink  it  out;  for 
they  put  it  into  the  tavern-keeper's  hands,  who  will  give 
no  change,  unless  they  consent  to  take  the  greatest  part 
in  liquor.  In  short,  for  five  shillings  cash  you  may  at  any 
time  purchase  a  month's  pay  from  the  soldiers;  in  such 
contempt  do  they  hold  the  currency.  Besides  small  bills 
(if  the  thing  is  practicable)  I  should  be  extremely  glad  to 
receive  some  part  of  the  money  in  Spanish  and  Portugal 
gold  and  silver.  There  are  many  things  wanted  for  the 
use  of  the  regiment  which  cannot  be  had  here  and  may 
be  had  at  Philadelphia;  but  their  undervaluing  of  our 
[paper]  money  has  prevented  my  sending  thither. 

"At  the  repeated  instances  of  the  soldiers,  I  must  pay 
so  much  regard  to  their  representations  as  to  transmit 
their  complaints.  They  think  it  extremely  hard,  as  it  is 
indeed,  Sir,  that  they,  who  perhaps  do  more  duty,  and 
undergo  more  fatigue  and  hardship,  from  the  nature  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  341 

the  service  and  situation  of  the  country,  than  any  troops 
upon  the  continent,  should  be  allowed  the  least  pay,  and 
the  smallest  encouragements  in  other  respects.  The 
Carolinians  received  British  pay;  the  Marylanders,  I  be 
lieve,  do  the  same;  Pennsylvania  is  exorbitant  in  reward 
ing  their  soldiers  [i8d.  a  day  and  subsistence,  to  8d.  a  day 
in  Virginia]  ;  the  Jerseys  and  New  Yorkers  I  do  not  re 
member  what  it  is  they  give;  but  the  New  England  gov 
ernments  give  more  than  a  shilling  per  day,  our  money, 
besides  an  allowance  of  rum,  peas,  tobacco,  ginger,  vine 
gar,  etc.,  etc. 

"  Our  soldiers  complain  that  their  pay  is  insufficient 
even  to  furnish  shoes,  shirts,  stockings,  etc.,  which  their 
officers,  in  order  to  keep  them  fit  for  duty,  oblige  them 
to  provide.  This,  they  say,  deprives  them  of  the  means 
of  purchasing  any  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  obliges 
them  to  drag  through  a  disagreeable  service  in  the  most 
disagreeable  manner.  That  their  pay  will  not  afford  more 
than  enough  (if  that)  to  keep'  them  in  clothes,  I  should 
be  convinced  of  for  these  reasons,  if  experience  had  not 
taught  me.  The  British  soldiers  are  allowed  eight  pence 
sterling  per  day,  with  many  necessaries  that  ours  are  not, 
and  can  buy  what  is  requisite  upon  the  cheapest  terms; 
and  lie  one  half  the  year  in  camp,  or  garrison,  when  they 
cannot  consume  the  fifth  part  of  what  ours  do  in  continual 
marches  over  mountains,  rocks,  rivers,  etc.  Then,  Sir, 
is  it  possible  that  our  men,  who  receive  a  fourth  less,  have 
two  pence  per  day  stoppages  for  their  regimental  clothing, 
and  all  other  stoppages  that  British  soldiers  have,  and 
are  obliged,  by  being  in  continual  action,  to  lay  in  triple 
the  quantity  of  ammunition  and  clothes,  and  at  double  the 
.price,  should  be  able  to  clear  quarters?  It  is  not  to  be 
done,  and  this  is  the  reason  why  the  men  have  always 
been  so  naked  and  bare  of  clothes. 


343  WASHINGTON. 

"And  I  dare  say  you  will  be  candid  enough  to  allow, 
that  there  are  few  men  who  would  choose  to  have  their 
lives  exposed,  without  some  view  or  hope  of  reward,  to 
the  incessant  assaults  of  a  merciless  enemy. 

"Another  thing  there  is  which  gives  them  great  uneasi 
ness,  and  that  is,  seeing  no  regular  provision  made  for  the 
maimed  and  wounded.  They  acknowledge  the  generosity 
of  the  Assembly,  and  have  the  highest  veneration  for  that 
respectable  House;  they  look  with  gratitude  on  the  care 
that  has  been  taken  of  their  brother  soldiers ;  but  say  this 
is  only  an  act  of  will,  and  another  Assembly  may  be  much 
less  liberal.  We  have  no  certainty  that  this  generosity 
may  continue,  consequently  can  have  nothing  in  view  but 
the  most  gloomy  prospects,  and  no  encouragement  to  be 
bold  and  active;  and  the  probable  effects  of  which  are 
wounds,  which  no  sooner  happen,  and  they  unfit  for  ser 
vice,  than  they  are  discharged,  and  turned  upon  an  un 
charitable  world  to  beg,  steal,  or  starve.  In  short,  they 
have  a  true  sense  of  all  that  can  happen,  and  do  not  think 
slightly  of  the  fatigues  they  encounter  in  scouring  these 
mountains  with  their  provisions  on  their  backs,  lying  out 
and  watching  for  the  enemy,  with  no  other  covering  or 
conveniency,  to  shelter  them  from  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather  than  trees  and  rocks!  The  old  soldiers  are  af 
fected,  and  complain  of  their  hardships  and  little  encour 
agement,  in  piteous  terms ;  and  they  give  these  as  reasons 
for  so  much  desertion.  The  money  that  is  given  in  pay 
ing  for  deserters,  expresses,  horse-hire,  losses  and  abuse 
of  horses,  would  go  a  great  length  toward  advancing  their 
pay,  which  I  hope  would  contribute  not  a  little  to  remove 
the  cause  of  this  expense.  I  would  not  have  it  here  un 
derstood,  though,  that  I  mean  to  recommend  anything 
extraordinary;  no,  I  would  give  them  British  pay,  and 
entitle  them  to  the  same  privileges  during  their  stay  in 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  343 

the  service,  and  as  a  reward  or  compliment  for  their  toil, 
rather  than  a  matter  of  right.  Were  the  country  to  give 
them  one  suit  of  regimental  clothes  a  year,  without  receiv 
ing  the  two  pence  stoppage,  it  would  be  a  full  allowance, 
and  give  great  content  and  satisfaction.  All  they  want 
(they  say)  is  to  be  entitled  to  the  privileges  and  immuni 
ties  of  soldiers,  of  which  they  are  well  informed  by  some 
who  have  been  a  number  of  years  in  the  army,  then  they 
should  think  it  no  hardship  to  be  subject  to  the  punish 
ments  and  fatigues. 

"  Were  this  done,  and  an  order  given  by  the  Committee 
empowering  me  to  provide  for  them,  according  to  the 
rules  and  customs  of  the  army,  then  I  should  know  what 
I  was  about,  and  I  could  do  it  without  hesitation  or  fear, 
and,  am  convinced,  to  the  satisfaction  and  interest  of  the 
country. 

"As  the  case  now  stands,  we  are  upon  such  odd  estab 
lishment,  under  such  uncertain  regulations,  and  subject  to 
so  much  inconvenience,  that  I  am  wandering  in  a  wilder 
ness  of  difficulties,  and  am  ignorant  of  the  ways  to  extri 
cate  myself,  and  to  steer  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  coun 
try,  of  the  soldiers,  or  of  myself.  Having  no  certain  rules 
for  the  direction  of  my  conduct,  I  am  afraid  to  turn  to 
this  hand  or  to  that,  lest  it  should  be  censured. 

"  If  such  an  order,  as  I  before  spoke  of,  was  to  issue 
from  your  Board,  I  would  then  immediately  provide  upon 
the  best  terms  a  quantity  of  all  kinds  of  ammunition, 
clothes,  etc.,  for  the  use  of  the  regiment,  and  deliver  them 
out  to  each  company  as  their  wants  required,  taking  care 
to  deduct  the  value  of  all  such  things  from  their  pay.  By 
this  means  the  soldiers  would  be  always  provided  and  fit 
for  duty,  and  do  it  cheerfully,  and  the  country  sustains  no 
other  loss  than  advancing,  and  lying  out  of,  the  money 
for  a  few  months  to  lay  in  those  stores,  as  this  money  is 


344  WASHINGTON. 

always  restored  by  the  soldiers  again.  I  have  hitherto 
been  afraid  to  advance  any  sums  of  money  for  this  pur 
pose,  and  always  bought  at  extravagant  prices,  and  have 
been  obliged  to  send  to  different  parts,  ere  they  could  be 
had,  which  has  also  contributed  to  the  cause  of  their 
nakedness. 

"  The  officers  are  almost  as  uneasy  and  dispirited  as  the 
men,  doing  every  part  of  duty  with  languor  and  indiffer 
ence.  When  they  are  ordered  to  provide  themselves  with 
suitable  necessaries,  they  complain  of  an  uncertain  estab 
lishment,  and  the  probability  of  being  disbanded,  and,  so, 
things  rendered  useless.  So  that  I  really  most  heartily 
wish  for  a  change.  The  surgeon  has  entreated  me  to 
mention  his  case,  which  I  shall  do  by  enclosing  his  letters. 
He  has  behaved  extremely  well,  and  discharged  his  duty 
in  every  capacity  since  he  came  into  the  regiment.  He 
has  long  discovered  an  inclination  to  quit  the  service,  the 
encouragement  being  so  small;  and  I  believe  would  have 
done  it,  had  not  the  officers,  to  show  their  regard  and  will 
ingness  to  detain  him,  subscribed  each  one  day's  pay  in 
every  month.  This,  as  they  are  likely  to  be  so  much  dis 
persed,  and  can  receive  no  benefit  from  him,  they  intend 
to  withdraw  (he  says)  and  therefore  begs  me  to  solicit 
the  gentlemen  of  the  committee  on  his  behalf;  otherwise 
he  will  be  obliged  to  seek  some  other  method  of  getting 
his  livelihood. 

"  If  it  is  thought  necessary  to  establish  an  hospital,  I 
believe  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  but  that  this  is  the 
place ;  and  then  I  hope  he  will  be  appointed  director,  with 
advanced  pay.  Whether  or  not,  I  could  really  wish  his 
pay  or  perquisites  was  increased,  for  the  reasons  he  gives. 

"  I  beg,  Sir,  with  very  great  earnestness,  that  the  gentle 
men  of  the  Committee  will  communicate  their  sentiments 
fully  upon  all  these  several  matters,  and  approve  or  dis- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  345 

approve  of  everything  therein.  I  only  wait  to  know  their 
intention,  and  then  act  in  strict  conformity  thereto. 

"  If  the  Committee  find  my  account  satisfactory  and 
distinct,  as  I  have  no  doubt  of  it,  it  would  be  a  great  obli 
gation  if  they  would  make  a  final  settlement  to  that  date, 
and  "begin  a  new  account.  They  will  find  little  trouble,  or 
difficulty,  in  overhauling  short  accounts,  kept  in  a  regular 
method,  plain  and  perspicuous,  which  is  the  very  life  of, 
business." 

It  will  be  seen  that  on  August  4th  Washington  wrote  a 
long  letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  on  August  5th 
another  and  very  long  letter  to  Speaker  Robinson,  the 
former  making  nine  printed  pages,  and  the  latter  thirteen. 
On  August  5th  he  also  wrote  letters  to  Captain  Waggener 
and  to  Colonel  Stephen.  To  Waggener  he  said : 

"  I  have  so  many  places  and  people  to  defend ;  so  great 
calls  from  every  quarter  for  men;  and  so  little  prospects 
for  getting  any,  that  I  find  it  impossible  to  comply  with 
the  act  of  Assembly,  and  opinion  of  the  Council  of  War, 
in  building  the  chain  of  forts  on  the  frontiers.  You  must, 
therefore,  notwithstanding  all  the  orders  which  have  here 
tofore  been  given,  immediately  despatch  Capt.  Bell,  with 
his  whole  company  to  Capt.  Cox's  fort.  *  *  *  Your 
own  and  the  two  remaining  companies,  you  are  to  dis 
pose  of  in  the  most  eligible  manner  for  the  protection  of 
the  inhabitants  above  the  Trough ;  and  I  could  most  ear 
nestly  wish  that  you  would,  if  the  thing  is  practicable, 
erect  a  fort  in  that  settlement,  twenty  miles  above  your 
upper  fort." 

To  Colonel  Stephen  he  said : 

"  The  views  of  the  enemy  are  designed  against  the  lower 
inhabitants.  They  have  laid  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania 
waste,  as  low  as  Carlisle,  the  inhabitants  of  which  place 
we  are  told  are  flying  with  the  utmost  consternation. 


346  WASHINGTON. 

They  have  made  an  attempt  on  the  Virginia  side,  killed 
one  and  captivated  another  four  miles  hitherwards,  but 
retreated  back,  for  how  long  a  time,  God  knows. 

"Yesterday  I  wrote  you  [and*the  same  to  Waggener], 
and  desired  that  all  the  captains  would  be  punctual  in 
making  me  weekly  returns,  signed  by  themselves  and  offi 
cers,  signifying  the  state  and  strength  of  their  companies, 
and  shall  here  repeat  these  orders,  because  I  am  fully 
resolved  to  suspend  the  first  Captain  (or  commander  of 
a  company)  that  fails  in  this^  point,  or  that  is  negligent 
and  incorrect  in  making  them  out,  tho'  they  may  err  but 
in  one  man.  By  my  returns  of  the  regiment  including 
drafts,  scouts,  and  rangers,  I  can  only  make  926  men; 
while  Mr  Boyd,  exclusive  of  Captain  Hog's  company,  has 
issued  pay  for  1080." 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie  Washington  wrote  from  Win 
chester  August  14,  1756: 

"We  have  built  some  and  altered  other  forts,  as  far 
south  on  the  Potomac  waters  as  any  settlers  have  been 
molested;  and  there  only  remains  one  body  of  inhabitants, 
at  a  place  called  the  Upper  Tract,  which  needs  a  guard 
upon  these  waters,  and  thither  I  have  ordered  a  party. 

"  There  have  been  two  or  three  men  killed  and  scalped 
at  different  places  since  my  last,  though  every  precaution 
has  been  taken  to  prevent  it.  The  fatiguing  service,  low 
pay,  and  great  hardships  in  which  our  men  have  been  en 
gaged,  cause,  notwithstanding  the  greatest  care  and  vigil 
ance  to  the  contrary,  great  and  scandalous  desertions. 
Yesterday  I  received  an  account  from  Captain  Stewart 
of  sixteen  men  deserting  in  a  party.  Frequently  two  or 
three  went  off  before,  as  they  have  done  from  this  place. 
We  never  fail  to  pursue,  and  use  all  possible  means  to 
apprehend  them;  but  seldom  with  success,  as  they  are 
generally  aided  and  assisted  off  by  the  inhabitants. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  347 

"A  report  prevailed  in  town  yesterday  that  a  large  body 
of  Indians,  headed  by  some  French,  intended  to  attack 
Fort  Cumberland  this  fall.  The  consequence  of  a  success 
ful  enterprise,  and  the  absolute  impossibility  (considering 
the  weakness  of  the  place,  badness  of  situation,  and  divi 
sion  of  our  force)  of  preventing  its  falling,  are  motives 
sufficient  to  apprehend  the  worst,  especially  when  we  con 
sider  that  our  provision,  and,  what  is  still  more  valuable, 
all  our  ammunition  and  stores,  are  lodged  in  that  defence 
less  place. 

"All  the  militia  are  returned  [home]  save  30  from  Cul- 
peper,  who  stay  willingly  with  Captain  Fields." 

To  Lord  Thomas  Fairfax,  August  29,  1756,  Washington 
wrote  from  Winchester : 

"  It  is  with  infinite  concern  I  see  the  distresses  of  the 
people,  and  hear  their  complaints,  without  being  able  to 
afford  them  relief.  I  have  so  often  troubled  your  Honor 
for  aid  from  the  militia,  that  I  am  almost  ashamed  to  re 
peat  my  demands;  nor  should  mention  them  again,  did 
I  not  think  it  absolutely  necessary  at  this  time  to  save  the 
most  valuable  and  flourishing  part  of  this  county  from 
immediate  desertion.  And  how  soon  the  remainder  part, 
as  well  as  the  adjacent  counties,  may  share  the  same  fate, 
is  too  obvious  to  reason,  and  to  your  Lordship's  good 
sense  for  me  to  demonstrate.  The  whole  settlement  of 
Conococheague  in  Maryland  is  fled,  and  there  now  remain 
only  two  families  from  thence  to  Fredericktown,  which 
is  several  miles  below  the  Blue  Ridge.  By  which  means 
we  are  quite  exposed,  and  have  no  better  security  on  that 
side  than  the  Potomac  river  for  many  miles  below  the 
Shenandoah;  and  how  great  security  that  is  to  us  may 
.easily  be  discerned  when  we  consider  with  what  facility 
the  enemy  have  passed  and  repassed  it  already.  That  the 
Maryland  settlements  are  all  abandoned  is  certainly  fact. 


348  WASHINGTON. 

1  thought  it  expedient  to  inform  your  Lordship  of  the 
reasons  for  asking  succours  for  these  unhappy  people, 
and  how  absolutely  necessary  it  is  to  use  without  delay 
such  vigorous  measures  as  will  save  that  settlement  from 
total  desolation. 

"  When  Hampshire  [county]  was  invaded,  and  called 
on  Frederick  for  assistance,  the  people  of  the  latter  re 
fused  their  aid,  answering,  '  Let  them  defend  themselves, 
as  we  shall  do  if  they  come  to  us.'  Now  the  enemy  have 
forced  through  that  county,  and  begin  to  infest  this,  those 
a  little  removed  from  danger  are  equally  infatuated;  and 
will  be,  I  fear,  until  all  in  turn  fall  a  sacrifice  to  an  insult 
ing  and  merciless  enemy. 

"  I  am  so  weak-handed  here  that  I  could  not,  without 
stagnating  the  public  works,  spare  a  man  to  these  peo 
ples  assistance.  Yet  I  look  upon  the  retaining  of  them 
to  be  so  essential  to  the  well-being  of  the  county  in  gen 
eral,  that  I  have  ordered  all  the  men  that  can  possibly  be 
spared,  to  march  thitherwards ;  to  remain  there  until  your 
Lordship  can  relieve  them  to  return  to  these  works.  I 
hope  your  Lordship  will  exert  your  authority  in  raising 
men.  This  will  redress  the  complaints  of  the  people,  be 
low,  who  say  they  cannot  leave  their  families  to  the  mercy 
of  the  enemy  while  they  are  scouring  the  woods." 

To  Colonel  Stephen,  Washington  wrote  September  6, 
1765,  from  Winchester: 

"  I  am  in  hopes  our  men  for  the  future  will  be  better 
satisfied,  as  the  Committee  have  allowed  them  eight  pence 
per  day  and  their  clothes  without  any  stoppages  or  deduc 
tions. 

"  The  Governor  informs  me  that  he  just  received  an 
express  from  Major  Lewis,  acquainting  him  that  he  might 
expect  150  Cherokees  to  be  at  this  place  in  a  fortnight; 
and  that  the  Catawba  king  had  engaged  to  send  50  war- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  349 

riors  to  our  assistance.  This  will  be  a  considerable  help 
to  us,  as  we  shall  be  able  to  carry  the  war  into  their  own 
country,  and  use  them  in  the  same  manner  they  have 
us  for  12  months  past.  He  adds  that  the  Catawbas  and 
Cherokees  are  very  firmly  attached  to  our  interest,  and 
will  still  furnish  us  with  more  assistance  when  the  fort  in 
that  country  is  completed.  It  is  already  in  great  for 
wardness. 

"  I  have  got  orders  from  the  Governor  to  enlist  ser 
vants,  the  masters  to  be  paid  a  reasonable  price  upon 
the  first  purchase,  deducting  for  the  time  they  have  served. 
Complaint  has  been  made  that  the  officers  and  soldiers 
upon  party  [a  recruiting  party]  take  up  the  strays  they 
find  in  the  woods.  Let  these  practices  be  discouraged. 
Ensign  Roy  had  my  promise  to  be  appointed  to  my  com 
pany,  as  it  is  the  company  he  before  belonged  to,  in  case 
my  brother  did  not  accept,  and  he  has  declined  it. 

"  Waters  and  Burrass  behaved  extremely  ill  when  they 
were  sent  down  last.  If  I  could  lay  my  hands  on  them, 
I  would  try  the  effect  of  1000  lashes  on  the  former,  and 
whether  a  general  court  martial  would  not  condemn  the 
latter  to  the  life  eternal. 

"  Capt.  Peachy  applied  to  me  for  leave  to  take  up 
strays,  etc.,  and  said  it  was  practised  by  the  Marylanders 
and  Pennsylvanians.  If  the  people  of  those  provinces  are 
guilty  of  unlawful  practices,  I  cannot  think  it  should  be 
any  excitement  to  us  to  follow  their  example :  for  under 
that  pretence  of  getting  strays  in  the  mountains,  is  car 
ried  on  a  scene  of  the  greatest  iniquity  that  can  be  im 
agined.  The  horses  of  our  deserted  settlements  are  taken 
up,  sold,  and  made  away  with,  to  the  infinite  detriment 
and  oppression  of  the  people,  who  complain  of  these  griev 
ances  in  the  most  sensible  manner,  and  urge  that  they 


350  WASHINGTON. 

are  more  oppressed  by  their  own  people  than  by  the 
enemy." 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  Washington  wrote  September 
8,  1756,  of  this  enlisting  of  servants : 

"  It  is  the  best,  most  expeditious,  nay,  only  method,  I 
know  of  now  to  recruit  the  forces.  It  will  occasion  great 
murmuring  and  discontent  to  the  masters,  if  they  are  not 
paid  immediately  for  their  servants. 

"  The  men  are  much  satisfied  with  the  augmentation  of 
their  pay,  but  nothing  will  prevent  their  desertion  while 
they  are  kindly  received  and  entertained  through  the  Col 
ony,  and  even  under  the  eye  of  the  civil  magistrate.  Those 
delivered  to  the  constables  are  always  suffered  to  escape, 
and  no  notice  taken  of  it. 

"  The  Indians  are  a  very  covetous  people,  and  expect 
to  be  well  rewarded  for  the  least  service. 

"  People  here  in  general  are  very  selfish ;  every  person- 
expects  forces  at  his  own  door,  and  is  angry  to  see  them 
at  his  neighbors. 

"  The  number  of  tipling  houses  kept  here  is  a  great 
grievance. 

"All  the  efforts  which  have  been  made  here  to  raise  the 
militia  have  been  ineffectual. 

"  I  am  glad  the  Cherokees  have  determined  to  come 
to  our  assistance,  and  to  hear  of  the  firm  attachment  of 
them  and  the  Catawbas  to  our  interest.  They  will  be  of 
particular  service  —  more  than  twice  their  number  of  white 
men.  When  they  arrive,  which  I  pray  may  be  soon,  we 
may  deal  with  the  French  in  their  own  way ;  and,  by  visit 
ing  their  country,  will  keep  their  Indians  at  home. 

"We  have  been  happy  in  being  tolerable  peaceable  of 
late,  and  holding  our  own,  while  Maryland  and  Pennsyl 
vania  fly  in  the  utmost  consternation.  The  frontiers  of 
Maryland  are  abandoned  for  many  miles  below  the  Blue 


UFR  AND  TIMES.  351 

Ridge,  as  low  as  Fredericktown,  through  which  place  I 
am  credibly  informed  no  less  than  350  waggons,  trans 
porting  the  affrighted  families,  passed  in  the  space  of  three 
days.  The  Potomac  is  deserted  on  the  Maryland  side  40 
miles  below  Conococheague,  and  as  much  in  a  parallel 
below  Winchester,  and  is  now  more  than  any  the  theatre 
of  bloodshed  and  cruelty. 

"  Those  Indians  who  are  now  coming  should  5e  showed 
all  possible  respect,  and  the  greatest  care  taken  of  them, 
as  upon  them  much  depends.  It  is  a  critical  time,  they 
are  very  humorsome,  and  their  assistance  very  necessary ! 
One  false  step  might  not  only  lose  us  that,  but  even  turn 
them  against  us.  All  kinds  of  necessary  goods,  etc., 
should  be  got  for  them. 

"  If  your  Honor  does  not  care  to  trouble  yourself  about 
it,  and  please  to  give  me  orders,  and  furnish  me  with 
money  or  letters  of  credit  (for  our  paper  money  passes  to 
great  disadvantage),  I  will  get  them  immediately  from 
Philadelphia,  which  is  the  only  place  that  I  know  of  that 
we  can  possibly  be  supplied  from. 

"As  the  most  of  our  present  corps  [of  officers]  are 
gentlemen  of  family,  and  have  now  been  sometime  in  the 
service,  I  fear  we  should  exchange  for  the  worse,  if  we 
aim  at  a  change." 

In  a  letter  of  August  14,  1756,  Washington  had  said  to 
the  Governor: 

"As  a  general  meeting  of  all  the  persons  concerned  in 
the  estate  of  my  deceased  brother  is  appointed  to  be  held 
at  Alexandria,  about  the  middle  of  September  next,  for 
making  a  final  settlement  of  all  his  affairs;  and  as  I  am 
deeply  interested,  not  only  as  an  executor  and  heir  to 
part  of  his  estate,  but  also  in  a  very  important  dispute, 
subsisting  between  Colonel  [George]  Lee,  who  married 
the  widow,  and  my  brothers  and  self,  concerning  advice 


352  WASHINGTON. 

in  the  will,  which  brings  the  whole  personal  estate  in 
question, —  I  say,  as  this  is  a  matter  of  very  great  mo 
ment  to  me,  I  hope  your  Honor  will  readily  consent  to 
my  attending  this  meeting,  provided  no  disadvantage  is 
likely  to  arise  during  my  absence;  in  which  case,  I  shall 
not  offer  to  quit  my  command." 

On  this  matter  Washington  wrote  to  the  Governor  from 
Mount  Vernon,  September  23,  1756: 

"  Under  your  kind  indulgence  I  came  to  this  place  a  few 
days  ago,  expecting  to  meet  the  executors  of  my  deceased 
brother,  in  order  to  make  a  final  settlement  of  his  affairs. 
I  was  disappointed  though  in  this  design,  by  the  Assem 
bly  having  called  away  the  principal  persons  concerned." 

On  public  matters,  Washington  further  said  in  this 
letter: 

"  I  have  often  urged  the  necessity  of  enforcing  the 
articles  of  war  in  all  their  parts,  where  it  is  not  incompati 
ble  with  the  nature  of  this  service. 

"  We  are  under  a  kind  of  regulation  at  present  that  ren 
ders  command  extremely  difficult  and  precarious,  as  no 
crimes  are  particularly  notified  but  mutiny  and  desertion. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  observe  in  regard  to  Fort  Cumberland, 
that  if  it  is  continued  we  must  be  confined  to  act  defen 
sively,  and  keep  our  forces  dispersed  as  they  now  are.  The 
place  must  be  fortified  with  strong  works,  or  else  inevi 
tably  fall,  garrison  and  stores,  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
How  fatal  a  stroke !  And  what  noise  this  will  make,  the 
censure  of  mankind  will  speedily  declare. 

"  I  did,  from  the  beginning,  express  my  sentiments 
against  having  small  garrisons  in  a  chain  of  forts  along 
our  frontiers. 

"  The  most  effectual  way  that  I  can  see,  though  none 
can  answer  while  we  act  defensively,  is  to  have  no  more 
than  three  or  four  large,  strong  forts,  built  at  convenient 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  353 

distances,  upon  our  frontiers;  in  which  strong  garrisons 
must  be  maintained. 

"  Unless  the  Assembly  concerts  some  measures  to  aug 
ment  their  force,  the  country,  I  fear,  must  inevitably  fall. 
The  frontiers,  since  this  time  a  twelve  month,  are  totally 
deserted  for  50  miles  and  upwards  quite  from  north  to 
south,  and  all  below  that  greatly  thinned  by  the  removal 
of  numbers;  occasioned  in  some  measure  by  Maryland 
and  Pennsylvania  giving  ground  so  much  faster  than  we 
do,  which  exposes  a  very  fine  country  of  ours  on  that  side, 
as  low  as  Monocacy,  in  Maryland,  several  miles  on  this 
side  of  the  Blue  Ridge. 

"  I  believe  I  might  also  add,  that  no  person  who  re 
gards  his  character,  will  undertake  a  command  without 
the  means  of  preserving  it;  since  his  conduct  Is  culpable 
for  all  misfortunes,  and  never  right  but  when  successful. 

"  I  cannot  think  any  number  under  2000  men  sufficient 
to  cover  our  extensive  frontiers,  and  with  them  it  is  im 
possible  to  prevent  misfortunes,  however  easy  the  world 
may  think  it.  What  means  can  be  used  to  raise  these 
men,  I  know  not,  unless  the  listing  servants  is  thought 
expedient;  and  that  alone  will  prove  ineffectual. 

"  I  apprehend  it  will  be  thought  advisable  to  keep  a 
garrison  always  at  Fort  Loudoun  [Winchester] ;  for  which 
reason  I  would  beg  leave  to  represent  the  great  nuisance 
the  number  of  tippling-houses  in  Winchester  are  to  the 
soldiers,  who,  by  this  means,  in  despite  of  the  utmost  care 
and  vigilance,  are,  so  long  as  their  pay  holds  good,  in 
cessantly  drunk,  and  unfit  for  service. 

"The  rates  of  their  liquor  are  immoderately  high,  and 
the  publicans  throughout  the  country  charge  one  shilling 
per  meal,  currency,  for  soldier's  diet ;  and  the  country  only 
allows  the  recruiting  officer  eight  pence  per  day  for  the 
maintenance  of  a  soldier. 
23 


3M  WASHINGTON. 

"  The  want  of  a  chaplain  does,  I  humbly  conceive,  re 
flect  dishonor  upon  the  regiment,  as  all  other  officers  are 
allowed.  The  gentlemen  of  the  corps  are  sensible  of  this, 
and  did  propose  to  support  one  at  their  private  expense." 

September  28,  1756,  Washington  wrote  from  Winches 
ter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie: 

"  I  arrived  here  last  night,  *  *  *  and  set  out  to 
morrow  for  Augusta." 

October  10,  1756,  Washington  wrote  from  Halifax, 
where  the  southernmost  fort  was,  that  he  had  met  within 
five  miles  of  the  Carolina  line,  the  commissioner  to  secure 
some  hundreds  of  Indian  allies,  Major  Lewis,  and  the 
result  of  his  trip  to  the  Cherokees  was  seven  men  and 
three  women,  instead  of  the  expected  400.  At  Augusta 
Courthouse,  hearing  of  Indian  depredations,  Washington 
had  applied  to  Colonel  Stewart  to  raise  a  party  of  the 
militia  with  which  to  himself  march  to  Jackson's  river, 
to  scour  the  woods  there,  and  if  possible  fall  in  with  the 
enemy;  and  the  best  Stewart  had  been  able  to  do,  with 
Washington  waiting  five  days,  was  only  five  men.  In  this 
situation  Washington  had  proceeded  sixty  miles  to 
Luney's  Ferry  on  the  James  river,  in  hope  of  getting  men 
from  Colonel  Buchanan,  and  this  officer  had  told  him  with 
very  great  concern  that  he  was  finding  it  utterly  impos 
sible  to  raise  men  by -any  orders  that  he  could  give.  The 
only  service  Buchanan  had  been  able  to  render  was  that 
of  accompanying  Washington  to  Voss's,  on  the  Roanoke, 
where  Captain  Hog  was  building  a  fort ;  and  here  they  had 
found  Captain  Hog  engaged  in  building  a  fort  with  only 
eighteen  of  his  company  while  a  militia  Captain  Hunt  with 
thirty  men  would  not  strike  a  stroke  unless  upon  a  guar 
antee  of  being  paid  forty  pounds  of  tobacco  per  day  for 
each  man.  The  place  was  "  a  pass  of  very  great  import 
ance,  being  a  very  great  inroad  of  the  enemy,"  where  a 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  355 

fort  would  protect  an  extensive  country.  Washington 
had  hardly  passed  from  this  point,  on  the  way  "  to  visit 
the  range  of  forts  in  this  country,"  when  "  two  men  were 
killed  along  the  same  road.'!  Not  one  of  the  inhabitants 
dared  stay  with  only  militia  protection.  "  The  militia," 
said  Washington,  "  are  in  such  bad  order  and  discipline, 
that  they  will  go  and  come  when  and  where  they  please, 
without  regarding  time,  their  officers,  or  the  safety  of 
the  inhabitants,  but  consulting  solely  their  own  inclina 
tions."  Where  one-third  should  be  out  on  .duty  hardly 
one-thirteenth  obeyed  the  order,  and  being  to  be  relieved 
every  month  "  they  are  more  than  that  time  marching  to 
and  from  their  stations,  and  will  not  wait  one  day  longer 
than  the  limited  time,  let  the  necessity  for  it  be  ever  so 
urgent."  And  in  fact,  even  if  their  month  was  not  out, 
an  urgent  necessity  for  action  would  send  them  away,  leav 
ing  Captain  Hog  and  his  only  eighteen  men,  for  example, 
to  face  Indian  attack  alone. 

"  Perhaps  it  may  be  thought  that  I  reflect  unjustly," 
Washington  went  on  to  say.  "  I  really  do  not,  Sir;  I 
scorn  to  make  unjust  remarks  on  the  behavior  of  the 
militia,  as  much  as  I  despise  and  contemn  the  persons 
who  detract  from  mine  and  the  character  of  the  regiment. 
Were  it  not  that  I  consulted  the  good  of  the  public,  and 
thought  these  garrisons  merited  redress,  I  should  not  think 
ii  worth  my  mention.  I  only  want  to  make  the  country 
sensible  how  ardently  I  have  studied  to  promote  her  cause, 
and  wish  very  sincerely  my  successor  may  fill  my  place 
more  to  their  satisfaction  in  every  respect  than  I  have 
been  able  to  do. 

"  I  mentioned  in  my  last  that  I  did  not  think  a  less 
number  than  2000  men  would  be  sufficient  to  defend  our 
extensive  and  much  exposed  frontiers  from  the  ravages 
of  the  enemy.  I  have  not  had  one  reason  to  alter  my 


356  WASHINGTON. 

opinion,  but  many  to  strengthen  and  to  confirm  it.  And 
I  flatter  myself  the  country  will,  when  they  know  my  mo 
tives,  be  convinced  that  I  Jiave  had  no  sinister  views,  no 
vain  motives  of  commanding  a  number  of  men,  that  urge 
me  to  recommend  this  number  to  your  Honor,  but  that 
it  proceeds  from  the  knowledge  I  have  acquired  of  the 
country,  people,  &c.,  to  be  defended. 

"  I  set  out  this  day  on  my  return  to  the  fort  at  the  head 
of  Catawba,  where  Colonel  Buchanan  promised  to  meet 
me  with  a  party  to  conduct  me  along  our  frontiers,  up 
Jackson's  River  to  Fort  Dinwiddie,  and  higher  if  needful." 

The  reference  above  to  "  my  successor "  was  due  to 
Washington's  intention  of  resigning  in  consequence  of  ma 
lignant  charges  against  his  regiment  in  a  communication 
to  the  Virginia  Gazette.  The  complaints  referred  to  in 
Washington's  letter  of  April  18,  1756,  to  Governor  Din 
widdie,  had  been  renewed,  and  a  broadside  of  scurrilous 
abuse  launched  in  the  communication  mentioned. 

In  a  letter  of  October  23,  1756,  to  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Stephen,  in  command  at  Fort  Cumberland,  Washington 
referred  to  this  officer  an  order  from  Governor  Dinwiddie 
to  have  a  council  of  officers  pass  upon  the  question  of 
keeping  up  or  giving  up  that  fortress  This  council  of 
war,  held  October  30,  1756,  consisted  of  fifteen  officers, 
and  its  president,  Colonel  Stephen;  and  their  decision  was 
to  call  on  Washington  for  an  immediate  reinforcement 
to  the  garrison;  to  have  some  of  the  most  valuable  stores 
removed  to  Winchester;  to  go  on  with  the  works  for 
strengthening  the  fort;  and  to  refer  to  Lord  Loudoun  the 
question  of  a  more  adequate  strengthening  of  the  place 
and  reinforcing  of  the  garrison. 

Washington's  letter  to  Colonel  Stephen  had  announced 
his  intention  to  urge  upon  the  Assembly  the  advantages 
and  necessity  of  an  offensive  campaign;  an  attempt  against 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  357 

Fort  Duquesne,  "  as  you  and  everybody  else  must  allow 
that  carrying  the  war  into  the  enemy's  country  is  the  sur 
est  method  of  peace  at  home  and  success  abroad."  "  The 
policy  of  the  French,"  he  continued,  "  is  so  subtle  that 
not  a  friendly  Indian  will  we  have  on  the  continent  if  we 
do  not  soon  dislodge  them  from  the  Ohio.  I  shall  exert 
every  power  to  make  this  plan  go  down  with  the  Assem 
bly,  and  press  them  to  vigorous  measures  for  the  safety 
and  interest  of  the  Country,  preferably  to  the  defensive, 
and  demonstrate  fully  to  them  everything  I  think  demands 
their  concern,  as  to  the  frontiers.  I  also  would  have  you 
collect  whatever  comes  under  your  own  observation  in 
these  respects,  that  we  may  omit  nothing  requisite  for 
the  Assembly's  regard." 

In  view  of  the  decision  of  the  council  of  war  as  to  Fort 
Cumberland,  Washington  expressed  this  opinion: 

"  The  situation  of  Fort  Cumberland  is  extremely  un 
suitable  for  defence,  and  in  no  ways  fit  for  fortification  — 
and  a  fort  somewhere  in  that  neighborhood  rather  more 
advanced  to  the  westward,  well-fortified  and  strongly  gar 
risoned  would  contribute  much  to  the  mutual  safety  and 
interest  of  the  three  colonies.  Because  it  secures  the 
only  gap  of  the  Alleghany  at  present  made  passable  for 
wheel-carriages  and  which  would  forward  an  Expedition 
to  the  Ohio.  Now  would  the  three  colonies  consent  to 
furnish  proportionable  supplies,  I  should  think  it  highly 
expedient  to  maintain  that  pass  by  erecting  a  Fortress  of 
strength  towards  the  Little  Meadows,  in  advance  to  the 
Enemy,  which  would  give  us  yet  more  advantages,  and 
Fort  Cumberland  would  still  answer  its  present  purpose 
without  attempting  its  improvement  while  covered  by  the 
other.  Or  should  Virginia  herself  take  the  weight  of  this 
Enterprise  —  or  could  it  be  accomplished  by  any  means 
whatever  —  I  should  be  extremely  fond  of  the  expedient. 


358  WASHINGTON. 

But  to  view  Fort  Cumberland  in  its  present  defenseless 
posture,  relative  to  Virginia  in  particular, —  and  at  this 
gloomy  juncture  of  affairs  —  I  can  not  entertain  very  fav 
orable  sentiments  of  supporting  it. 

11  As  to  the  address  of  the  council  to  me  for  reinforce 
ment,  they  must  have  known  that  it  was  out  of  my  power 
to  grant  it. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  were  it  at  any  other  time  than  this  — 
knowing  the  weakness  of  our  strength,  doubting  the  as 
sistance  of  our  neighbors,  and  dreading  the  consequence 
of  leaving  the  place  longer  exposed,  although  great  part  of 
the  stores  is  already  removed,  I  should  vote  for  demol 
ishing  it.  But  the  affair  being  of  great  importance,  I  only 
offer  my  sentiments;  and  submit  to  his  Honor  the  Gov 
ernor,  and  the  Assembly,  for  the  determination  of  the 
case." 

This  fort  was  "  built  of  stockades  about  nine  feet  high 
above  ground  and  never  intended  for  defence  against  ar 
tillery;"  also  it  was  "commanded  by  a  rising  ground 
about  150  yards  northwest  of  the  stockades,  and  over 
looked  by  several  hills  within  cannon  shot ;  "  also  the  bar 
racks  were  "  without  the  fort,  ill-built,  and  easily  set  on 
fire  by  the  enemy;  as  any  number  of  men  can  come  under 
the  banks  of  the  Potomac  and  Will's  Creek,  within  pistol 
shot  of  the  barracks,  and  the  fort  itself,  without  being 
exposed  to  a  shot  from  cannon  or  small  arms :  "  and  finally, 
the  roads  here  made  it  the  only  place  south  of  Albany 
exposed  to  an  attack  from  carriage  guns. 

November  9,  1756,  Washington  wrote  from  Winchester 
to  Governor  Dinwiddie: 

"  From  Fort  Trial  on  Smith's  River,  I  returned  to  Fort 
William  on  the  Catawba,  where  I  met  Colonel  Buchanan 
with  about  30  men,  chiefly  officers,  to  conduct  me  up 
Jackson's  river,  along  the  range  of  forts.  With  this  small 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  359 

company  of  irregulars  [militia],  with  whom  order,  regu 
larity,  circumspection,  and  vigilance  were  matters  of  de 
rision  and  contempt,  we  set  out,  and,  by  the  protection 
of  Providence,  reached  Augusta  Court-House  in  seven 
days,  without  meeting  the  enemy;  otherwise  we  must  have 
fallen  a  sacrifice,  through  the  indiscretion  of  these  whoop 
ing,  hallooing  gentlemen  soldiers! 

"  The  jaunt  afforded  me  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the 
bad  regulation  of  the  militia,  the  disorderly  proceedings 
of  the  garrisons,  and  the  unhappy  circumstances  of  the 
inhabitants. 

"  For  want  of  proper  laws  to  govern  the  militia  by  (for 
I  cannot  ascribe  it  to  any  other  cause),  they  are  obstinate, 
self-willed,  perverse,  of  little  or  no  service  to  the  people, 
and  very  burthensome  to  the  country.  Every  mean  indi 
vidual  has  his  own  crude  notions  of  things,  and  must  un 
dertake  to  direct.  If  his  advice  is  neglected,  he  thinks 
himself  slighted,  abused,  and  injured;  and,  to  redress  his 
wrongs  will  depart  for  home. 

"  I  found  the  garrisons  [militia]  very  weak  for  want  of 
men;  but  more  so  by  indolence  and  irregularity.  None 
I  saw  in  a  posture  of  defence,  and  few  that  might  not  be 
surprised  with  the  greatest  ease.  They  keep  no  guard, 
but  just  when  the  enemy  is  about.  So  that  the  neighbor 
hood  may  be  ravaged  by  the  enemy,  and  they  not  the 
wiser.  Of  the  ammunition  they  are  as  careless  as  of  the 
provisions,  firing  it  away  frequently  at  targets  for  wagers. 
Of  the  many  forts  which  I  passed  by,  I  saw  but  one  or 
two  that  had  their  captains  present,  they  being  absent 
chiefly  on  their  own  business. 

"  These  men  afford  no  assistance  to  the  unhappy  settlers 
Who  are  driven  from  their  plantations,  either  in  securing 
their  harvests  or  gathering  in  their  corn.  The  wretched 
inhabitants  feel  their  insecurity  from  militia  preservation, 


360  WASHINGTON. 

who  are  slow  in  coming  to  their  assistance,  indifferent 
about  their  preservation,  unwilling  to  continue,  and  re 
gardless  of  everything  but  their  own  ease.  In  short,  they 
are  so  affected  with  approaching  ruin,  that  the  whole  back 
country  is  in  motion  towards  the  southern  colonies.  They 
petitioned  me  in  the  most  earnest  manner  for  companies 
of  the  regiment.  But,  alas!  it  is  not  in  my  power  to 
assist  them  with  any,  except  I  leave  this  dangerous  quar 
ter  [about  Winchester]  more  exposed  than  they  are." 

It  will  be  noted  that  this  account  refers  to  forts  wholly 
in  charge  of  militia,  and  not  under  Washington's  direc 
tion.  He  points  out  the  contrast  between  service  such  as 
his  enlisted  soldiers  could  give  and  that  of  the  militia.  To 
a  large  extent  the  Governor  managed  the  militia  move 
ments,  and  Washington's  exposure  of  the  system  was  none 
too  pleasant  for  him.  He  sent  orders  to  Washington,  by 
a  letter  of  November  i8th,  resenting  criticism  that  seemed 
to  touch  him,  and  requiring  Washington  "  to  march  im 
mediately  loo  men  to  Fort  Cumberland  from  the  forces  at 
Winchester,"  and  to  remain  there  himself  in  command. 
Washington  wrote  in  reply  from  Alexandria,  on  his  way 
down  to  Williamsburg,  November  24,  1756: 

"  At  this  place  I  received  your  Honor's  letter  of  the 
i8th,  and  shall  take  care  to  pay  the  strictest  obedience 
to  your  orders,  and  the  opinion  [that  Fort  Cumberland 
should  not  be  given  up,  but  should  be  reinforced  from 
Winchester],  as  far  as  I  can.  The  detachment  ordered 
from  Winchester  exceeds,  I  believe  the  number  of  enlisted 
men  we  have  there;  and  the  drafts,  which  made  our 
strength  at  that  place  to  consist  of  about  160  men,  will 
leave  us  in  seven  days.  I  have  no  hope  of  enlisting  any,  nor 
prolonging  their  stay,  as  we  have  heretofore  engaged  those 
who  were  willing  to  serve.  However,  my  true  endeavors 


JOSEPH    WARREN. 


LIFE  AtiD  TIM&S.  $61 

shall  be  strictly  aiding  for  this  (more  than  ever)  neces 
sary  purpose. 

"  I  am  very  sorry  if  any  expression  in  my  letter  should 
be  deemed  unmannerly.  I  have  endeavored  to  demean 
myself  in  that  proper  respect  due  to  superiors;  and  in  the 
instance  mentioned  I  can  truly  say,  so  far  from  intending 
a  charge  or  affront  of  any  kind,  it  was  distant  from  my 
thoughts. 

"  I  seem  also  to  be  reprimanded  for  giving  a  vague 
account  of  my  tour  to  the  southward.  I  was  rather  fear 
ful  of  blame  for  meddling  with  matters  I  had  no  imme 
diate  concern  with  the  [the  militia  garrisons  in  the  quarter 
of  which  he  spoke  not  being  under  his  immediate  com 
mand;  yet  Dinwiddie  complained  that  he  had  not  reported 
the  officers  by  name,  the  same  as  if  they  had  been  under 
his  command;  and  he  testily  declared  it  "unmannerly" 
to  speak  of  failure  with  the  Indians,  as  if  incompetent 
persons  had  been  sent  on  this  mission  by  himself].  I 
related  the  situation  of  our  frontiers  as  well  as  I  was  capa 
ble,  with  a  design,  from  which  I  have  never  intention 
ally  swerved,' to  serve  my  country;  and  am  sorry  to  find 
that  this,  and  my  best  endeavors  of  late,  meet  with  unfav 
orable  constructions.  What  it  proceeds  from  I  know  not. 

"  So  soon  as  I  march  from  Winchester,  which  will  im 
mediately  happen,  as  I  am  setting  out  thence,  I  shall  write 
your  Honor  a  more  distinct  account  of  the  situation  at 
that  place,  which  will  be  left  entirely  destitute  of  all  pro 
tection,  notwithstanding  it  now  contains  all  the  public 
stores  of  any  importance,  as  they  were  removed  from  Fort 
Cumberland,  and  in  the  most  dangerous  part  of  our  fron 
tiers.  The  works,  which  have  been  constructed,  and 
conducted  on,  with  infinite  pains  and  labor  will  be  unfin 
ished  and  exposed;  and  the  materials  for  completing  the 
building,  which  have  been  collected  with  unspeakable  dif- 


362  WASHINGTON. 

ficulty  and  expense,  left  to  be  pillaged  and  destroyed  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  town;  because,  as  I  before  observed, 
100  men  will  exceed  the  number,  I  am  pretty  confident, 
which  we  have  there,  when  the  drafts  go  off.  So,  to  com 
ply  with  my  orders  (which  I  shall  literally  do,  if  I  can,) 
not  a  man  will  be  left  there  to  secure  the  works,  or  defend 
the  King's  stores." 

A  week  later,  December  2,  1756,  Washington  wrote  to 
the  Governor  from  Winchester  (Fort  Loudoun),  that 
"  wagons  and  provisions  in  readiness  to  go  up  with  this 
escort"  the  commissary  had  been  unable  to  supply;  and 
further  he  said: 

"  The  return  of  our  strength,  which  I  called  in  so  soon 
as  I  arrived,  is  herewith  sent,  signed  by  the  adjutant, 
amounting,  exclusive  of  the  drafts,  to  81  effectives,  in 
cluding  the  sick,  and  young  drummers,  who  were  sent 
here  to  learn. 

11  Your  Honor's  late  and  unexpected  order  has  caused 
the  utmost  terror  and  consternation  in  the  people,  and 
will,  I  fear,  be  productive  of  numberless  evils,  not  only 
to  this  place,  but  to  the  country  in  general,  who  seem  to 
be  in  the  greatest  dread  for  the  consequences.  The  stores 
of  every  kind  have  all  been  brought  from  Fort  Cumber 
land,  save  those  indispensably  necessary  there,  at  a  very 
great  expense,  and  lie  in  the  court-house  and  other  pub 
lic  buildings,  to  the  no  small  inconvenience  and  detri 
ment  of  the  county.  I  am  convinced,  if  your  Honor  were 
truly  informed  of  the  situation  of  this  place, —  in  every 
degree  our  utmost  and  most  exposed  frontier,  there  be 
ing  no  inhabitants  between  this  and  the  Branch,  and  none 
there  but  what  are  forted  in, —  you  would  not  think  it 
prudent  to  leave  such  a  quantity  of  valuable  stores  ex 
posed  to  the  insults  of  a  few;  for  a  very  few  indeed  might 
reduce  them,  and  the  town  too,  to  ashes. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  363 

"  In  the  next  place,  the  works,  which  have  been  begun 
and  continued  with  labor  and  hardship,  lie  open,  untena 
ble,  and  exposed  to  the  weather,  to  say  no  more;  and 
the  materials,  which  have  been  collected  with  cost  and 
infinite  difficulty,  to  the  mercy  of  every  pillager;  our  tim 
ber  and  scantling,  used  and  burnt  by  the  town's  people; 
our  plank,  which  has  been  brought  from  far,  stolen  and 
destroyed;  and  the  lime,  if  not  stolen,  left  to  be  wasted, 
&c.,  &c.  And,  this  is  not  the  worst.  A  building,  which 
in  time  might  and  would  have  been  very  strong  and  de 
fensible,  and  an  asylum  in  the  greatest  danger,  in  a  man 
ner  totally  abandoned.  As  the  case  now  stands,  we  have 
no  place  tenable,  no  place  of  safety;  all  is  exposed  and 
open  to  attacks;  and  by  not  having  a  garrison  at  this 
place,  no  convoys  can  get  up  to  us,  and  the  communication 
with  the  inhabitants  entirely  cut  off,  so  that  soldiers  and 
inhabitants  cannot  be  assisting  each  other. 

"  My  residing  at  Fort  Cumberland,  lying  more  ad 
vanced,  and  wide  of  all  other  forts,  will  prevent  me  from 
having  the  immediate  direction  of  any  but  that;  will  ren 
der  it  impossible  to  deliver  stores  regularly;  a  total  stag 
nation  of  business  must  ensue,  because  no  person  will  or 
can  come  to  me  there  [for  payment  of  contingent  ex 
penses]  ;  and  receiving  intelligence  and  distributing  orders, 
so  convenient  at  Winchester,  will  be  impossible. 

"  I  declare,  upon  my  honor,  that  I  am  not  loath  to 
leave  this,  but  had  rather  be  at  Fort  Cumberland  (if  I 
could  do  my  duty  fliere)  a  thousand  times  over;  for  I 
am  tired  of  the  place,  the  inhabitants,  the  life  I  lead  here; 
and  if,  after  what  I  have  said,  you  should  think  it  neces 
sary  that  I  reside  at  that  place,  I  shall  acquiesce  with 
pleasure  and  cheerfulness,  and  be  freed  from  much  anxiety, 
plague,  and  business.  To  be  at  Fort  Cumberland  some- 


364  WASHINGTON. 

times  I   think  highly  expedient,  and   have  hitherto  done 
it.     Three  weeks  ago  I  came  from  that  place." 

December  19,  1756,  Washington  wrote  from  Fort  Lou- 
doun  to  Dinwiddie: 

"Your  letter  of  the  loth  came  to  hand  the  I5th;  in 
consequence  of  which  I  despatched  orders  immediately 
to  all  the  garrisons  on  the  Branch  to  evacuate  their  forts 
and  repair  to  Pearsall's,  where  they  would  meet  the  flour, 
&c.,  from  this  place  and  escort  it  to  Fort  Cumberland. 
1  expect  the  provisions  purchased  for  the  support  of  these 
forts,  and  now  lying  in  bulk,  will  be  wasted  and  destroyed, 
notwithstanding  I  have  given  directions  to  the  assistant 
commissary  on  the  Branch,  and  to  Waggener's  company, 
to  use  their  utmost  diligence  in  collecting  the  whole,  and 
securing  them  where  his  company  is  posted.  An  escort, 
with  all  the  flour  we  have  been  able  to  procure,  sets  out 
from  this  on  Tuesday  next.  I  expect  to  depart  sooner 
myself,  after  leaving  directions  with  Captain  Mercer, 
whom  I  have  appointed  to  command  here,  and  shall  repair 
as  expeditiously  as  possible  to  Fort  Cumberland. 

"  I  am  at  a  loss  to  understand  the  meaning  of  your 
Honor's  orders,  and  the  opinion  of  the  Council,  when  I 
am  directed  to  evacuate  all  the  stockade  forts,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  march  only  100  men  to  Fort  Cumber 
land,  and  to  continue  the  like  number  here  to  garrison 
Fort  Loudoun.  If  the  stockade  forts  are  all  abandoned, 
there  will  be  more  men  than  are  required  for  these  two 
purposes,  and  the  communication  between  them,  of  near 
80  miles,  will  be  left  without  a  settler,  unguarded  and 
exposed." 

In  his  orders  to  the  several  commanders  of  forts  now 
evacuated  Washington  wrote: 

"  I  heartily  commiserate  the  poor,  unhappy  inhabitants, 
left  by  this  means  exposed  to  every  excursion  of  a  'mer- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  365 

ciless  enemy,  and  wish  it  were  in  my  power  to  offer  them 
better  support  than  good  wishes  (merely)  will  afford. 
You  may  assure  the  settlement  that  this  unexpected,  andf 
if  I  may  be  allowed  to  say,  unavoidable  step  was  taken 
without  my  concurrence  and  knowledge;  that  it  is  an  ex 
press  order  from  the  Governor,  and  can  neither  be  evaded 
nor  delayed.  Therefore,  any  representations  to  me  of 
their  danger,  and  the  necessity  of  continuing  troops 
among  them,  will  be  fruitless;  I  have  inclination,  but  no 
power  left,  to  serve  them.  It  is  also  the  Governor's  or 
der,  that  the  forts  be  left  standing  for  the  inhabitants  to 
possess  if  they  think  proper." 

Washington's  letter  to  Dinwiddie  of  December  iQth 
continued  as  follows: 

"  I  have  read  that  paragraph  in  Lord  Loudoun's  letter, 
which  your  Honor  was  pleased  to  send  me,  over  and 
over  again,  but  am  unable  to  comprehend  the  meaning 
of  it.  What  scheme  it  is,  I  was  carrying  into  execution 
without  waiting  advice,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know,  unless  it 
was  building  the  chain  of  forts  along  our  frontiers,  which 
I  not  only  undertook  conformably  to  an  act  of  Assembly, 
and  by  your  own  orders,  but,  with  respect  to  the  places, 
in  pursuance  of  a  council  of  war. 

"  I  see  with  much  regret  that  his  Excellency  Lord  Lou- 
doun  seems  to  have  prejudged  my  proceedings,  without 
being  thoroughly  informed  what  were  the  springs  and  mo 
tives  that  have  actuated  my  conduct.  How  far  I  have 
mistaken  the  means  to  recommend  my  services,  I  know 
not,  but  I  am  certain  of  this,  that  no  man  ever  intended 
better,  or  studied  the  interest  of  his  country  with  more 
affectionate  zeal,  than  I  have  done. 

"  I  believe  we  are  the  only  troops  upon  the  continent, 
that  are  kept  summer  and  winter  to  the  severest  duty, 
with  the  least  respite  or  indulgence.  The  delay  of  the 


366  WASHINGTON. 

soldiers'  clothes  occasions  unaccountable  murmurs  and 
complaints,  and  I  am  very  much  afraid  we  shall  have  few 
men  left,  if  they  arrive  not  in  a  week  or  two.  Your  Honor 
would  be  astonished  to  see  the  naked  condition  of  the 
poor  wretches;  and  how  they  possibly  can  subsist,  much 
less  work,  in  such  severe  weather.  Had  we  but  blankets 
to  give  them,  or  anything  to  defend  them  from  the  cold, 
they  might  perhaps  be  easy/' 

Of  the  same  date  as  this  letter  to  Dinwiddie,  December 
19,  1756,  is  one  to  Speaker  Robinson,  in  which  Washing 
ton  said: 

"  All  the  stockade  forts  on  the  Branch  are  to  be  evacu 
ated,  and  in  course  all  the  settlements  abandoned,  except 
what  lie  under  the  immediate  protection  of  Captain  Wag- 
gener's  fort,  the  only  place  exempted  in  their  resolve. 
Surely  his  Honor  and  the  Council  are  not  fully  acquainted 
with  the  situation  and  circumstances  of  the  unhappy  fron 
tiers,  thus  to  expose  so  valuable  a  tract  as  the  Branch, 
in  order  to  support  a  fortification  in  itself  of  very  little 
importance  to  the  inhabitants  or  the  colony.  The  former 
order  of  Council  would  have  endangered  not  only  the 
loss  of  Fort  Loudoun  [being  built  at  Winchester,  extra 
large  and  strong,  under  Washington's  own  direction],  the 
stores,  and  Winchester,  but  a  general  removal  of  the  set 
tlers  of  this  valley,  even  to  the  Blue  Ridge.  This  last 
hath  the  same  object  in  view,  vizt.,  Fort  Cumberland,  and, 
to  maintain  it,  the  best  lands  in  Virginia  are  laid  open 
to  the  mercy  of  a  cruel  and  inhuman  enemy.  These  peo 
ple  have  long  struggled  with  the  dangers  of  savage  in 
cursions,  daily  soliciting  defence,  and  willing  to  keep  their 
ground.  To  encourage  them,  all  my  little  help  has  been 
administered,  and  they  seemed  satisfied  with  my  inten 
tions,  resolving  to  continue  while  any  probability  of  sup 
port  remained.  The  disposition  I  had  made  of  our  small 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  367 

regiment  gave  general  satisfaction  to  the  settlements,  and 
content  began  to  appear  everywhere.  The  necessary 
measures  for  provisions  and  stores  were  agreeably  con 
certed,  and  every  regulation  established  for  the  season. 
But  the  late  command  reverses,  confuses,  and  incom 
modes  everything;  to  say  nothing  of  the  extraordinary 
expense  of  carriage,  disappointments,  losses,  and  altera 
tions,  which  must  fall  heavy  on  the  country.  Whence 
it  arises,  or  why,  I  am  truly  ignorant;  but  my  strongest 
representations  of  matters  relative  to  the  peace  of  the 
frontiers  are  disregarded  as  idle  and  frivolous;  my  propo 
sitions  and  measures  as  partial  and  selfish;  and  all  my 
sincerest  endeavors  for  the  service  of  my  country  per 
verted  to  the  worst  purposes.  My  orders  are  dark,  doubt 
ful,  and  uncertain;  today  approved,  tomorrow  condemned. 
Left  to  act  and  proceed  at  hazard,  accountable  for  the 
consequences,  and  blamed  without  the  benefit  of  defence, 
if  you  can  think  my  situation  capable  to  excite  the  small 
est  degree  of  envy,  or  afford  the  least  satisfaction,  the 
truth  is  yet  hid  from  you,  and  you  entertain  notions  very 
different  from  the  reality  of  the  case.  However,  I  am  de 
termined  to  bear  up  under  all  these  embarrassments  some 
time  longer,  in  hope  of  better  regulation  on  the  arrival 
of  Lord  Loudoun,  to  whom  I  look  for  the  future  fate  of 
Virginia. 

"  His  Lordship,  I  think,  has  received  impressions  tend 
ing  to  prejudice,  by  false  representation  of  facts,  if  I  may 
judge  from  a  paragraph  of  one  of  his  letters  to  the  Gov 
ernor,  and  on  which  is  founded  the  resolve  to  support 
Fort  Cumberland  at  all  events.  The  severity  of  the  sea 
son,  and  nakedness  of  the  soldiers,  are  matters  of  much 
compassion,  and  give  rise  to  infinite  complaints.  Nor  is 
i:  possible  to  obviate  them,  unless  their  clothing  should 
come  in  immediately.  You  would  be  surprised  how  the 


368  WASHINGTON. 

poor  creatures  live,  much  more  how  they  can  do  duty. 
Had  we  but  blankets,  they  might  be  appeased  for  a  little 
time;  and  as  we  have  not,  I  fear  many  will  desert." 

In  reply  to  this  Speaker  Robinson  wrote  to  Washington : 

"  I  am  truly  concerned  at  the  uneasiness  you  are  under 
in  your  present  situation,  and  the  more  so  as  I  am  sensi 
ble  you  have  too  much  reason  for  it.  The  resolution  of 
defending  Fort  Cumberland,  and  evacuating  the  other 
forts,  was  taken  before  I  knew  or  mistrusted  anything  of 
the  matter.  I  must  confess  I  was  not  a  little  surprised 
at  it,  and  took  the  liberty  to  expostulate  with  many  of  the 
Council  upon  it,  who  gave  me  in  answer,  that  Lord  Lou- 
doun  had  insisted  that  Fort  Cumberland  should  be  pre 
served,  and,  as  we  had  so  few  troops,  it  could  not  be 
done  without  breaking  up  the  small  forts,  and  taking  the 
men  from  them. 

"  It  was  to  no  purpose  to  tell  them  that  our  frontiers 
would  thereby  be  entirely  exposed  to  our  cruel  and  savage 
enemy,  and  that  they  could  receive  no  protection  from 
Fort  Cumberland,  as  it  was  in  Maryland,  and  so  remote 
from  any  of  our  inhabitants; — and  further,  that  the  act 
of  Assembly,  which  gave  the  money  solely  for  the  de 
fence  and  protection  of  our  frontiers,  would  be  violated, 
and  the  money  applied  otherwise  than  the  Assembly  in 
tended.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all  I  could  say,  they  per 
sisted  in  their  resolution,  without  alleging  any  other  rea 
son  than  that  it  was  in  pursuance  of  Lord  Loudoun's 
desire. 

"  It  cannot  be  a  difficult  matter  to  guess,  who  was  the 
author  and  promoter  of  this  advice  and  resolution,  or  by 
whom  Lord  Loudoun  has  been  persuaded  that  the  place 
is  of  such  importance.  But  supposing  it  were  really  so, 
it  ought  to  be  defended  by  the  people  in  whose  province 
it  is,  or  at  least  at  the  expense  of  the  three  colonies 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  369 

jointly,  and  our  own  frontiers  not  left  exposed  for  the  de 
fence  of  a  place  from  which  we  cannot  receive  the  least  ad 
vantage  or  protection.  The  present  unhappy  state  of  our 
country  [Virginia  only  is  meant]  must  fill  the  mind  of  every 
well-wisher  to  it  with  dismal  and  gloomy  apprehensions; 
and  without  some  speedy  alterations  in  our  counsels, 
which  may  God  send,  the  fate  of  it  must  be  soon 
determined." 

About  this  time,  December,  1756,  Washington  ad 
dressed  a  formal  letter  to  Robinson,  inscribed,  "  To  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses/'  in  which  he  renewed 
his  protest  of  the  previous  May  (the  i8th)  against  what 
he  heard  by  several  letters,  "  that  the  Assembly  are  in 
censed  against  the  Virginia  regiment;  and  think  they  have 
cause  to  accuse  the  officers  of  all  inordinate  vices;  but 
more  especially  of  drunkenness  and  profanity !  "  As  in 
his  letter  of  May  18,  1756,  Washington  protested  the 
abundant  proofs  going  "to  show  on  the  one  hand  that 
my  incessant  endeavors  have  been  directed  to  discounte 
nance  gaming,  drinking,  swearing,  and  other  vices,  with 
which  all  camps  too  much  abound;  while,  on  the  other, 
I  have  used  every  expedient  to  inspire  a  laudable  emula 
tion  in  the  officers,  and  an  unerring  exercise  of  Duty  in  the 
Soldiers. 

"  I  can  not  help  observing,  that  if  the  country  think  they 
have  cause  to  condemn  my  conduct,  and  have  a  person 
in  view  that  will  act,  that  he  may  do.  But  who  will  en 
deavor  to  act  more  for  her  Interests  than  I  have  done? 
It  will  give  me  the  greatest  pleasure  to  resign  a  com 
mand  which  I  solemnly  declare  I  accepted  against  my 
will. 

."I  know,  Sir,  that  inexperience  may  have  led  me  into 
innumerable  errors.  For  which  reason  I  should  think 
myself  an  unworthy  member  of  the  community  and 
24 


370  WASHINGTON. 

greatly  deficient  in  the  love  I  owe  my  country,  which  has 
ever  been  the  first  principle  of  my  actions,  were  I  to  re 
quire  more  than  a  distant  hint  of  its  dissatisfaction  to  re 
sign  a  commission  which  I  confess  to  you  I  am  no  ways 
fond  of  keeping. 

"  These  sentiments  I  communicate  to  you,  Sir,  not  only 
as  to  a  Gentleman  for  whom  I  entertain  the  highest  re 
spect  and  greatest  friendship;  but  also  as  a  member  of 
the  Assembly,  that  the  contents,  if  you  think  proper,  may 
be  communicated  to  the  whole.  For,  be  assured,  I  shall 
never  wish  to  hold  a  Commission,  when  it  ceases  to  be 
by  unanimous  consent. 

"  I  am  far  from  attempting  to  vindicate  the  characters 
of  all  the  officers.  There  are  some  who  have  the  seeds  of 
Idleness  too  strongly  instilled  into  their  constitution, 
either  to  be  serviceable  to  themselves,  or  beneficial  to  the 
Country.  Yet  even  those  have  not  missed  my  best  ad 
vice  :  nor  have  my  unwearied  endeavors  ever  been  want 
ing  to  serve  my  country  with  the  highest  integrity.  No 
sordid  views  have  influenced  my  conduct,  nor  have  the 
hopes  of  unlawful  gains  swerved  me  in  any  measure  from 
the  strictest  dictates  of  Honor!  I  have  diligently  sought 
the  public  welfare;  and  have  endeavored  to  inculcate  the 
same  principles  on  all  that  are  under  me." 

January  12,  1757,  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Din- 
widdie  from  Fort  Cumberland: 

"  We  have  as  many  men  at  work  here,  preparing  timber 
to  strengthen  the  works,  as  tools  will  supply;  but  I  wish 
I  had  been  ordered  to  build  a  new  fort  rather  than  at 
tempt  to  repair  the  old  one. 

"  No  more  forts  were  evacuated  than  were  requisite  to 
reinforce  this  Garrison  with  100  men,  and  to  continue  100 
at  Fort  Loudoun  (Winchester),  according  to  order.  The 
others  are  continued  at  their  former  posts." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  371 

In  February,  1757,  Washington  sent  to  Lord  Loudoun 
a  letter,  reviewing  at  considerable  length  the  course  of 
events,  and  his  own  experience,  since  the  outbreak  of  hos 
tilities  between  the  French  and  English.  The  document 
is  a  masterly  presentation,  fit  in  both  matter  and  style  to 
be  compared  with  the  ablest  state  papers  from  our  pres 
ent  Secretary  of  War  or  Secretary  of  State,  whose  work 
is  at  the  highest  level  of  intelligence,  judgment,  and  ability. 
As  Lord  Loudoun's  secretary  acknowledged  receiving  the 
letter  February  27,  1757,  it  must  have  been  written  just 
as  Washington  became  twenty-five  years  of  age.  The 
more  notable  paragraphs  of  this  expert  recital  of  war  pro 
ceedings  and  experiences  are  the  following: 

"  The  sums  of  money,  my  Lord,  which  have  been 
granted  by  this  colony  to  carry  on  war,  have  been  very 
considerable ;  and  to  reflect  to  what  little  purpose  is  mat 
ter  of  great  concern,  and  will  seem  surprising  to  those 
who  are  not  acquainted  with  the  causes,  and  the  con 
fusion  with  which  all  our  affairs  Rave  hitherto  been  con 
ducted,  owing  to  our  having  no  fixed  object  or  pursuing 
any  regular  system,  or  plan  of  operation. 

"As  I  have  studied  with  attention  and  care  the  nature 
of  the  service  in  which  we  are  engaged,  have  been  engaged 
therein  from  the  beginning  of  the  present  broils,  and  have 
been  an  eye-witness  to  all  the  movements  and  various 
proceedings,  I  beg  leave  to  offer  a  concise  and  candid 
account  of  our  circumstances  to  your  Lordship;  from 
which  many  errors  may  be  discovered,  that  merit  redress 
in  a  very  high  degree. 

"  It  was  not  until  it  was  too  late,  we  discovered  that 
the  French  were  on  the  Ohio ;  or  rather,  that  we  could  be 
persuaded  they  came  there  with  a  design  to  invade  his 
Majesty's  dominions.  Nay,  after  I  was  sent  out  in  De 
cember,  1753,  and  brought  undoubted  testimony  even 


373  WASHINGTON. 

from  themselves  of  their  avowed  design,  it  was  yet 
thought  a  fiction,  and  a  scheme  to  promote  the  interest  of 
a  private  company,  even  by  some  who  had  a  share  in  the 
government.  These  unfavorable  surmises  caused  great 
delay  in  raising  the  first  men  and  money,  and  gave  the 
active  enemy  time  to  take  possession  of  the  Fork  of  Ohio 
(which  they  now  call  Duquesne),  before  we  were  in  suffi 
cient  strength  to  advance  thither,  which  has  been  the  chief 
source  of  all  our  past  and  present  misfortunes.  For  by 
this  means,  the  French  getting  between  us  and  our  In 
dian  allies,  they  fixed  those  In  their  interests  who  were 
wavering,  and  obliged  the  others  to  neutrality,  'till  the 
unhappy  defeat  of  his  (late)  Excellency  General  Braddock. 

"The  troops  under  Colonel  Dunbar  going  into  quar 
ters  in  July,  and  the  inactivity  of  the  neighboring  col 
onies,  and  the  incapacity  of  this,  conspired  to  give  the 
French  great  room  to  exult,  and  the  Indians  little  reason 
to  expect  a  vigorous  offensive  war  on  our  side. 

"  Virginia,  it  is  true,  was  not  inactive  all  this  time ;  on 
the  contrary,  voted  a  handsome  supply  for  raising  men 
to  carry  on  the  war,  or,  more  properly,  to  defend  herself. 
But  even  in  this  she  signally  failed. 

"  The  men  first  levied  to  repel  the  enemy  marched  for 
Ohio  the  beginning  of  April,  1754,  without  tents,  without 
clothes,  in  short  without  any  conveniences  to  shelter 
them,  in  that  remarkably  cold  and  wet  season,  from  the 
inclemency  of  the  weather,  or  to  make  the  service  tolerably 
agreeable.  In  this  state  did  they,  notwithstanding,  con 
tinue,  till  the  battle  of  the  Meadows,  in  July  following, 
never  receiving  in  all  that  space  any  subsistence;  and 
were  very  often  under  the  greatest  straits  and  difficulties 
for  want  of  provisions. 

"These  things  were  productive  of  great  murmurings 
and  discontent,  and  rendered  the  service  so  distasteful  to 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  373 

the  men  that,  not  being  paid  immediately  upon  coming 
in,  they  thought  themselves  bubbled,  and  that  no  reward 
for  their  services  was  ever  intended.  This  caused  great 
desertion;  and  the  deserters,  spreading  over  the  country, 
recounting  their  sufferings  and  want  of  pay,  which  rags 
and  poverty  sufficiently  testified,  fixed  in  the  mind  of  the 
populace  such  horrid  impressions  of  the  hardships  they 
had  encountered,  that  no  arguments  could  remove  these 
prejudices,  or  facilitate  the  recruiting  service. 

"  This  put  the  Assembly  upon  enacting  a  law  to  im 
press  vagrants,  which  added  to  our  difficulties,  for,  com 
pelling  these  abandoned  miscreants  into  the  service,  they 
embraced  every  opportunity  to  effect  their  escape,  gave 
a  loose  rein  to  their  vicious  principles,  and  invented  the 
most  unheard  of  stories  to  palliate  desertion  and  gain 
compassion;  in  which  they  not  only  succeeded,  but  ob 
tained  protection  also.  So  that  it  was  next  to  impossible, 
after  this,  to  apprehend  deserters,  while  the  civil  officers 
rather  connived  at  their  escape  than  aided  in  securing 
them. 

"  Thus  were  affairs  situated,  when  we  were  ordered,  in 
September,  1755,  to  recruit  our  force  to  1200  men.  Tis 
easy  therefore  to  conceive,  under  these  circumstances, 
why  we  did  not  fulfil  the  order,  especially  when  the  offi 
cers  were  not  sufficiently  allowed  for  this  arduous  task. 
We  continued,  however,  using  our  endeavors  until  March 
following,  without  much  success. 

"  The  Assembly,  meeting  about  that  time,  came  to  a 
resolution  of  augmenting  our  numbers  to  1500  men,  by 
drafting  the  militia,  (who  were  to  continue  in  the  service 
until  December  only) ;  and  by  a  clause  in  the  act,  exempt 
ing  all  those  who  should  pay  ten  pounds,  our  numbers 
were  very  little  increased,  one  part  of  the  people  paying 
that  sum,  and  many  of  the  poorer  sort  absconding.  The 


374:  WASHINGTON. 

funds  arising  from  these  forfeitures  were  thrown  into  the 
treasury;  whereas,  had  they  been  deposited  in  proper 
hands  for  recruiting,  the  money  might  have  turned  to 
good  account.  But  a  greater  grievance  than  either  of 
these  was  restraining  the  forces  from  marching  out  of 
the  colony,  or  acting  offensively,  and  ordering  them  to 
build  forts,  and  garrison  them,  along  our  frontiers  (of 
more  than  300  miles  in  extent).  How  equal  they,  or  any 
like  number,  are  to  the  task,  and  how  repugnant  a  de 
fensive  plan  is  to  the  true  interest  and  welfare  of  the  col 
ony,  I  submit  to  any  judge  to  determine  who  will  con 
sider  tfie  following  particulars. 

"  First,  that  erecting  forts  at  greater  distances  than  15 
or  1 8  miles,  or  a  day's  march  asunder,  and  garrisoning 
them  with  less  than  80  or  100  men,  is  not  answering  the 
intention. 

"  Indian  parties  are  generally  intermixed  with  some 
Frenchmen,  and  are  so  dexterous  at  skulking,  that  their 
spies,  lying  about  these  small  forts  for  some  days  and 
taking  a  prisoner,  make  certain  discoveries  of  the  strength 
of  the  garrison ;  and  then,  upon  observing  a  scouting  party 
coming  out,  will  first  cut  it  off,  and  afterwards  attempt 
the  fort.  Instances  of  this  have  lately  happened. 

"  Secondly,  our  frontiers  are  of  such  extent,  that  if  the 
enemy  were  to  make  a  formidable  attack  on  one  side,  be 
fore  the  troops  on  the  other  could  get  to  their  assistance, 
they  might  overrun  the  country. 

"  Thirdly,  what  it  must  cost  the  country  to  build  these 
forts,  and  to  remove  stores  and  provisions  into  them ;  and 

"  Fourthly,  and  lastly,  where  and  when  this  expense 
will  end.  For  we  may  be  assured,  if  we  do  not  endeavor 
to  remove  the  cause,  we  shall  be  as  liable  to  the  same 
incursions  seven  years  hence  as  now ;  indeed  more  so. 
Because,  if  the  French  are  allowed  to  possess  those  lands 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  375 

in  peace  [to  the  westwards  and  on  the  Ohio],  they  will 
have  the  entire  command  of  the  Indians,  and  grow  stronger 
in  their  alliance ;  while  we,  by  our  defensive  schemes  and 
pusillanimous  behavior,  will  exhaust  our  treasury,  reduce 
our  strength,  and  become  the  contempt  of  these  savage 
nations,  who  are  every  day  enriching  themselves  with  the 
plunder  and  spoils  of  our  people. 

"  It  will  evidently  appear  from  the  whole  tenor  of  my 
conduct,  but  more  especially  from  reiterated  representa 
tions,  how  strongly  I  have  urged  the  Governor  and  Assem 
bly  to  pursue  different  measures,  and  to  convince  them, 
by  all  the  reasonings  I  was  capable  of  offering,  of  the  im 
possibility  of  covering  so  extensive  a  frontier  from  Indian 
incursions,  without  more  force  than  Virginia  can  main 
tain.  I  have  endeavored  to  demonstrate,  that  it  would 
require  fewer  men  to  remove  the  cause  than  to  prevent 
the  effects  while  the  cause  subsists.  This,  notwithstand 
ing,  was  the  measure  adopted,  and  the  plan  under  which 
we  have  acted  for  eight  months  past,  with  the  disagreeable 
reflection  of  doing  no  essential  service  to  our  country,  nor 
gaining  honor  to  ourselves,  or  reputation  to  our  regi 
ment.  However,  under  these  disadvantageous  restraints, 
the  regiment  has  not  been  inactive ;  on  the  contrary,  it 
has  performed  a  vast  deal  of  work,  and  has  been  very 
alert  in  defending  the  people,  which  will  appear  by  ob 
serving  that,  notwithstanding  we  are  more  contiguous  to 
the  French  and  their  Indian  allies,  and  more  exposed  to 
their  frequent  incursions  than  any  of  the  neighboring 
colonies,  we  have  not  lost  half  the  inhabitants  which 
others  have  done,  but  considerably  more  soldiers  in  their 
defence.  In  the  course  of  this  campaign,  since  March, 
I  mean  fMarch,  1756,  to  end  of  February,  1757,  a  full 
twelve  month],  (as  we  have  had  but  one  constant  cam 
paign,  and  continued  scene  of  action,  since  we  first  en- 


tered  the  service),  our  troops  have  been  engaged  in  up 
wards  of  twenty  skirmishes,  and  we  have  had  near  an 
hundred  men  killed  and  wounded  —  from  a  small  regi 
ment  dispersed  over  the  country,  and  acting  upon  the 
defensive,  as  ours  is  by  order.  This,  I  conceive,  will  not 
appear  inconsiderable  to  those  who  are  in  the  least  de 
gree  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  this  service,  and  the 
posture  of  our  affairs ;  however  it  may  seem  to  chimney 
corner  politicians,  who  are  thirsting  for  news,  and  expect 
ing  by  every  express  to  hear  in  what  manner  Fort  Du- 
quesne  was  taken  and  the  garrison  led  away  captive  by 
our  small  numbers ;  although  we  are  restrained  from  mak 
ing  the  attempt,  were  our  hopes  of  success  ever  so  rational ! 

"  The  first  men  raised,  if  I  rightly  remember,  were 
under  no  law;  if  any,  the  militia  law,  which  was  next  of 
kin  to  it.  But  under  this  we  remained  a  short  time,  and, 
instilling  notions  into  the  soldiers,  who  knew  no  better, 
that  they  were  governed  by  the  articles  of  war  [Governor 
Dinwiddie  held  this  view],  we  felt  little  inconvenience;  and 
the  next  campaign  we  were  joined  by  the  regulars,  and 
made  subject  to  their  laws.  After  the  regulars  left  us 
the  Assembly  passed  an  act  in  September,  as  before  men 
tioned,  to  raise  1200  men,  and,  in  order  (I  suppose)  to 
improve  upon  the  act  of  Parliament,  prepared  a  military 
code  of  their  own,  but  such  a  one  as  no  military  discipline 
could  be  preserved  by  while  it  lasted.  This  being  repre 
sented  by  the  most  pressing  and  repeated  remonstrances, 
induced  the  Assembly  to  pass  a  bill  in  October  following, 
for  one  year  only,  making  mutiny  and  desertion  death, 
but  took  no  cognizance  of  many  other  crimes  equally 
punishable  by  act  of  Parliament." 

After  mention  of  other  grievances,  especially  the 
wretched  character  of  the  service  rendered  by  the  militia, 


WASHIXGTON  TAKING  COMMAXD   OF  THE  ARMY. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  377 

and  the  effect  which  all  these  things  had  had  to  make 
him  sick  of  the  service,  Washington  said  in  conclusion : 

"  I  do  not  know,  my  Lord,  in  what  light  this  short  and 
disinterested  relation  may  be  received  by  your  Lordship; 
but  with  the  utmost  candor  and  submission  it  is  offered. 
It  contains  no  misrepresentations,  nor  aggravated  rela 
tion  of  facts,  nor  unjust  reflections. 

"  Virginia  is  a  country  young  in  war,  and,  till  the  break 
ing  out  of  these  disturbances,  has  remained  in  the  most 
profound  and  tranquil  peace,  never  studying  war  nor  war 
fare.  It  is  not,  therefore,  to  be  imagined  that  she  can  fall 
into  proper  measures  at  once.  All  that  can  be  expected 
at  her  hands  she  cheerfully  offers, —  the  sinews  of  war, — 
and  those  only  want  your  Lordship's  ability  and  experi 
ence  to  be  properly  applied  and  directed." 

The  secretary  who  sent  an  acknowledgment  of  the  re 
ceipt  of  this  communication  wrote  :  "  His  Lordship  seems 
very  much  pleased  with  the  accounts  you  have  given  him 
of  the  situation  of  affairs  to  the  southward." 

Lord  Loudoun  calle'd  a  meeting  of  all  the  southern  gov 
ernors  at  Philadelphia,  and  Washington  attended  a  nine 
days'  conference,  March  15-24,  1757.  He  had  established 
himself  in  command  and  fort-building  at  Fort  Cumber 
land,  but  at  the  Philadelphia  conference  it  was  decided  to 
have  the  Virginia  troops  there  withdraw  as  soon  as  Mary 
land  could  garrison  the  fort,  and  this  permitted  Washing 
ton  to  return  to  Fort  Loudoun  (Winchester).  From  that 
place  he  wrote  to  Richard  Washington,  a  merchant  of 
London,  England,  April  15,  1757: 

"  I  have  been  posted  for  20  months  past  upon  our  cold 
ancl  barren  frontiers,  to  perform,  I  think  I  may  say,  im 
possibilities ;  that  is,  to  protect  from  the  cruel  incursions 
of  a  crafty,  savage  enemy  a  line  of  inhabitants  of  more  than 
350  miles  in  extent,  with  a  force  inadequate  to  the  task," 


378  WASHINGTON. 

April  29,  1757,  Washington  sent  a  letter  to  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  in  which  he  carefully  reviewed  the  urgent 
needs  of  the  service,  and  the  situation  at  Winchester,  and 
inquired  in  regard  to  a  proposed  change  in  the  terms  of 
his  service,  which  had  been  30  shillings  a  day  as  pay,  and 
2  per  cent,  commissions  for  examining,  settling,  and  pay 
ing  off  accounts,  out  of  which  were  met  the  expenses  of 
his  table.  The  Governor  discontinued  the  2  per  cent, 
commission,  but  allowed  in  place  of  it  a  special  sum  of 
£200  for  table  expenses,  etc. 

To  Robinson,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
Washington  wrote  May  3Oth,  and  again  June  10,  1757, 
urgently  representing  the  bad  system  in  use  for  securing 
and  employing  Indian  allies.  The  French  had  an  agent, 
with  an  ample  supply  of  Indian  goods,  whose  sole  busi 
ness  it  was  to  manage  the  Indians  under  employment. 
"  Unless  some  person,"  said  Washington,  "  is  appointed 
to  manage  the  Indian  affairs  of  this  colony,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Governor,  or  the  southern  agent,  a  vast 
expense  and  but  little  advantage  will  accrue  from  the 
coming  of  these  Indians  among  us.  And  I  know  of  no 
person  so  well  qualified  for  an  undertaking  of  this  sort  as 
the  bearer,  Captain  Gist.  He  has  had  extensive  dealings 
with  the  Indians,  is  in  great  esteem  among  them,  well 
acquainted  with  their  manners  and  customs,  is  indefatiga 
ble,  and  patient, —  most  excellent  qualities  indeed  where 
Indians  are  concerned.  And  for  his  capacity,  honesty,  and 
zeal,  I  dare  venture  to  engage."  The  "  southern  agent," 
a  Mr.  Atkin,  proposed  to  appoint  Gist  to  the  care  of  In 
dian  affairs  in  Virginia,  but  in  the  letter  of  June  loth, 
Washington  said :  "A  person  of  a  readier  pen,  and  hav 
ing  more  time  than  myself,  might  amuse  you  with  the 
vicissitudes  of  Indian  affairs  since  Mr.  Atkin  came  up." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  379 

On  another  matter  Washington  declared  to  Robinson  in 
this  letter  of  June  10,  1757: 

"  Unless  you  will  interest  yourself  in  sending  money  to 
me  to  discharge  the  public  debts,  I  must  inevitably  suffer 
very  considerably,  as  the  country  people  all  think  me 
pledged  to  them,  let  what  will  happen.  They  are  grown 
very  clamorous,  and  will  be  more  than  ever  incensed  if 
there  should  come  an  inadequate  sum,  and  that  sum  be 
appropriated  to  the  payment  of  the  soldiers. 

"  I  am  convinced  it  would  give  pleasure  to  the  Gov 
ernor  to  hear  that  I  was  involved  in  trouble,  however 
undeservedly,  such  are  his  dispositions  toward  me." 

Washington  found  himself  about  this  time  under  a  sec 
ond  commander,  besides  Governor  Dinwiddie,  a  Colonel 
Stanwix,  appointed  by  Lord  Loudoun  to  the  chief  com 
mand  of  the  forces  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Vir 
ginia.  Dinwiddie  recognized  in  a  notification  to  Wash 
ington  that  he  was  to  take  his  orders  from  Stanwix,  and 
yet  he  went  on  giving  orders  himself  all  the  same.  Wash 
ington  wrote  to  Stanwix  June  15,  1757,  and  after  reporting 
a  success  against  a  small  French  and  Indian  party,  further 
said: 

"  Our  Assembly  have  granted  a  further  sum  of  £80,000 
for  the  service  of  the  ensuing  year,  and  have  agreed  (I 
believe)  to  complete  their  regiment  of  this  colony  to  1200 
men,  besides  three  companies  of  rangers  of  100  each.  Our 
strength,  since  the  detachment  to  South  Carolina  has  em 
barked  [200  men,  by  order  of  Lord  Loudoun],  is  reduced 
to  420  rank  and  file  only  and  these  much  weakened  by 
the  number  of  posts  we  hold." 

June  2Oth  Washington  wrote  to  Stanwix :  "  We  work 
on  this  Fort  [at  Winchester],  both  night  and  day,  intend 
ing  to  make  it  tenable  against  the  worst  event."  Again 
June  28th  he  wrote :  "  We  were  reinforced,  upon  the  late 


380  WASHINGTON. 

alarm,  by  170  militia  from  the  adjacent  counties,  one  half 
of  them  unarmed,  and  the  whole  without  ammunition  or 
provisions."  There  had  been,  June  i6th,  what  a  few  days 
proved  to  be  a  false  report,  that  a  large  French  and  Indian 
force  was  on  the  way  from  Fort  Duquesne  with  a  train 
of  artillery,  evidently  making  for  Fort  Cumberland,  and 
probably  aimed  at  Fort  Loudoun  at  Winchester. 

In  a  letter  of  July  n,  1757,  Washington  reported  to 
Governor  Dinwiddie  that  no  less  than  twenty-four  more 
of  the  drafted  men,  after  receiving  their  money  and  clothes, 
had  deserted  the  night  before;  and  of  one  party  of  seven, 
two  had  been  captured.  It  seemed  to  Washington  that 
nothing  but  the  most  rigorous  measures  would  have  any 
effect,  and  he  asked  the  Governor  to  supply  him  with 
blank  warrants  to  execute  courts-martial  sentences.  By 
a  letter  of  July  2Oth  to  Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland, 
Washington  complained  that  many  deserters  from  Virginia 
were  harbored  in  Maryland,  and  that  "  some  in  authority, 
either  from  an  ill-placed  compassion,  or  from  that  spirit 
of  opposition  to  the  service  which  is  too  prevalent  through 
the  continent,  have  not  only  countenanced  those  deserters, 
but  made  use  of  your  Excellency's  name  for  that  purpose." 

To  Colonel  Stanwix  Washington  reported  July  15,  1757, 
that  out  of  400  drafts  that  he  had  received  114  had  de 
serted  ;  and  that  for  terror  of  the  rascals  he  had  caused  to 
be  erected  "  a  Gallows  near  40  feet  high,"  and  was  deter 
mined  to  hang  two  or  three  on  it,  if  he  could  be  justified 
in  it.  To  the  same  Washington  reported  July  30th  that 
of  twenty-two  deserters  who  had  been  apprehended  he  had 
caused  two  to  be  hanged,  but  August  27th  he  wrote  to  the 
Governor: 

"As  your  Honor  was  pleased  to  leave  to  my  discretion 
to  punish  or  pardon  the  criminals,  I  have  resolved  on  the 
latter,  since  I  find  example  of  so  little  weight,  and  since 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  381 

those  poor  unhappy  criminals  have  undergone  no  small 
pain  of  body  and  mind,  in  a  dark  prison,  closely  ironed." 

September  17,  1757,  Washington  said  in  a  letter  to 
Dinwiddie :  "  Lenity,  so  far  from  producing  its  desired 
effects,  rather  emboldens  them  in  these  villainous  under 
takings.  One  of  those  who  were  condemned  to  be 
hanged,  deserted  immediately  upon  receiving  his  pardon. 
In  short,  they  tire  my  patience,  and  almost  weary  me  to 
death." 

Under  date  of  July  29,  1757,  Washington  issued  "  Gen 
eral  Instructions  to  all  the  Captains  of  Companies  "  —  a 
document  carefully  written,  from  exact  and  complete 
knowledge  of  military  duties,  and  of  the  special  needs  of 
the  Virginia  situation,  and  with  full  manifestation  of  the 
highest  ideals.  In  a  letter  of  July  30,  1757,  Washington 
asked  Colonel  Stanwix  for  leave  of  absence  August  1st,  to 
attend  a  "  meeting  of  the  executors  of  an  estate  that  I  am 
much  interested  in  a  dividend  of,  and  have  suffered  much 
already  by  the  unsettled  state  it  has  remained  in."  In 
reply  Stanwix  wrote  that  he  was  to  act  in  any  such  matter 
at  his  own  discretion,  without  asking  leave.  At"  the  same 
time  Dinwiddie,  applied  to  in  the  same  way,  was  disagree 
able  enough  to  refuse  leave.  August  27th,  in  a  letter  to 
Dinwiddie,  Washington  said: 

"  It  is  with  concern  I  remark  that  my  best  endeavors 
lose  their  reward,  and  that  my  conduct,  although  I  have 
uniformly  studied  to  make  it  as  unexceptionable  as  I  could, 
does  not  appear  to  you  in  a  favorable  point  of  Tight." 

In  his  letter  of  September  17,  1757,  to  Dinwiddie,  Wash 
ington  said,  in  regard  to  an  application  made  directly  to 
the  Governor  for  a  commission  as  lieutenant  for  William 
Henry  Fairfax: 

"  If  you  please  to  bestow  it  on  Mr.  Fairfax,  I  should 
take  it  infinitely  kind  if  you  would  oblige  me  so  far  as  to 


382  WASHINGTON. 

send  the  commission  immediately  from  yourself  to  that 
gentleman.  For  although  I  esteem  him  greatly  on  ac 
count  of  his  father,  for  whose  memory  and  friendship  I 
shall  ever  retain  a  most  grateful  sense,  yet,  making  him 
lieutenant  over  many  old  ensigns  will  occasion  great  con 
fusion  in  the  corps,  and  bring  censure  on  me ;  for  the  offi 
cers  will  readily  conceive  that  my  friendship  and  partiality 
for  the  family  were  the  causes  of  it.  If  Mr.  Fairfax  would 
accept  an  ensigncy,  the  matter  might  pretty  easily  be  ac 
commodated." 

In  a  second  letter  of  September  I7th  to  Dinwiddie, 
Washington  enclosed  a  written  report  of  what  Mr.  Carter 
said  Mr.  Robinson  told  him  that  he  heard  Col.  Richard 
Corbin  say  that  Captain  Peachy  affirmed  to  him,  that  the 
alarm  about  Indians  on  the  frontier  was  a  baseless  scare, 
in  execution  of  a  scheme  by  which  Washington  sought 
to  cause  the  Assembly  to  levy  largely  both  in  men  and 
money.  The  communication  was  from  Peachy,  who  pro 
nounced  the  report  scandalous  and  its  author  a  scoundrel 
—  thus  leaving  the  matter  upon  Corbin  if  what  Carter 
said  Robinson  said,  could  be  trusted.  Washington  said 
of  it  to  Dinwiddie: 

"  I  should  take  it  infinitely  kind  if  your  Honor  would 
please  to  inform  me  whether  a  report  of  this  nature  was 
ever  made  to  you ;  and,  in  that  case,  who  was  the  author 
of  it? 

"  It  is  evident,  from  a  variety  of  circumstances,  and 
especially  from  the  change  in  your  Honor's  conduct 
towards  me,  that  some  person,  as  well  inclined  to  detract, 
but  better  skilled  in  the  art  of  detraction,  than  the  author 
of  the  above  stupid  scandal,  has  made  free  with  my  char 
acter.  For  I  cannot  suppose  that  malice  so  absurd,  so 
barefaced,  so  diametrically  opposite  to  truth,  to  common 
policy,  and,  in  short,  to  everything  but  villainy,  as  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  383 

above  report  is,  could  impress  you  with  so  ill  an  opinion 
of  my  honor  and  honesty. 

"  If  it  be  possible  that  Colonel  Corbin  —  (for  my  belief 
is  staggered,  not  being  conscious  of  having  given  the  least 
cause  to  any  one,  much  less  to  that  gentleman,  to  reflect 
so  grossly),  I  say,  if  it  be  possible  that  Colonel  Corbin 
could  descend  so  low  as  to  be  the  propagator  of  this  story, 
he  must  either  be  vastly  ignorant  in  the  state  of  affairs  in 
this  county  [Frederick]  at  that  time,  or  else  he  must  sup 
pose  that  the  whole  body  of  the  inhabitants  had  combined 
with  me  in  executing  the  deceitful  fraud. 

It  is  uncertain  in  what  light  my  services  may  have 
appeared  to  your  Honor;  but  this  I  know,  and  it  is  the 
highest  consolation  I  am  capable  of  feeling,  that  no 
man,  that  ever  was  employed  in  a  public  capacity,  has 
endeavored  to  discharge  the  trust  reposed  in  him  with 
greater  honesty,  and  more  zeal  for  the  country's  interest, 
than  I  have  done ;  and  if  there  is  any  person  living,  who 
can  say  with  justice,  that  I  have  offered  any  intentional 
wrong  to  the  public,  I  will  cheerfully  submit  to  the  most 
ignominious  punishment  that  an  injured  people  ought  to 
inflict.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  hard  to  have  my  character 
arraigned,  and  my  actions  condemned,  without  a  hearing. 

"  I  must  therefore  again  beg  in  more  plain,  and  in  very 
earnest  terms,  to  know  if  Col.  Corbin  has  taken  the  liberty 
of  representing  my  character  to  your  Honor  with  such 
ungentlemanly  freedom  as  the  letter  [of  Capt.  Peachy] 
implies." 

Dinwiddie  replied  that  the  report  to  Washington's  dis 
credit  he  had  never  heard  of  before;  that  he  could  not 
think  Colonel  Corbin  guilty  of  having  started  it ;  and  that  he 
had  never  known  of  anything  to  justify  it.  "  But  you 
know,"  Dinwiddie  added,  "  I  had  great  reason  to  suspect 
you  of  ingratitude,  which  I  am  convinced  your  own  con- 


384  WASHINGTON. 

science  and  reflection  must  allow  I  had  reason  to  be  angry ; 
but  this  I  endeavor  to  forget.  As  I  have  his  Majesty's 
leave  to  go  for  England,  I  propose  leaving  this  in  Novem 
ber,  and  I  wish  my  successor  may  show  you  as  much 
friendship  as  I  have  done." 

To  Captain  Peachy  Washington  wrote   September  18, 

1757: 

"  In  answer  to  that  part  [of  your  letter]  which  relates 
to  Colonel  Corbin's  gross  and  infamous  reflections  on  my 
conduct  last  spring,  it  will  be  needless,  I  dare  say,  to  ob 
serve  further  at  this  time,  than  that  the  liberty  which  he 
has  been  pleased  to  allow  himself  in  sporting  with  my 
character,  is  little  else  than  a  comic  entertainment,  discov 
ering  at  one  view  his  passionate  fondness  for  your  friend, 
his  inviolable  love  of  truth,  his  unfathomable  knowledge, 
and  the  masterly  strokes  of  his  wisdom  in  displaying  it." 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie  Washington  wrote  from  Fort 
Loudoun  (Winchester)  September  24,  1757: 

"  The  inhabitants  of  this  valuable  and  fertile  valley  are 
terrified  beyond  expression  [because  of  "  the  late  depreda 
tions  in  this  neighborhood"].  Some  have  abandoned 
their  plantations,  and  many  are  packing  up  their  most 
valuable  effects  in  order  to  follow  them.  Another  irrup 
tion  into  the  heart  of  this  settlement  will,  I  am  afraid, 
be  of  fatal  consequence  to  it.  I  was  always  persuaded, 
and  almost  every  day  affords  new  matter  for  confirming 
me  in  the  opinion,  that  the  enemy  can,  with  the  utmost  fa 
cility,  render  abortive  every  plan  which  can  be  concerted, 
upon  our  present  system  of  defence;  and  that  the  only 
method  of  effectually  defending  such  a  vast  extent  of 
mountains  covered  with  thick  woods,  as  our  frontiers, 
against  such  an  enemy,  is  by  carrying  the  war  into  their 
country.  And  I  think  I  may,  without  assuming  uncom 
mon  penetration,  venture  to  affirm,  that,  unless  an  expe- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  385 

dition  is  carried  on  against  the  Ohio  next  spring,  this 
country  will  not  be  another  year  in  our  possession." 

October  5th  Washington  further  said:  "  As  I  have  neg 
lected  nothing  in  my  power,  it  is  very  evident  that  nothing 
but  vigorous  offensive  measures  (next  campaign)  can 
save  the  country,  at  least  all  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  from 
inevitable  desolation."  And  of  a  personal  matter  he  said: 

"  I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  gave  your  Honor  cause 
to  suspect  me  of  ingratitude,  a  crime  I  detest,  and  would 
most  carefully  avoid.  If  an  open,  disinterested  behavior 
carries  offence,  I  may  have  offended;  because  I  have  all 
along  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim,  to  represent  facts  freely 
and  impartially,  but  no  more  to  others  than  I  have  to 
you,  Sir.  If  instances  of  my  ungrateful  behavior  had 
been  particularized,  I  would  have  answered  to  them.  But 
I  have  long  been  convinced,  that  my  actions  and  their 
motives  have  been  maliciously  aggravated." 

To  Colonel  Stanwix  Washington  wrote,  October  8, 
1757,  from  Fort  Loudoun: 

"  I  exert  every  means  in  my  power  to  protect  a  much 
distressed  country,  but  it  is  a  task  too  arduous.  To  think 
of  defending  a  frontier,  as  ours  is,  of  more  than  350  miles 
extent,  with  only  700  men,  is  vain  and  idle,  especially 
when  that  frontier  lies  more  contiguous  to  the  enemy 
than  any  other.  I  am,  and  have  for  a  long  time  been, 
fully  convinced  that,  if  we  continue  to  pursue  a  defensive 
plan,  the  country  must  be  inevitably  lost." 

October  9,  1757,  Washington  wrote  to  Dinwiddie  of 
the  lawless  thieving  practiced  by  the  Tippling-House  keep 
ers,  receiving  and  concealing  stores,  arms,  etc.,  belonging 
to  the  regiment,  and  of  the  rascally,  illegal  conduct  of  the 
justices  in  giving  no  redress  through  the  courts.  Again, 
October  24th,  he  wrote  to  Dinwiddie  of  the  inevitable 
destruction  of  the  country  about  Winchester  unless  a  new 
25 


386  WASHINGTON. 

policy  could  be  put  in  execution.  To  Speaker  Robinson 
he  urged  the  same  views  in  a  letter  of  October  25th.  His 
last  letter  to  Dinwiddie  was  one  of  November  5th,  in  re 
gard  to  Indian  affairs  under  the  very  bad  system  admin 
istered  by  the  agent,  Atkin.  Dinwiddie  sailed  for  Eng 
land  in  January,  after  Washington  had  gone  home  to 
Mount  Vernon  under  a  severe  indisposition  which  brought 
him  so  low  with  dysentery  and  fever  that  it  was  more 
than  four  months  before  he  was  able  to  resume  his  com 
mand.  Speaker  Robinson  wrote  to  him  in  reply  to  his 
letter  of  October  25th: 

"  We  have  not  yet  heard  who  is  to  succeed  him.  God 
grant  it  may  be  somebody  better  acquainted  with  the  un 
happy  business  we  have  in  hand,  and  who,  by  his  con 
duct  and  counsel,  may  dispel  the  cloud  now  hanging  over 
this  distressed  country.  Till  that  event,  I  beg,  my  dear 
friend,  that  you  will  bear,  so  far  as  a  man  of  honor  ought, 
the  discouragements  and  slights  you  have  too  often  met 
with,  and  continue  to  serve  your  country,  as  I  am  con 
vinced  you  have  always  hitherto  done,  in  the  best  man 
ner  you  can  with  the  small  assistance  afforded  you."] 

The  laborious  and  unintermitted  devotion  to  his  duties 
proved  at  the  close  of  the  year  1757  so  injurious  to  the 
health  of  Washington  that  he  yielded  to  the  entreaties  of 
his  physician,  withdrew  from  the  army,  and  retired  to 
Mount  Vernon  (1757).  But  it  was  not  his  fortune  to 
enjoy,  even  there,  a  refreshing  repose  that  might  reno 
vate  his  strength.  Prostrated  by  a  lingering  and  debili 
tating  fever  he  was  disqualified  for  duty,  and  he  was 
unable  to  return  to  the  army  until  after  the  lapse  of  four 
months. 

It  was  a  source  of  pleasing  reflection  to  him  however  as 
he  lay  on  his  bed  of  sickness,  or  enjoyed  the  calm  delights 
of  his  retreat  at  Mount  Vernon,  that  his  efforts  in  his 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  387 

country's  cause  had  not  been  altogether  ineffectual.  He 
had  traversed  the  whole  frontier  and  become  familiarly 
acquainted  with  its  condition  and  its  wants;  he  had  suc 
ceeded  in  awakening  a  general  and  deep  feeling  in  be 
half  of  the  suffering  borderers;  he  had  vindicated  himself 
from  the  unfavorable  insinuations  of  secret  enemies;  he 
had  induced  the  Assembly  to  erect  at  Winchester  a  large 
fort  called  Fort  Loudoun,  in  honor  of  the  British  com- 
mander-in-chief;  and  he  had  promptly  and  vigorously 
constructed  the  military  works  proposed  by  the  Burgesses, 
visiting  these  works  in  person,  and  amid  many  perils  in 
the  wilderness  bringing  his  labors  in  great  part  to  a  suc 
cessful  issue.  He  had  also,  by  his  earnest  recommenda 
tion,  directed  the  public  mind  to  the  importance  of  cap 
turing  Fort  Duquesne  and  to  the  necessity  of  speedy 
measures  for  this  purpose. 

In  his  retirement  his  mind  dwelt  continually  upon  the 
interesting  subjects  associated  with  the  defenses  of  the 
frontier,  and  especially  upon  the  capture  of  Fort  Duquesne 
as  a  grand  climacteric.  In  the  progress  of  events,  during 
the  next  year,  it  was  his  good  fortune  and  great  joy  to  see 
that  stronghold  of  his  country's  cruel  enemies  reduced,  and 
to  take  an  active  and  prominent  part  in  measures  which  re 
stored  peace  and  prosperity  to  those  regions  where  a  savage 
and  merciless  warfare  had  so  long  been  spreading  desolation. 

[Sparks  remarks  as  follows  on  the  campaign  from  which 
Washington  retired  worn  out  and  dangerously  sick: 

"  The  campaign,  being  a  defensive  one,  presented  no 
opportunities  for  acquiring  glory;  but  the  demands  on 
the  resources  and  address  of  the  commander  were  not  the 
less  pressing.  The  scene  varied  little  from  that  of  the 
preceding  year,  except  that  the  difficulties  were  more  nu 
merous  and  complicatd.  There  were  the  same  unceasing 
incursions  of  the  savages,  but  more  sanguinary  and  terri- 


388  WASHINGTON. 

fying,  the  same  tardiness  in  the  enlistments,  the  same 
troubles  with  the  militia,  the  same  neglect  in  supplying 
the  wants  of  the  army;  and  on  every  side  were  heard 
murmurs  of  discontent  from  the  soldiers,  and  cries  of  dis 
tress  from  the  inhabitants. 

"  And  what  increased  these  vexations  was,  that  the  gov 
ernor,  tenacious  of  his  authority,  intrusted  as  little  power 
as  possible  to  the  head  of  the  army.  Totally  unskilled 
in  military  affairs,  and  residing  two  hundred  miles  from 
the  scene  of  action,  he  yet  undertook  to  regulate  the  prin 
cipal  operations,  sending  expresses  back  and  forth,  and 
issuing  vague  and  contradictory  orders,  seldom  adapted  to 
circumstances,  frequently  impracticable.  This  absurd  in 
terference  was  borne  with  becoming  patience  and  forti 
tude  by  the  Commander-in-Chief;  but  not  without  keen 
remonstrance  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  and  other 
friends,  against  being  made  responsible  for  military  events, 
while  the  power  to  control  them  was  withheld,  or  so 
heavily  clogged  as  to  paralyze  its  action.  The  patriotic 
party  in  the  legislature  sympathized  with  him,  and  would 
gladly  have  procured  redress,  had  not  the  governor  pos 
sessed  prerogatives,  which  they  could  not  encroach  upon, 
and  which  he  seemed  ambitious  to  exercise;  the  more  so, 
perhaps,  as  the  leaders  of  the  majority,  learning  his  foible 
in  this  respect,  had  thwarted  many  of  his  schemes,  and 
especially  had  assumed  to  themselves  the  appropriation  of 
the  public  moneys,  which  by  ancient  usage  had  been  un 
der  the  direction  of  the  Governor  and  Council." 

The  muddle  created  by  the  senseless  meddling  of  Din- 
widdie,  after  Colonel  Stanwix  had  come  into  chief  British 
command,  and  the  contrast  between  Dinwiddie  and  Stan 
wix,  are  brought  out  by  Sparks  in  the  following: 

"  During  the  summer  of  1757,  Colonel  Washington  was 
in  some  sort  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Stanwix, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  389 

but  to  what  extent  he  did  not  know,  as  he  had  received 
no  instructions  on  that  head,  and  the  Governor  continued 
to  issue  his  orders  as  formerly.  At  length  the  Governor 
wrote  as  follows ; — '  Colonel  Stanwix  being  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief  [of  the  middle  and  southern  prov 
inces],  you  must  submit  to  his  orders,  without  regard  to 
any  you  may  receive  from  me;  he,  being  near  the  place, 
can  direct  affairs  better  than  I  can.'  This  was  peculiarly 
agreeable  to  the  Commander  of  the  Virginia  regiment; 
for  Colonel  Stanwix  was  a  military  man,  and  a  gentle 
man  of  an  elevated  and  liberal  spirit.  His  letters  bear  a 
high  testimony  to  his  good  sense,  as  well  as  to  the  delicacy 
of  his  feelings,  the  amenity  of  his  temper,  and  the  gener 
osity  of  his  character. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  above  direction,  the  Governor  did 
not  cease  to  write,  give  commands,  require  returns,  and 
utter  complaints  as  usual,  thereby  increasing  the  endless 
perplexities  and  bewildering  doubts,  with  which  Colonel 
Washington  was  harassed  in  all  his  plans  and  operations. 

"  He  had  requested  leave  of  absence  from  Governor  Din- 
widdie  for  a  few  days  to  attend  to  certain  private  affairs,  of 
a  very  pressing  nature,  at  Mount  Vernon.  He  afterwards 
repeated  this  request,  and,  as  he  seemed  to  be  under  two 
commanders,  he  thought  it  expedient  to  consult  them 
both.  The  Governor  answered; — 'As  to  the  settlement 
of  your  brother's  estate,  your  absence  on  that  account 
from  Fort  Loudoun  must  be  suspended,  till  our  affairs 
give  a  better  prospect.'  Colonel  Stanwix  replied  to  the 
same  request; — 'More  than  two  weeks  ago  I  answered 
your  letter,  in  which  you  mentioned  its  being  convenient 
to  your  private  affairs  to  attend  to  them  for  a  fortnight. 
In  that  answer  I  expressed  my  concern,  that  you  should 
think  such  a  thing  necessary  to  mention  to  me,  as  I  am 
sure  you  would  not  choose  to  be  out  of  call,  should  the 


390  WASHINGTON. 

service  require  your  immediate  attendance;  and  I  hope 
you  will  always  take  that  liberty  upon  yourself,  which  I 
hope  you  will  now  do." 

In  closing  the  Dinwiddie  chapter  of  Washington's  ca 
reer  Sparks  remarks  very  justly: 

"As  a  school  of  experience  it  ultimately  proved  ad 
vantageous  to  him.  It  was  his  good  fortune,  likewise,  to 
gain  honor  and  reputation  even  in  so  barren  a  field,  by 
retaining  the  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens,  and  ful 
filling  the  expectations  of  his  friends  in  the  legislature, 
who  had  pressed  upon  him  the  command,  and  urged  his 
holding  it. 

"  But  the  fatigue  of  body  and  mind,  which  he  suffered 
from  the  severity  of  his  labors,  gradually  undermined  his 
strength,  and  his  physician  insisted  on  his  retiring  from 
the  army.  He  went  to  Mount  Vernon,  where  his  disease 
settled  into  a  fever,  and  reduced  him  so  low,  that  he  was 
confined  four  months,  till  the  1st  of  March,  1758,  before 
he  was  able  to  resume  his  command."] 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CAHPAIGN  OF  1758  -WASHINGTON'S  MARRIAGE. 

1758. 

WASHINGTON  was  at  Fredericksburg,  January 
31,  1758,  and  wrote  to  his  cordial  friend,  John 
Blair,  president  of  the  Council  and  acting  Gov 
ernor,  in  regard  to  the  inopportune  arrival  then  expected 
of  a  considerable  party  of  Indians.  Twenty  days  later 
he  wrote  again: 

"  I  set  out  for  Williamsburg  the  day  after  the  date  of 
my  letter,  but  found  I  was  unable  to  proceed,  my  fever 
and  pain  increasing  upon  me  to  a  high  degree;  and  the 
physicians  assured  me,  that  I  might  endanger  my  life  by 
prosecuting  the  journey." 

From  Mount  Vernon,  March  4,  1758,  Washington  wrote: 

"  I  have  never  been  able  to  return  to  my  command, 
since  I  wrote  to  you  last,  my  disorder  at  times  returning 
obstinately  upon  me,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  all  the  sons 
of  ^Esculapius,  whom  I  have  hitherto  consulted.  At  cer 
tain  periods  I  have  been  reduced  to  great  extremity,  and 
have  now  too  much  reason  to  apprehend  an  approaching 
decay,  being  visited  with  several  symptoms  of  such  a 
disease. 

"  I  am  now  under  a  strict  regimen,  and  shall  set  out 
tomorrow  for  Williamsburg  to  receive  the  advice  of  the 
best  physicians  there.  My  constitution  is  certainly  greatly 
impaired,  and  as  nothing  can  retrieve  it  but  the  greatest 
care  and  the  most  circumspect  conduct;  as  I  now  have 

(391) 


392  WASHINGTON. 

no  prospect  left  of  preferment  in  the  military  way;  and 
as  I  despair  of  rendering  that  immediate  service  which 
my  country  may  require  from  the  person  commanding 
their  troops,  I  have  some  thoughts  of  quitting  my  com 
mand,  and  retiring  from  all  public  business,  leaving  my 
post  to  be  rilled  by  some  other  person  more  capable  of 
the  task,  and  who  may,  perhaps,  have  his  endeavors 
crowned  with  better  success  than  mine  have  been/'] 

The  campaign  of  1758  was  destined  to  terminate  Wash 
ington's  doubts  and  anxieties.  In  April  of  this  year  he 
was  in  command  at  Fort  Loudoun  with  improved  health. 
His  old  enemy,  the  wrong-headed  and  pragmatical  Gov 
ernor  Dinwiddie,  had  yielded  his  place  to  Mr.  Francis  Fau- 
quier,  until  whose  arrival  from  England  an  old  friend  of 
Washington,  Mr.  John  Blair,  president  of  Council,  was  act 
ing  Governor. 

A  change  not  less  auspicious  had  taken  place  in  the  ad 
ministration  of  affairs  in  the  mother  country.  The  activity 
of  the  French  and  the  supineness  of  the  English  in  the 
recent  campaigns  in  America  seemed  to  threaten  the  loss 
of  the  Colonies.  The  British  nation  had  become  alarmed 
and  indignant  and  the  King  had  found  it  necessary  to 
change  his  councils.  At  the  head  of  the  new  ministry  he 
placed  the  celebrated  William  Pitt,  afterward  Earl  of  Chat 
ham,  pre-eminently  a  man  of  action,  who  from  the  humble 
post  of  ensign  in  the  Guards  had  raised  himself  to  his  pres 
ent  elevated  position.  Under  his  administration,  public 
confidence,  not  only  in  England,  but  in  the  Colonies,  at  once 
revived  and  all  were  inspired  with  new  life  and  vigor.  He 
was  equally  popular  in  both  hemispheres,  and  so  promptly 
did  the  Governors  of  the  northern  Colonies  obey  the  requi 
sitions  of  his  circular  letter  of  1757  that  by  May,  in  the  fol 
lowing  year  Massachusetts  had  7,000,  Connecticut  5,000, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  393 

and  New  Hampshire  3,000  troops  prepared  to  take  the 
field.*  The  authorities  of  the  mother  country  were  not  less 
active.  While  British  fleets  were  blockading  or  capturing 
the  French  armaments  intended  for  America,  Admiral  Bos- 
cawen  was  dispatched  to  Halifax  with  a  formidable  squad 
ron  of  ships  and  an  army  of  12,000  men.  The  imbecile  and 
dilatory  Lord  Loudoun  was  recalled  and  General  Aber- 
crombie  placed  in  the  chief  command  who,  early  in  the 
spring,  was  ready  to  enter  upon  the  campaign  with  an  army 
of  50,000  men,  the  largest  ever  embodied  in  America. 

Three  points  of  attack  were  marked  out  for  this  cam 
paign  :  The  first,  Louisburg ;  the  second,  Ticonderoga  and 
Crown  Point ;  and  the  third,  Fort  Duquesne.  In  the  last 
of  these  expeditions,  Washington,  to  his  great  joy,  was 
destined  to  take  a  part ;  but  as  its  success  was  entirely  de 
pendent,  in  the  sequel,  on  the  operations  of  the  other  two, 
it  becomes  necessary  first  to  notice  them  somewhat  in  detail. 

The  expedition  against  Louisburg  was  conducted  by  Gen 
eral  Amherst,  assisted  by  the  remarkable  military  skill  and 
daring  enterprise  of  General  Wolfe,  destined,  in  the  next 

*  The  arrangements  made  by  Pitt  with  reference  to  the  relative 
rank  of  royal  and  provincial  troops,  and  the  relative  expenses  of 
the  crown  and  the  colonies,  were  not  less  satisfactory  than  his 
prompt  and  energetic  measures  for  carrying  on  the  campaign. 

"  He  stipulated  that  the  colonial  troops  raised  for  this  purpose 
should  be  supplied  with  arms,  ammunition,  tents,  and  provisions 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  regular  troops,  and  at  the  King's  ex 
pense;  so  that  the  only  charge  to  the  Colonies  would  be  that  of 
levying,  clothing,  and  paying  the  men.  The  Governors  were  also 
authorized  to  issue  commissions  to  provincial  officers,  from  col 
onels  downward,  and  these  officers  were  to  hold  rank  in  the  united 
army  according  to  their  commissions.  Had  this  liberal  and  just 
system  been  adopted  at  the  outset,  it  would  have  put  a  very  different 
face  upon  the  military  affairs  of  the  Colonies." —  Sparks's  "  Writings 
of  Washington,"  vol.  II,  p.  289,  note. 


394  WASHINGTON. 

campaign,  to  become  the  conqueror  of  Quebec.  Richard 
Montgomery,  whose  immortality  was  afterward  won  under 
other  auspices  before  the  same  city,  also  served  in  this  ex 
pedition  as  a  subaltern,  and  gained  promotion  from  Wolfe 
for  his  gallantry. 

On  the  28th  of  May  (1758)  the  expedition  sailed  from 
Halifax,  the  fleet  under  command  of  Admiral  Boscawen 
being  composed  of  twenty  ships-of-the-line  and  eighteen 
frigates,  and  the  army,  under  General  Amherst,  of  14,000 
men.  They  arrived  in  Cabarus  bay  on  the  2d  of  June. 
The  garrison  of  Louisburg,  commanded  by  the  Chevalier 
Drucour,  an  officer  of  courage  and  experience,  was  com 
posed  of  2,500  regulars,  aided  by  600  militia  and  Indians. 
The  harbor  being  secured  by  five  ships-of-the-line,  one  fifty- 
gtm  ship,  and  five  frigates,  three  of  which  were  sunk  across 
the  mouth  of  the  basin,  it  was  found  necessary  to  land  at 
some  distance  from  the  town.  Prevented  from  landing  by 
a  heavy  surf  until  the  8th,  the  brave  Wolfe  then  led  the  army 
in  three  divisions  of  boats  to  nearly  the  same  place  where 
the  small  army  of  New  England  men,  under  the  command 
of  the  able  and  courageous  Lieut.-Gen.  William  Pepperrell, 
had  landed  to  besiege  and  capture  Louisburg  in  1745. 

The  enemy  were  arrayed  along  the  shore,  and,  after  mak 
ing  some  resistance  to  the  impetuous  onset  of  Wolfe,  fled 
to  the  city.  The  British  lost  in  killed  or  drowned  forty- 
three  regulars  and  six  provincials,  and  the  French  lost  two 
lieutenants  killed  and  seventy  prisoners.  Two  large  guns 
and  thirty-two  small  ones,  planted  along  the  shore,  were 
taken,  with  their  ammunition.  The  French  destroyed  the 
fortress  to  which  they  had  given  the  name  of  Royal  Bat 
tery  and  called  in  their  outposts.  The  artillery  and  stores 
were  now  brought  on  shore,  and  General  Wolfe  with  1,800 
men  marched  around  Green  Hill  and  the  northeast  harbor 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  395 

to  the  lighthouse,  which  the  enemy  deserted,  destroying 
their  cannon.  Several  strong  batteries  were  forthwith 
added  to  those  erected  by  the  enemy  on  this  spot,  which 
commanded  the  eastern  side  of  the  harbor.  Approaches 
were  also  made  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  town  and  the 
siege  was  steadily  though  cautiously  continued.  A  French 
frigate  attempting  to  escape  from  the  harbor  was  captured. 
A  heavy  cannonade  being  kept  up  against  the  town  and  the 
vessels  in  the  harbor,  a  bomb  set  on  fire  and  blew  up  one 
of  the  largest  ships,  and  the  flames  were  communicated  to 
two  others,  which  shared  the  same  fate  (July  21,  1758). 
The  batteries  erected  at  the  lighthouse  meantime  had 
silenced  the  battery  of  the  enemy,  situated  on  one  of  the 
islands  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor. 

On  July  25th  the  admiral  sent  in  600  men  in  the  night 
to  destroy  the  two  remaining  ships-of-the-line,  who  burnt 
the  Prudent,  a  seventy-four,  and  towed  off  the  Bienfaisant, 
a  sixty-four,  to  the  northeast  harbor.  This  gallant  exploit 
putting  the  English  in  complete  possession  of  the  harbor, 
and  several  breaches  having  been  made  practicable  in  the 
works,  the  brave  Drucour,  finding  the  place  no  longer 
tenable,  proposed  terms  of  capitulation.  The  English  com 
manders,  who  were  on  the  point  of  sending  six  ships  into 
the  harbor  to  aid  in  an  assault,  required  that  the  garrison 
should  surrender  as  prisoners  of  war.  Drucour  at  first  re 
jected  these  humiliating  terms  and  determined  to  hold  out 
to  the  last,  but  overcome  by  the  importunities  of  the  suf 
fering  inhabitants  of  the  town  he  at  length  acceded  to  the 
conditions  prescribed ;  and  Louisburg,  with  all  its  artillery, 
provisions,  and  military  stores,  together  with  Island  Royal, 
St.  Johns,  and  their  dependencies,  were  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  English,  who  at  once  took  possession  of  the  island 
of  Cape  Breton.  They  found  221  pieces  of  cannon  and 


396  WASHINGTON. 

eighteen  mortars,  with  a  very  large  quantity  of  stores  and 
ammunition  in  the  fortress.  The  inhabitants  of  Cape  Bre 
ton  were  sent  to  France  in  English  ships,  but  the  garrison, 
sea  officers,  sailors,  and  marines,  amounting  collectively  to 
3,291  men,  were  carried  prisoners  to  England.  The  news 
of  the  brilliant  success  of  the  expedition  was  received  with 
great  rejoicing  throughout  the  Colonies,  and  the  event  was 
triumphantly  celebrated  in  London. 

Soon  after  the  surrender  of  Louisburg,  General  Wolfe 
returned  to  England,  while  Gfneral  Amherst*  sailed  with 
part  of  his  army  to  Boston  and  from  thence  marched  to 
Fort  William  Henry  to  take  part  in  the  second  expedition 
of  the  campaign,  the  leading  incidents  of  which  we  now 
proceed  to  notice. 

The  force  destined  for  the  expedition  against  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point  consisted  of  16,000  men,  attended  by  a 
powerful  train  of  artillery,  and  led  by  the  commander-in- 
chief,  General  Abercrombie.  Subordinate  to  him,  in  com 
mand  of  5,000  of  these  men,  was  George  Howe,  lord  vis 
count,  the  most  popular  of  all  the  British  officers  who  ever 

*  Like  Wolfe,  Amherst  was  selected  by  Chatham  to  aid  in  the 
execution  of  that  eminent  statesman's  great  military  designs;  and 
his  success  proved  that  the  minister  had  formed  a  just  estimate  of 
his  courage  and  ability.  The  services  which  he  rendered  to  Great 
Britain  in  America  fully  entitled  him  to  the  honors  with  which  he 
was  afterward  rewarded.  He  was  described  as  having  been  "a 
thorough  good  soldier: "  cautious  but  enterprising;  temperate  and 
collected  in  the  greatest  difficulties;  strict  in  the  enforcement  of 
discipline,  yet  averse  to  mere  military  parade,  and  particularly 
kind  to  the  men  under  his  command.  He  erected  a  column,  near 
his  residence  at  Riverhead,  commemorating  the  escape  of  himself 
and  his  two  brothers,  Lieutenant-General  and  Admiral  Amherst, 
from  the  perils  of  war;  and  recording  those  successes  of  the  British 
forces  in  Canada,  to  which  he  had  materially  contributed  by  his 
bravery  and  skill. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  397 

served  in  the  Colonies.  Abercrombie  was  as  remarkable 
for  timidity  and  imbecility  as  Howe  was  for  courage  and 
enterprise. 

On  the  5th  of  July  (1758)  Abercrombie  embarked  his 
troops  on  Lake  George  on  board  of  125  whale-boats  and 
900  batteaux,  with  rafts  for  the  artillery,  and  passing  down 
the  lake  landed  on  the  west  side  near  its  outlet.  The  troops 
were  formed  into  four  columns,  the  British  in  the  center 
and  the  provincials  on  the  flanks.  In  this  order  they 
marched  toward  the  advanced  guard  of  the  French  which, 
consisting  of  one  battalion  only,  posted  in  a  log  breast 
work,  set  fire  to  their  camp  and  made  a  precipitate  retreat. 

While  Abercrombie  was  urging  forward  his  march 
through  the  woods  toward  Ticonderoga,  the  columns  were 
thrown  into  confusion  and  in  some  degree  entangled  with 
each  other.  At  this  juncture  Lord  Howe,  at  the  head  of 
the  right  center  column,  fell  in  with  a  part  of  the  advanced 
guard  of  the  enemy,  who  had  lost  their  way  in  the  woods 
in  retreating  from  Lake  George,  and  immediately  attacked 
and  dispersed  it,  killing  300  of  the  enemy  and  taking  148 
prisoners.  This  success  however  was  dearly  purchased  by 
the  death  of  Lord  Howe*  himself,  who  fell  at  the  first  fire. 

Abercrombie  ordered  the  troops  to  fall  back  to  the  land^ 
ing  place  on  Lake  George  and  bivouac  for  the  night.  The 

*  George  Howe,  Lord  Viscount,  was  the  eldest  son  of  Sir  E. 
Scrope,  second  lord  viscount  in  Ireland.  He  commanded  five 
thousand  British  troops,  which  arrived  at  Halifax  in  July,  1757. 
The  next  year,  when  Abercrombie  marched  against  Ticonderoga, 
in  an  attack  on  the  advanced  guard  of  the  French  posted  in  the 
woods,  Lord  Howe  fell  at  the  first  fire,  in  July,  1758,  aged  33.  "  In 
him,"  says  Manto,  "  the  soul  of  the  army  seemed  to  expire."  By 
his-  military  talents  and  rnany  virtues,  he  had  acquired  esteem  and 
affection.  Massachusetts  erected  a  monument  to  his  memory  in 
Westminster  Abbey,  at  an  expense  of  £250. 


398  WASHINGTON. 

master-spirit  of  the  enterprise  was  no  more,  and  the  in 
capable  Abercrombie  was  left  to  encounter  the  able  and 
indefatigable  Montcalm.  This  officer,  who  was  in  com 
mand  at  Ticonderoga,  had  caused  trees  to  be  felled  in  front 
of  the  breastwork  of  the  fortress  at  some  distance,  having 
some  of  their  branches  sharpened  to  a  point,  so  as  to  retard 
assailants  and  entangle  them  in  the  branches. 

The  engineer  sent  forward  by  Abercrombie  the  next 
morning  to  reconnoiter  the  works  seems  not  to  have  no 
ticed  the  character  of  this  abattis  as,  on  his  return,  he  re 
ported  that  the  works  were  unfinished  and  might  easily  be 
taken.  Abercrombie,  posted  at  some  sawmills  two  miles 
from  the  fort,  without  waiting  for  his  artillery,  ordered  an 
immediate  assault  (July  8,  1758).  The  contest  lasted  four 
hours.  The  soldiers  fought  bravely,  but  were  cut  down  by 
the  merciless  fire  of  the  French,  securely  posted  behind 
their  works,  and  the  result  was  a  defeat,  with  the  loss  of 
2,000  men  and  2,500  stand  of  arms.  Abercrombie  ordered 
a  retreat  to  his  former  camp  on  the  south  side  of  Lake 
George,  whence  he  immediately  recrossed  the  lake,  and  en 
tirely  abandoned  the  project  of  capturing  Ticonderoga.* 

The  only  success  accomplished  by  this  portion  of  the 
army  during  the  campaign  is  due  to  the  enterprise  of  one 
of  the  heroes  of  Louisburg. 

Col.  John  Bradstreet,  who  had  served  as  captain  in 
Lieutenant-General  Pepperrell's  regiment  at  Louisburg  in 
1745,  and  his  intimate  friend  and  protege,  was  in  this  dis 
astrous  engagement  against  Ticonderoga  with  Aber 
crombie,  and  immediately  afterward  earnestly  solicited  per 
mission  to  march  against  Fort  Frontenac,  near  the  head 

*This  defeat  induced  Pitt  to  order  Abercrombie  home,  and  to 
give  the  command  to  Amherst,  who  had  returned  from  Louisburg. 
Amherst  marched  back,  and  commanded  the  army  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain  to  the  end  of  the  war. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  399 

of  Lake  Ontario,  with  a  force  of  3,000  men,  chiefly  pro 
vincial  militia,*  carrying  eight  pieces  of  cannon  and  two 
mortars.  The  troops  embarked  at  Oswego  on  the  evening 
of  the  25th  of  August  (1758),  and  landed  within  a  mile  of 
Fort  Frontenac  which,  after  a  spirited  assault  of  two  days, 
surrendered  at  discretion.  The  Indians  having  previously 
deserted  left  but  no  prisoners  of  war.  But  the  captors 
found  in  the  fort  sixty  pieces  of  cannon,  sixteen  small 
mortars,  a  large  number  of  small  arms,  a  vast  quantity 
of  provisions,  military  stores,  and  merchandise,  and  nine 
armed  vessels.  Having  destroyed  the  fort,  vessels,  and 
stores,  Colonel  Bradstreet  returned  to  the  main  army. 
For  this  noble  achievement,!  he  was  subsequently  pro- 

*  The  proportions,  as  given  by  Dr.  Parsons  in  his  "  Life  of  Sir 
William  Pepperrell,"  are  as  follows: 

Regulars 135 

New  York  Provincial  Militia  1,112 

New  Jersey  Provincial  Militia  412 

Boston  Provincial  Militia  675 

Rhode  Island  Provincial  Militia 318 

Batteau  men 300 

2,952 


tjohn  Bradstreet  was  born  in  England.  He  was  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  St.  Johns,  Newfoundland,  in  1746.  He  was  afterward 
renowned  for  his  military  services.  In  the  year  1756,  it  being 
deemed  of  the  highest  importance  to  keep  open  the  communica 
tion  with  Fort  Oswego,  on  Lake  Ontario,  General  Shirley  enlisted 
forty  companies  of  boatmen,  and  placed  them  under  the  command 
of  Bradstreet,  to  effect  this  object.  In  the  spring  of  this  year,  a 
well-stockaded  post  of  twenty-five  men  had  been  cut  off.  The 
enemy  having  possession  of  the  passage  through  the  Onondaga 
river,  rendered  it  necessary  to  transport  the  requisite  boats  across 
the  country.  On  his  return  from  Oswego  in  July,  1756,  Colonel 
Bradstreet,  who  was  apprehensive  of  being  surprised,  ordered  the 
several  divisions  to  keep  as  close  together  as  possible.  He  was  at 
the  head  of  about  three  hundred  boatmen  in  the  first  division,  when, 


400  WASHINGTON. 

moted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general  in  the  royal  armyr 
to  the  great  joy  and  satisfaction  of  his  old  commander 
and  patron,  Sir  William  Pepperrell. 

The  fall  of  Frontenac  cut  off  the  supplies  intended  for 
Fort  Duquesne  and  hastened  its  reduction. 

We  now  proceed  to  notice  the  operations  of  the  third 
expedition  of  the  campaign  of  1758,  that,  namely, which  was 
intended  for  the  reduction  of  Fort  Duquesne,  in  which 
Washington  took  a  very  active  part.  We  left  him  at  Fort 
Loudoun,  writing  to  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses 
on  the  importance  of  carrying  the  war  into  the  enemy's 
country.  His  wishes  in  this  respect  were  now  to  be  grati 
fied,  and  that  on  an  extensive  scale,  and  yet  perhaps  there 
is  not  a  period  in  the  whole  career  of  Washington  during 
which  his  patience  and  patriotism  were  more  severely  tried 
than  during  the  progress  of  this  expedition.  The  army 
destined  to  operate  against  Fort  Duquesne  was  placed  un 
der  the  command  of  General  Forbes,  and  the  force  at  his 
disposal  was  more  than  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  but  the 
measures  adopted  by  him  were  as  badly  conceived  as  if  they 
had  been  expressly  intended  to  defeat  the  expedition.* 

at  the  distance  of  nine  miles  from  the  fort,  the  enemy  issued  from 
an  ambuscade  and  attacked  him.  He  instantly  landed  upon  a  small 
island,  and,  with  only  six  men,  maintained  his  position  until  he 
was  reinforced.  A  general  engagement  ensued,  in  which  Brad- 
street  gallantly  attacked  a  more  numerous  enemy,  and  entirely 
routed  them,  killing  and  wounding  about  two  hundred  men.  His 
own  loss  was  about  thirty.  In  the  year  1758,  he  planned  an  expedi 
tion  against  Fort  Frontenac,  and  being  intrusted  with  the  command 
of  3,000  men,  he  invested  the  fort  and  compelled  the  garrison  to 
surrender  on  the  27th  of  August.  In  1764,  he  compelled  the  Dela- 
wares,  Shawnees,  and  other  Indians,  to  conclude  treaties  of  peace. 
He  was  appointed  general  in  1772,  and  died  in  1774. 

"  The  troops  actually  employed  under  General  Forbes  were  1,200 
Highlanders,  350  Royal  Americans,  about  2,700  provincials  from 
Pennsylvania,  1,600  from  Virginia,  two  or  three  hundred  from  Mary- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  401 

The  Virginia  Assembly  promptly  complied  with  the 
requisition  of  the  minister,  furnishing  two  regiments, 
amounting  to  1,800  men  as  their  contingent.  One  of  these 
was  commanded  by  Colonel  Washington,  who  still  retained 
his  rank  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia  forces.  The 
other  was  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Byrd.  Washing 
ton  warmly  recommended  an  early  campaign  for  this  among 
other  reasons :  Seven  hundred  Indians  had  in  April  (1758) 
assembled  at  Winchester,  whose  patience  would  be  ex 
hausted  unless  they  were  promptly  employed,  and  in  the 
event  of  their  desertion  he  observes :  "  No  words  can  tell 
how  much  they  will  be  missed."  He  was  at  length  ordered 
to  collect  the  Virginia  troops  at  Winchester,  and  hold  them 
in  readiness  for  active  service.  At  this  late  moment,  when 
the  duties  of  the  field  demanded  all  his  attention,  he  was 
under  the  necessity  of  making  a  journey  to  Williamsburg, 
the  seat  of  government,  in  order  to  obtain  a  supply  of  arms, 
clothing,  and  money  for  his  regiment,  and  to  secure  for 
his  own  veteran  soldiers  the  same  pay  which  the  Assembly, 
in  their  recent  session,  had  voted  for  the  new  regiment 
raised  for  the  present  campaign.  While  he  was  training 
the  newly-enlisted  soldiers  and  preparing  supplies  and  the 
means  of  transportation  the  soldiers  were  becoming  im 
patient,  and  the  Indians,  as  he  had  anticipated,  grew  dis 
contented,  and  nearly  all  of  them  returned  to  their  homes. 

While  Washington  was  thus  occupied  at  Winchester, 
General  Forbes  was  detained  by  illness  at  Philadelphia,  and 

land,  who  had  been  stationed  in  garrison  at  Fort  Frederic,  under 
Colonel  Dagworthy,  and  also  two  companies  from  North  Carolina, 
making  in  all,  including  the  wagoners,  between  six  and  seven 
thousand  men.  This  army  was  more  than  five  months  penetrating 
to  the  Ohio,  where  it  was  found,  at  last,  that  they  had  to  oppose 
only  five  hundred  of  the  enemy."—  Sparks's  "  Writings  of  Washing 
ton,"  vol.  II,  p.  289,  note. 
26 


402  WASHINGTON. 

Colonel  Bouquet  was  in  command  at  Raystown,  thirty 
miles  from  Fort  Cumberland.  The  intermediate  place  be 
tween  this  point  and  Washington's  quarters  at  Winchester 
was  designated  for  conferences  between  him,  Colonel 
Bouquet,  and  the  quartermaster-general,  Sir  John  St.  Clair, 
in  order  to  determine  a  uniform,  plan  of  action  and  make 
the  necessary  arrangements. 

[In  view  of  an  offensive  campaign  against  the  French 
and  Indians  on  the  Ohio, —  a  repetition  of  the  design 
which  Braddock's  terrible  defeat  interrupted,  Washington 
wrote  to  one  of  Braddock's  officers,  Major  Halket,  April 
12,  1758: 

"Are  we  to  have  you  once  more  among  us?  And  shall 
we  revisit  together  a  hapless  spot,  that  proved  so  fatal  to 
many  of  our  (former)  brave  companions?  Yes;  and  I 
rejoice  at  it,  hoping  it  will  now  be  in  our  power  to  tes 
tify  a  just  abhorrence  of  the  cruel  butchery  exercised  on 
our  friends  in  the  unfortunate  day  of  Braddock's  defeat; 
and,  moreover,  to  show  our  enemies,  that  we  can  practise 
all  that  lenity  of  which  they  only  boast,  without  affording 
any  adequate  proofs  at  all." 

In  a  letter  of  April  17,  1758,  to  the  President  of  the 
Council,  Washington  said: 

"The  last  Assembly,  in  their  Supply  Bill,  provided  for 
a  chaplain  to  our  regiment,  for  whom  I  had  often  very 
unsuccessfully  applied  to  Governor  Dinwiddie.  I  now 
flatter  myself,  that  your  Honor  will  be  pleased  to  appoint 
a  sober,  serious  man  for  this  duty.  Common  decency, 
Sir,  in  a  camp  calls  for  the  services  of  a  divine,  and  which 
ought  not  to  be  dispensed  with,  although  the  world  should 
be  so  uncharitable  as  to  think  us  void  of  religion,  and 
incapable  of  good  instructions." 

At  Williamsburg,  May  28,  1758,  Washington  wrote  a 
long  statement  of  the  needs  of  his  troops,  and  of  the  ser- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  403 

vice  to  be  required  of  them.  He  began:  "  I  came  here 
at  this  critical  juncture,  by  the  express  order  of  Sir  John 
St.  Clair,  to  represent  in  the  fullest  manner  the  posture  of 
our  affairs  at  Winchester,  and  to  obviate  any  doubts  that 
might  arise  from  the  best  written  narrative.  I  shall  make 
use  of  the  following  method,  as  the  most  effectual  I 
can  at  present  suggest,  to  lay  sundry  matters  before  you, 
for  your  information,  approbation,  and  direction."  The 
letter  goes  on  with  a  statement  under  twelve  heads,  for 
the  first  of  which  a  letter  from  Sir  John  St.  Clair  is  sub 
mitted. 

It  was  an  incident  of  this  journey  to  Williamsburg,  and 
the  stay  there  which  the  business  required,  which  led 
to  Washington's  marriage  engagement.  Irving  tells  the 
story  as  follows,  after  an  account  of  the  gathering  at  Win 
chester  of  the  troops  which  were  to  be  under  Washington's 
command: 

"  The  force  thus  assembling  was  in  want  of  arms,  tents, 
field-equipage,  and  almost  every  requisite.  Washington 
had  made  repeated  representations,  by  letter,  of  the  des 
titute  state  of  the  Virginia  troops,  but  without  avail;  he 
was  now  ordered  by  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  the  quartermas 
ter-general  of  the  forces,  under  General  Forbes,  to  repair 
to  Williamsburg,  and  lay  the  state  of  the  case  before  the 
council.  He  set  off  promptly  on  horseback  attended  by 
Bishop,  the  well-trained  military  servant,  who  had  served 
the  late  General  Braddock.  It  proved  an  eventful  jour 
ney,  though  not  in  a  military  point  of  view.  In  crossing 
a  ferry  of  the  Pamunkey,  a  branch  of  York  River,  he  fell 
in  company  with  a  Mr.  Chamberlayne,  who  lived  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  who,  in  the  spirit  of  Virginian  hospi 
tality,  claimed  him  as  a  guest.  It  was  with  difficulty 
Washington  could  be  prevailed  on  to  halt  for  dinner,  so 


404  WASHINGTON. 

impatient  was  he  to  arrive  at  Williamsburg,  and  accom 
plish  his  mission. 

"  Among  the  guests  at  Mr.  Chamberlayne's  was  a  young 
and  blooming  widow,  Mrs.  Martha  Custis,  daughter  of 
Mr.  John  Dandridge,  both  patrician  names  in  the  prov 
ince.  Her  husband,  John  Parke  Custis,  had  been  dead 
about  three  years,  leaving  her  with  two  young  children, 
and  a  large  fortune.  She  is  represented  as  being  rather 
below  the  middle  size,  but  extremely  well  shaped,  with 
an  agreeable  countenance,  dark  hazel  eyes  and  hair,  and 
those  frank,  engaging  manners,^  so  captivating  in  Southern 
women.  We  are  not  informed  whether  Washington  had 
met  with  her  before;  probably  not  during  her  widow 
hood,  as  during  that  time  he  had  been  almost  continually 
on  the  frontier. 

"  It  was  not  until  the  next  morning  that  he  was  again 
in  the  saddle,  spurring  for  Williamsburg.  Happily  the 
White  House,  the  residence  of  Mrs.  Custis,  was  in  New 
Kent  County,  at  no  great  distance  from  that  city,  so  that 
he  had  opportunities  of  visiting  her  in  the  intervals  of 
business. 

"  Before  returning  to  Winchester,  Washington  was 
obliged  to  hold  conferences  with  Sir  John  St.  Clair  and 
Colonel  Bouquet,  at  an  intermediate  rendezvous,  to  give 
them  information  respecting  the  frontiers,  and  arrange 
about  the  marching  of  his  troops." 

It  was  on  the  I3th  of  June,  after  about  three  weeks' 
stay  at  Williamsburg,  that  Washington  returned  to  his 
command;  and  on  the  24th  he  marched  from  Winchester 
for  Fort  Cumberland.  A  month  later,  July  2Oth,  he  sent 
the  following  letter  from  Fort  Cumberland: 

"  To  Martha  Custis. 

"  We  have  begun  our  march  for  the  Ohio.  A  courier 
is  starting  for  Williamsburg,  and  I  embrace  the  opportun- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  405 

ity  to  send  a  few  words  to  one  whose  life  is  now  insepara 
ble  from  mine.  Since  that  happy  hour  when  we  made  our 
pledges  to  each  other,  my  thoughts  have  been  continually 
going  to  you  as  to  another  self.  That  an  All  Powerful 
Providence  may  keep  us  both  in  safety  is  the  prayer  of 
your  ever  faithful  &  Ever  affectionate  Friend, 

G°.  Washington." 

June  19,  1758,  Washington  wrote  to  General  Forbes 
a  letter  of  suggestions  in  regard  to  the  employment  of 
Indian  allies.  The  march,  he  said,  "  of  more  than  100 
miles  from  our  advanced  post  [at  Fort  Cumberland],  be 
fore  we  shall  arrive  at  Fort  Duquesne;  a  great  part  of 
which  will  be  over  mountains  and  rocks,  and  through  de 
files;  will  enable  the  enemy,  with  their  superior  knowledge 
of  the  country,  to  render  extremely  arduous,  unsafe,  and, 
at  best,  tedious,  our  intended  expedition,  unless  we  also 
can  be  assisted  by  a  body  of  Indians, —  the  best,  if  not 
the  only  troops  fit  to  cope  with  Indians  in  such  grounds." 
In  view,  therefore,  of  the  extreme  importance  of  Indian 
aid,  Washington  proposed  that  "  A  person  of  abilities  and 
address  be  sent  immediately  to  the  Cherokee  nation  to 
get  a  number  of  the  Indians  to  our  assistance,"  while  the 
plan  of  army  advances  was  being  worked  out. 

The  same  day  Washington  sent  a  letter  to  Fauquier, 
the  new  Governor,  calling  his  attention  to  the  scandalous 
fashion  in  which  an  order  calling  out  100  militia  had  been 
complied  with.  "  73  only  came ;  and  not  one  of  them  pro 
vided,  as  the  law  directs,  with  arms  and  ammunition." 
Upon  representation  of  the  matter  in  the  proper  quarter, 
"  near  100  arms  were  sent,  out  of  which  number  scarce 
five  were  serviceable,  and  not  more  than  30  could  be 
made  to  fire."  Washington  adds:  "I  immediately  set 
smiths  to  repairing  the  arms,  and  I  have,  with  the  assist 
ance  of  35  old  muskets,  which  I  caused  to  be  delivered 


406  WASHINGTON. 

out  of  the  store  here,  got  this  company  at  last  completed 
[in  outfit  —  not  in  numbers,  as  there  were  but  68,  when 
there  ought  to  have  been  100.].  Till  this  time  they  have 
been  a  dead  expense  to  the  public,  and  of  no  service  to 
the  inhabitants.  This,  Sir,  is  a  true  statement  of  facts, 
and  really  merits  reprehension:  for,  if  such  behavior  is 
suffered  to  escape  unnoticed,  the  most  destructive  conse 
quences  may  accrue."] 

At  length  Washington  received  the  long-desired  order  to 
advance  with  the  Virginia  regiments  from  Winchester  to 
Fort  Cumberland,  where  he  arrived  early  in  July  (1758).* 

[Marching  from  Winchester,  June  24th,  "  with  five  com 
panies  of  the  First  Virginia  regiment,  and  a  company  of 
artificers  of  the  Second,"  Washington,  "  much  delayed  by 

*The  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  Robert  Munford  to 
Colonel  Bland,  dated  Fort  Cumberland,  July  6,  1758,  gives  us  a 
glimpse  of  camp  life,  and  of  the  estimation  in  which  Washington 
was  held,  at  that  time,  by  the  officers  serving  under  his  command: 

"After  being  delayed  at  Winchester  five  or  six  weeks  longer 
than  expected  (in  which  time,  I  was  ordered  express  to  Williams- 
burg,  and  allowed  but  a  day  after  my  return  to  prepare),  we  pushed 
off  into  the  wide  ocean.  I  was  permitted  to  walk  every  step  of 
the  way  to  this  humble  fort,  to  eat  little,  and  lay  hard,  over  moun 
tain,  through  mud  and  water,  yet  as  merry  and  hearty  as  ever. 
Our  flankers  and  sentries  pretend  they  saw  the  enemy  daily,  but 
they  never  approached  us.  A  detachment  is  this  moment  ordered 
off  to  clear  a  road  thirty  miles,  and  our  companies  to  cover  the 
working  party.  We  are  in  fine  scalping-ground,  I  assure  you;  the 
guns  pop  about  us,  and  you  may  see  the  fellows  prick  up  their 
ears,  like  deer,  every  moment.  Our  colonel  (Washington)  is  an 
example  of  fortitude  in  either  danger  or  hardships,  and  by  his 
easy,  polite  behavior,  has  gained  not  only  the  regard  but  affection 
of  both  officers  and  soldiers.  He  has  kindly  invited  me  to  his 
table  for  the  campaign,  offered  me  any  sum  of  money  I  may  have 
occasion  for,  without  charging  either  principal  or  interest,  and 
signified  his  approbation  of  my  conduct  hitherto  in  such  a  manner 
as  is  to  me  of  advantage."—  Bland  Papers,  p.  9. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  407 

bad  teams  and  bad  roads,"  arrived  at  camp  near  Fort 
Cumberland,  July  2d,  in  the  afternoon. 

July  I9th,  Washington  said  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Bou 
quet,  the  commander  of  the  expedition: 

"  I  am  excessively  obliged  by  the  very  handsome  and 
polite  manner,  by  which  you  are  pleased  to  give  me  leave 
to  attend  the  election  at  Winchester.  Though  my  being 
there  on  that  occasion  would,  at  any  other  time,  be  very 
agreeable  to  me,  yet  at  this  juncture  I  can  hardly  per 
suade  myself  to  think  of  being  absent  from  my  more  im 
mediate  duty,  even  for  a  few  days." 

This  refers  to  Washington's  standing  for  election  as 
one  of  the  two  members  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  for 
Frederick  county.  The  election  took  place  July  24th,  and 
the  result  of  the  poll  was,  Washington,  307;  Colonel  Mar 
tin,  a  nephew  of  Lord  Fairfax,  240;  and  two  others,  199 
and  45,  respectively.  These  same  two  now  defeated  had 
been  elected  on  a  previous  occasion  with  271  and  270 
votes,  while  Washington,  who  was  also  a  candidate,  got 
only  40  votes.  At  least  such  an  election  report  was  found 
among  his  papers,  but  with  no  indication  of  date.  It  was 
in  a  letter  of  May  25,  1755,  that  Washington  asked  his 
brother,  John  A.  Washington,  to  ascertain  how  matters 
stood,  favorable  or  unfavorable  to  his  standing  as  a 
candidate. 

To  one  of  his  supporters  in  the  election,  Washington 
wrote,  July  29,  1758: 

"  Permit  me  to  return  you  my  sincerest  thanks  for  your 
great  assistance  at  the  late  election,  and  to  assure  you 
that  I  shall  ever  retain  a  lively  sense  of  the  favor. 
.  "  Our  expedition  seems  overcast  with  too  many  ills  to 
give  you  any  satisfaction  in  a  transient  relation  of  them. 
God  knows  what's  intended;  for  nothing  seems  ripe  for 


408  WASHINGTON. 

execution;  backwardness,  and  I  would  if  I  dare  say  more, 
appears  in  all  things  —  all  but  the  approach  of  winter." 

To  Colonel  James  Wood,  who  was  known  in  the  "  far 
west "  of  Virginia  as  the  "  founder  "  of  Winchester,  and 
who  had  personally  represented  Washington  in  the  elec 
tion  proceedings,  Washington  wrote: 

"  If  thanks  from  a  heart  replete  with  joy  and  grati 
tude  can  in  any  measure  compensate  for  the  fatigue, 
anxiety,  and  pain,  you  had  at  my  election,  be  assured 
you  have  them. 

"  How  I  shall  thank  Mrs.  Wood  for  her  favorable  wishes, 
and  how  acknowledge  my  sense  of  obligations  to  the  peo 
ple  in  general  for  their  choice  of  me,  I  am  at  a  loss  to 
resolve  on.  But  why?  Can  I  do  it  more  effectually  than 
by  making  their  interest  (as  it  really  is)  my  own,  and  doing 
everything  that  lies  in  my  little  power  for  the  honor  and 
welfare  of  the  country?  I  think  not;  and  my  best  endeav 
ors  they  may  always  command.  I  promise  this  now,  when 
promises  may  be  regarded;  before  they  might  pass  as 
words  of  course. 

"  I  am  extremely  thankful  to  you  and  my  other  friends 
for  entertaining  the  freeholders  in  my  name.  I  hope  no 
exception  was  taken  to  any  that  voted  against  me,  but 
that  all  were  alike  treated  and  all  had  enough.  My  only 
fear  is  that  you  spent  with  too  sparing  a  hand." 

One  of  Washington's  friends  had  said  in  a  letter  to  him 
immediately  after  the  election: 

"  The  punctual  discharge  of  every  trust,  your  humane 
and  equitable  treatment  of  each  individual,  and  your  ardent 
zeal  for  the  common  cause,  have  gained  your  point  with 
credit;  as  your  friends  could,  with  the  greatest  warmth 
and  truth,  urge  the  worth  of  those  noble  endowments  and 
principles,  as  well  as  your  superior  interest  both  here  and 
in  the  House."  "  Considering  the  command,"  says  Sparks, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  409 

"  which  he  had  been  obliged  to  exercise  in  Frederic  County 
for  near  five  years,  and  the  restraints  which  the  exigency  of 
circumstances  required  him  occasionally  to  put  upon  the  in 
habitants,  this  result  was  deemed  a  triumphant  proof  of 
his  abilities,  address,  and  power  to  win  the  affections  and 
confidence  of  the  people." 

"  From  this  time  till  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  a 
period  of  fifteen  years,  Washington  was  constantly  a  mem 
ber  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  being  returned  by  a  large 
majority  of  votes  at  every  election.  For  seven  years  he 
represented,  jointly  with  another  delegate,  the  County  of 
Frederic,  in  which  Winchester  was,  and  afterwards  the 
County  of  Fairfax,  in  which  he  resided.  There  were 
commonly  two  sessions  in  a  year,  and  sometimes  three. 
It  appears,  from  a  record  left  in  his  handwriting,  that  he 
gave  his  attendance  punctually,  and  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end  of  almost  every  session.  It  was  a  maxim  with 
him  through  life,  to  execute  punctually  and  thoroughly 
every  charge  which  he  undertook. 

"  His  influence  in  public  bodies  was  produced  more  by 
the  soundness  of  his  judgment,  his  quick  perceptions,  and 
his  directness  and  undeviating  sincerity,  than  by  eloquence 
or  art  in  recommending  his  opinions.  He  seldom  spoke, 
never  harangued,  and  it  is  not  known  that  he  ever  made 
a  set  speech,  or  entered  into  a  stormy  debate.  But  his 
attention  was  at  all  times  awake.  He  studied  profoundly 
the  prominent  topics  of  discussion,  and,  whenever  occasion 
required,  was  prepared  to  deliver  his  sentiments  clearly, 
and  to  act  with  decision  and  firmness.  His  practice  may 
be  inferred  from  the  counsel  he  gave  to  a  nephew,  who 
had  just  taken  his  seat  for  the  first  time  in  the  Assembly. 

." '  The  only  advice  I  will  offer,'  said  he,  '  if  you  have 
a  mind  to  command  the  attention  of  the  House,  is  to 
speak  seldom  but  on  important  subjects,  except  such  as 


410  WASHINGTON. 

particularly  relate  to  your  constituents ;  and,  in  the  former 
case,  make  yourself  perfectly  master  of  the  subject.  Never 
exceed  a  decent  warmth,  and  submit  your  sentiments  with 
diffidence.  A  dictatorial  style,  though  it  may  carry  con 
viction,  is  always  accompanied  with  disgust.' ' 

Sparks  gives  an  account  of  Washington's  action  in  a 
meeting  of  the  parish  of  Truro,  which  shows  exactly  what 
kind  of  speaker  he  was.  Sparks  says: 

"  In  the  affairs  of  Truro  Parish,  to  which  Mount  Ver- 
non  belonged,  he  took  a  lively  concern  and  exercised  a 
salutary  control.  He  was  a~  vestryman  of  that  parish. 
On  one  occasion  he  gained  a  triumph  of  some  moment, 
which  Mr.  Massey,  the  clergyman,  who  lived  to  an  ad 
vanced  age,  used  to  mention  as  an  instance  of  his  address. 
The  old  church  was  falling  to  ruin,  and  it  was  resolved 
that  another  should  be  built.  Several  meetings  were  held, 
and  a  warm  dispute  arose  respecting  its  location,  the  old 
one  being  remote  from  the  center,  and  inconveniently 
situated  for  many  of  the  parishoners.  A  meeting  for  set 
tling  the  question  was  finally  held.  George  Mason,  who 
led  the  party  that  adhered  to  the  ancient  site,  made  an 
eloquent  harangue,  in  which  he  appealed  with  great  effect 
to  the  sensibilities  of  the  people,  conjuring  them  not  to 
desert  the  spot  consecrated  by  the  bones  of  their  ances 
tors  and  the  most  hallowed  associations.  Mr.  Massey 
said  every  one  present  seemed  moved  by  this  discourse, 
and  for  the  moment,  he  thought  there  would  not  be  a 
dissenting  voice.  Washington  then  rose  and  drew  from 
his  pocket  a  roll  of  paper,  containing  an  exact  survey  of 
Truro  Parish,  on  which  was  marked  the  site  of  the  old 
church,  the  proposed  site  of  the  new  one,  and  the  place 
where  each  parishoner  resided.  He  spread  this  map  be 
fore  the  audience,  explained  it  in  a  few  words,  and  then 
added,  that  it  was  for  them  to  determine,  whether  they 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  411 

would  be  carried  away  by  an  impulse  of  feeling,  or  act 
upon  the  obvious  principles  of  reason  and  justice.  The 
argument,  thus  confirmed  by  ocular  demonstration,  was 
conclusive,  and  the  church  was  erected  on  the  new  site." 

George  Mason,  of  Gunston  Hall,  was  a  neighbor  and  in 
timate  friend  of  Washington;  and  intellectually  at  the  head 
of  the  citizenship  of  Virginia,  until  Washington  rose  to  a 
height  reached  by  no  one  who,  at  any  time  or  anywhere, 
came  into  comparison  with  him.  The  common  impression 
that  he  was  no  speaker,  or  at  least  had  no  habit  of  speak 
ing,  is  entirely  erroneous.  Both  as  a  writer  and  as  a 
speaker  he  was  head  and  shoulders  above  the  most  notable 
of  his  time,  with  the  difference  that  in  speaking  he  went 
right  to  the  point,  put  the  matter  unanswerably,  and  had 
carried  conviction  before  an  orator  would  have  got  his 
eloquence  under  way.] 

Through  the  month  the  troops  were  employed  in  open 
ing  a  new  road  from  Fort  Cumberland  to  Raystown,  and 
repairing  the  old  one  leading  toward  the  Great  Meadows. 
As  they  were  greatly  annoyed  in  this  service  by  flying  par 
ties  of  the  enemy  it  was  proposed  to  send  a  considerable 
detachment  over  the  mountains  to  restrain  the  French  and 
Indians  from  this  annoyance;  but  Colonel  Washington 
strongly  objected  to  this  measure  because  the  detachment 
would  be  exposed  to  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  on  the 
Ohio  and  must  be  defeated.  The  plan  was  in  consequence 
given  up,  and  by  his  advice  frequent  scouts  were  substituted. 

Washington's  excellent  judgment  in  this  matter  was 
fully  illustrated  by  the  subsequent  disaster  which  befel  the 
detachment  of  Colonel  Grant. 

.While  Colonel  Washington  was  posted  at  Fort  Cumber 
land  he  adopted  a  style  of  dress  for  the  soldiers  which  is 
supposed  by  Mr.  Irving  to  have  given  rise  to  the  dress 


412  WASHINGTON. 

worn  by  American  riflemen  in  the  subsequent  wars.  It 
was  the  Indian  dress.  In  a  letter  to  Colonel  Bouquet  dated 
July  3,  1758,  he  thus  alludes  to  it : 

"  My  men  are  very  bare  of  regimental  clothing,  and  I 
have  no  prospect  of  a  supply.  So  far  from  regretting  this 
want  during  the  present  campaign,  if  I  were  left  to  pursue 
my  own  inclinations,  I  would  not  only  order  the  men  to 
adopt  the  Indian  dress  but  cause  the  officers  to  do  it  also, 
and  be  the  first  to  set  the  example  myself.  Nothing  but 
the  uncertainty  of  obtaining  the  general  approbation  causes 
me  to  hesitate  a  moment  to  leave  my  regimentals  at  this 
place  and  proceed  as  light  as  any  Indian  in  the  woods.  It 
is  an  unbecoming  dress  I  own  for  any  officer,  but  con 
venience,  rather  than  show,  I  think,  should  be  consulted. 
The  reduction  of  bat-horses  alone  would  be  sufficient  to 
recommend  it,  for  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  less 
baggage  would  be  required  and  the  public  benefited  in  pro 
portion." 

From  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  Colonel  Bouquet  dated 
July  Qth  we  learn  that  his  plan  was  adopted,  and  found  to 
answer  an  excellent  purpose.  In  this  letter  he  thus  ex 
presses  himself: 

"  It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  find  that  you  approve  the 
dress  I  have  put  my  men  into.  It  is  evident  that  soldiers 
in  that  trim  are  better  able  to  carry  their  provisions,  are 
fitter  for  the  active  service  we  must  engage  in,  less  liable 
to  sink  under  the  fatigues  of  a  march,  and  we  thus  get  rid 
of  much  baggage  which  would  lengthen  our  line  of  march. 
These  and  not  whim  or  caprice  were  my  reasons  for  order 
ing  this  dress." 

A  practicable  military  road  having  been  opened  for  the 
passage  of  General  Braddock's  army  to  Fort  Duquesne, 
Colonel  Washington  had  taken  it  for  granted  that  this 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  413 

would  be  the  route  taken  by  General  Forbes'  army  in  the 
present  campaign.  We  may  imagine  therefore  his  surprise 
and  mortification  when  late  in  July  (1758)  he  received  a 
letter  from  Colonel  Bouquet  asking  an  interview  with  him 
in  order  to  consult  on  opening  a  new  road  from  Raystown, 
and  requesting  his  opinion  on  that  route. 

"  I  shall/'  says  he,  in  answer  to  this  letter,  "  most  cheer 
fully  work  on  any  road,  pursue  any  route,  or  enter  upon 
any  service,  that  the  general  or  yourself  may  think  me  use 
fully  employed  in,  or  qualified  for,  and  shall  never  have  a 
will  of  my  own  when  a  duty  is  required  of  me.  But  since 
you  desire  me  to  speak  my  sentiments  freely,  permit  me  to 
observe  that  after  having  conversed  with  all  the  guides, 
and  having  been  informed  by  others  acquainted  with  the 
country,  I  am  convinced  that  a  road,  to  be  compared  with 
General  Braddock's,  or  indeed  that  will  be  fit  for  trans 
portation  even  by  pack-horses,  cannot  be  made.  I  own 
I  have  no  predilection  for  the  route  you  have  in  contem 
plation  for  me." 

In  the  interview  with  Colonel  Bouquet,  which  took  place 
a  few  days  after  his  writing  this  letter,  Colonel  Washing 
ton  found  that  officer  strongly  in  favor  of  opening  the  new 
route.  After  their  separation  he,  with  the  permission  of 
Colonel  Bouquet,  addressed  to  him  a  letter  which  was  to 
be  laid  before  General  Forbes,  setting  forth  his  reasons 
against  making  a  new  road.  He  was  apprehensive  that  the 
loss  of  time  occasioned  by  attempting  it  would  be  so  great 
that  they  would  be  able  to  do  nothing  more  than  fortify 
some  post  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alleghany  and  prepare 
for  another  campaign.  He  was  equally  opposed  to  another 
scheme  which  had  been  proposed  of  dividing  the  army  and 
marching  by  two  different  routes. 

In  the  following    letter  to  Colonel    Bouquet,  Colonel 


414  WASHINGTON. 

Washington  produces  unanswerable  arguments  in  support 
of  his  own  views  on  both  these  questions : 

"  CAMP  AT  FORT  CUMBERLAND, 
"  August  2,  1758. 

"  SIR. —  The  matters  of  which  we  spoke  relative  to  the 
roads, have, since  our  parting,  been  the  subject  of  my  closest 
reflection,  and  so  far  am  I  from  altering  my  opinion  that 
the  more  time  and  attention  I  bestow  the  more  I  am  con 
firmed  in  it,  and  the  reasons  for  taking  Braddock's  road 
appear  in  a  stronger  point  of  view.  To  enumerate  the 
whole  of  these  reasons  would  be  tedious,  and  to  you,  who 
are  so  much  master  of  the  subject,  unnecessary.  I  shall 
therefore  briefly  mention  a  few  only,  which  I  think  so  ob 
vious  in  themselves,  that  they  must  effectually  remove  ob 
jections. 

"  Several  years  ago  the  Virginians  and  Pennsylvanians 
commenced  a  trade  with  the  Indians  settled  on  the  Ohio, 
and  to  obviate  the  many  inconveniences  of  a  bad  road  they,, 
after  reiterated  and  ineffectual  efforts  to  discover  where  a 
good  one  might  be  made,  employed  for  the  purpose  several 
of  the  most  intelligent  Indians  who,  in  the  course  of  many 
years  hunting,  had  acquired  a  perfect  knowledge  of  these 
mountains.  The  Indians  having  taken  the  greatest  pains 
to  gain  the  rewards  offered  for  this  discovery  declared  that 
the  path  leading  from  Wills  Creek  was  infinitely  preferable 
to  any  that  could  be  made  at  any  other  place.  Time  and 
experience  so  clearly  demonstrated  this  truth  that  the 
Pennsylvania  traders  commonly  carried  out  their  goods  by 
Wills  Creek.  Therefore  the  Ohio  Company,  in  1753,  at 
a  considerable  expense,  opened  the  road.  In  1754  the 
troops  whom  I  had  the  honor  to  command  greatly  repaired 
it  as  far  as  Gist's  plantation ;  and  in  1755  it  was  widened 
and  completed  by  General  Braddock  to  within  six  miles 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  415 

of  Fort  Duquesne.  A  road  that  has  so  long  been  opened, 
and  so  well  and  so  often  repaired,  must  be  firmer  and  bet 
ter  than  a  new  one,  allowing  the  ground  to  be  equally  good. 

"  But  supposing  it  were  practicable  to  make  a  road  from 
Raystown  quite  as  good  as  General  Braddock's,  I  ask  have 
we  time  to  do  it?  Certainly  not.  To  surmount  the  diffi 
culties  to  be  encountered  in  making  it  over  such  moun 
tains,  covered  with  woods  and  rocks,  would  require  so  much 
time  as  to  blast  our  otherwise  well-grounded  hopes  of 
striking  the  important  stroke  this  season. 

"  The  favorable  accounts  that  some  give  of  the  forage 
on  the  Raystown  road,  as  being  so  much  better  than  that 
on  the  other,  are  certainly  exaggerated.  It  is  well  known 
that  on  both  routes  the  rich  valleys  between  the  mountains 
abound  with  good  forage,  and  that  those  which  are  stony 
and  bushy  are  destitute  of  it.  Colonel  Byrd  and  the  engi 
neer  who  accompanied  him  confirm  this  fact.  Surely  the 
meadows  on  Braddock's  road  would  greatly  overbalance 
the  advantage  of  having  grass  to  the  foot  of  the  ridge  on 
the  Raystown  road,  and  all  agree  that  a  more  barren  road 
is  nowhere  to  be  found  than  that  from  Raystown  to  the  in 
habitants,  which  is  likewise  to  be  considered. 

"Another  principal  objection  made  to  General  Brad- 
dock's  road  is  in  regard  to  the  waters.  But  these  seldom 
swell  so  much  as  to  obstruct  the  passage.  The  Youghiog- 
heny  river,  which  is  the  most  rapid  and  soonest  filled,  I 
have  crossed  with  a  body  of  troops  after  more  than  thirty 
days'  almost  continual  rain.  In  fine,  any  difficulties  on  this 
score  are  so  trivial  that  they  really  are  not  worth  mention 
ing.  The  Monongahela,  the  largest  of  all  these  rivers,  may, 
if  necessary,  easily  be  avoided,  as  Mr.  Frazer,  the  principal 
guide,  informs  me,  by  passing  a  defile;  and  even  that,  he 
says,  may  be  shunned. 

"Again,  it  is  said,  there  are  many  defiles  on  this  road.    I 


416  WASHINGTON. 

grant  that  there  are  some,  but  I  know  of  none  that  may 
not  be  traversed,  and  I  should  be  glad  to  be  informed 
where  a  road  can  be  had  over  these  mountains  not  subject 
to  the  same  inconvenience.  The  shortness  of  the  distance 
between  Raystown  and  Loyal  Hanna  is  used  as  an  argu 
ment  against  this  road,  which  bears  in  it  something  unac 
countable  to  me;  for  I  must  beg  leave  to  ask  whether  it 
requires  more  time  or  is  more  difficult  and  expensive  to 
go  145  miles  in  a  good  road  already  made  to  our  hands 
than  to  cut  100  miles  anew,  and  a  great  part  of  the  way 
over  impassable  mountains. 

"  That  the  old  road  is  many  miles  nearer  Winchester,  in 
Virginia,  and  Fort  Frederick,  in  Maryland,  than  the  con 
templated  one,  is  incontestable ;  and  I  will  here  show  the 
distances  from  Carlisle  by  the  two  routes,  fixing  the  differ 
ent  stages,  some  of  which  I  have  from  information  only, 
but  others  I  believe  to  be  exact.*  From  this  computation 
there  appears  to  be  a  difference  of  nineteen  miles  only. 
Were  all  the  supplies  necessarily  to  come  from  Carlisle,  it 
is  well  known  that  the  goodness  of  the  old  road  is  a  suffi 
cient  compensation  for  the  shortness  of  the  other,  as  the 
wrecked  and  broken  wagons  there  clearly  demonstrate. 

"  I  shall  next  give  you  my  reasons  against  dividing  the 
army  in  the  manner  you  propose. 

*From  Carlisle  to  Fort  Duquesne,  by  way  of  Raystown: 

Miles. 

From  Carlisle  to  Shippensburg  21 

From  Shippensburg  to  Fort  Loudoun 24 

From  Fort  Loudoun  to  Fort  Littleton   20 

From  Fort  Littleton  to  Juniata  Crossing 14 

From  Juniata  Crossing  to  Raystown  14 

93 
From  Raystown  to  Fort  Duquesne  100 

193 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  41? 

"  First,  then,  by  dividing  our  army  we  shall  divide  our 
strength,  and  by  pursuing  quite  distinct  routes  put  it  en 
tirely  out  of  the  power  of  each  division  to  succor  the  other, 
as  the  proposed  new  road  has  no  communication  with  the 
old  one. 

"  Secondly,  to  march  in  this  manner  will  be  attended 
with  many  inconveniences.  If  we  depart  from  our  ad 
vanced  posts  at  the  same  time,  and  make  no  deposits  by 
the  way,  those  troops  that  go  from  Raystown,  as  they  will 
be  light,  with  carrying-horses  only,  will  arrive  at  Fort 
Duquesne  long  before  the  others  and  must,  if  the  enemy 
are  strong  there,  be  exposed  to  many  insults  in  their  ad 
vance  and  in  their  intrenchments  from  the  cannon  of  the 
enemy,  which  they  may  draw  out  upon  them  at  pleasure. 
If  they  are  not  strong  enough  to  do  this,  we  have  but  little 
to  apprehend  from  them  in  whatever  way  we  may  go. 

"  Thirdly,  if  that  division  which  escorts  the  convoy  is 
permitted  to  march  first  we  risk  our  all  in  a  manner,  and 
shall  be  ruined  if  any  accident  happens  to  the  artillery  and 
the  stores. 

"  Lastly,  if  we  advance  on  both  roads  by  deposits,  we 
must  double  our  number  of  troops  over  the  mountains  and 
distress  ourselves  by  victualing  them  at  these  deposits,  be- 

From  Carlisle  to  Fort  Duquesne,  by  way  of  Forts  Frederick  and 
Cumberland: 

Miles. 

From  Carlisle  to  Shippensburg  21 

From  Shippensburg  to  Chambers's  12 

From  Chambers's  to  Pacelin's  12 

From  Pacelin's  to  Fort  Frederick  12 

From  Fort  Frederick  to  Fort  Cumberland  40 

97 
From  Fort  Cumberland  to  Fort  Duquesne  115 

212 
27  = 


418  WASHINGTON. 

sides  losing  the  proposed  advantage,  that  of  stealing  a 
march.  For  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  French,  who  have 
their  scouts  constantly  out,  can  be  so  deficient  in  point  of 
intelligence  as  to  be  unacquainted  with  our  motions  while 
we  are  advancing  by  slow  degrees  toward  them. 

"  From  what  has  been  said  relative  to  the  two  roads,  it 
appears  to  me  very  clear  that  the  old  one  is  infinitely  better 
than  the  other  can  be  made,  and  that  there  is  no  room  to 
hesitate  in  deciding  which  to  take,  when  we  consider  the 
advanced  season  and  the  little  time  left  to  execute  our  plan. 

"  I  shall  therefore  in  the  last  place  offer,  as  desired,  my 
sentiments  on  advancing  by  deposits.  The  first  deposit  I 
should  have  proposed  to  be  at  the  Little  Meadows  had  time 
permitted ;  but  as  the  case  now  stands  I  think  it  should  be 
at  the  Great  Crossing  or  the  Great  Meadows.  The  Great 
Crossing  I  esteem  the  most  advantageous  post  on  several 
accounts,  especially  on  those  of  water  and  security  of  pas 
sage;  but  then  it  does  not  abound  with  forage,  as  the 
Meadows  do,  nor  with  so  much  level  land  fit  for  culture. 
To  this  latter  place  a  body  of  1500  men  may  march  with 
300  wagons  (or  with  carrying-horses,  which  would  be 
much  better),  allowing  each  wagon  to  carry  eight  hundred 
weight  of  flour  and  four  hundred  of  salt  meat. 

"  Our  next  deposit  will  probably  be  at  Salt  Lick,  about 
thirty-five  miles  from  the  Meadows.  To  this  place  I  think 
it  necessary  to  send  2,500  men  to  construct  some  post,  tak 
ing  six  days'  provisions  only,  which  is  sufficient  to  serve 
them  till  the  convoy  comes  up,  by  which  time  an  intrenched 
camp,  or  some  other  defensive  work  may  be  effected.  From 
hence  I  conceive  it  highly  expedient  to  detach  three  or  four 
thousand  of  the  best  troops  to  invest  the  fort,  and  to  pre 
vent,  if  possible,  an  engagement  in  the  woods,  which  of  all 
things  ought  to  be  avoided.  The  artillery  and  stores  may 
be  brought  up  in  four  days  from  Salt  Lick.  From  that  time 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  419 

I  will  allow  eighteen  days  more,  for  the  carrying-horses  to 
make  a  trip  to  Raystown  for  provisions,  passing  along  the 
old  path  by  Loyal  Hanna.  They  may  do  it  in  this  time,  as 
the  horses  will  go  down  light. 

"  From  this  statement  and  by  my  calculations,  in  which 
large  allowance  is  made  for  the  quantity  of  provisions,  as 
well  as  for  the  time  of  transporting  them,  it  appears  that 
from  the  day  on  which  the  front  division  begins  its  march 
till  the  whole  army  arrives  before  Fort  Duquesne  will  be 
thirty-four  days.  There  will  be  also  eighty-seven  days'  pro 
vision  on  hand,  allowing  for  the  consumption  on  the  march- 
Eighteen  days  added  to  the  above  will  make  fifty-two  in  all,, 
the  number  required  for  our  operations.  These  ought  to 
be  finished,  if  possible,  by  the  middle  of  October  (1758)."* 

In  a  letter  addressed  to  Major  Halket,  aide  of  General 
Forbes,  Colonel  Washington  expressed  himself  as  follows, 
in  relation  to  the  new  route : 

"  I  am  just  returned  from  a  conference  held  with  Colonel 
Bouquet.  I  find  him  fixed  —  I  think  I  may  say  unalterably 
fixed  —  to  lead  you  a  new  way  to  the  Ohio  through  a  road 
every  inch  of  which  is  to  be  cut  at  this  advanced  season, 
when  we  have  scarcely  time  left  to  tread  the  beaten  track 
universally  confessed  to  be  the  best  passage  through  the 
mountains. 

"  If  Colonel  Bouquet  succeeds  in  this  point  with  the 
general  all  is  lost !  all  is  lost,  indeed !  our  enterprise  is 
ruined!  and  we  shall  be  stopped  at  the  Laurel  Hill  this 
winter;  but  not  to  gather  laurels,  except  of  the  kind  which 
cover  the  mountains.  The  southern  Indians  will  turn 
against  us  and  these  Colonies  will  be  desolated  by  such  an 
accession  to  the  enemy's  strength.  These  must  be  the  con 
sequences  of  a  miscarriage,  and  a  miscarriage  the  almost" 
necessary  consequence  of  an  attempt  to  march  the  army  by 

*  Sparks's  "  Writings  of  Washington,"  vol.  II,  p.  392. 


420  WASHINGTON. 

this  new  route.  I  have  given  my  reasons  at  large  to 
Colonel  Bouquet.  He  desired  that  I  should  do  so,  that 
he  might  forward  them  to  the  General.  Should  this  hap 
pen  you  will  be  able  to  judge  of  their  weight.  I  am  unin 
fluenced  by  prejudice,  having  no  hopes  or  fears  but  for 
the  general  good." 

Colonel  Washington's  arguments  and  remonstrances  on 
the  subject  of  dividing  the  army  and  advancing  on  two 
•different  routes  had  their  due  weight  and  that  scheme  was 
abandoned.  But  on  the  question  regarding  the  new  route, 
his  powerful  influence  was  unavailing.  The  Pennsyl- 
vanians*  wanted  a  new  road  to  the  western  country  made 

*  How  this  selfish  conduct  of  the  Pennsylvanians  was  regarded 
"by  the  Virginians  under  Washington's  command  is  illustrated  by 
the  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  Robert  Munford  to  Colonel 
Bland,  dated  camp  near  Fort  Cumberland,  May  4,  1758: 

41  If  'tis  honorable  to  be  in  the  service  of  one's  country,  'tis  a 
reputation  gained  by  the  most  cruel  hardships  you  can  imagine, 
occasioned  more  by  a  real  anxiety  for  its  welfare  than  by  what  the 
poor  carcass  suffers.  Every  officer  seems  discontented  in  camp, 
happy  on  command,  so  deep  is  the  interest  of  our  country  implanted 
in  the  minds  of  all.  Sometimes  the  army  wears  a  gloomy,  then 
a  joyous  aspect,  just  as  the  news  either  confirms  our  stay  here,  or 
immediate  departure.  The  general  (Forbes),  with  the  smallpox 
in  one,  the  flux  in  the  other  division  of  our  forces,  and  no  pro 
visions  ready,  are  indeed  excuses  for  our  being  here  at  present; 
yet  all  might  have  been  prevented.  A  few  hearty  prayers  are  every 
moment  offered  up  for  those  self-interested  Pennsylvanians,  who 
endeavor  to  prevail  on  our  general  to  cut  a  road  for  their  con 
venience  from  Raystown  to  Fort  Duquesne.  That  a  trifling  good 
to  particulars  should  retard  what  would  conduce  to  the  general 
welfare!  'Tis  a  set  of  dirty  Dutchmen,  they  say,  that  keep  us  here! 
It  would  be  impertinent  to  condemn,  yet  I  must  think  our  leaders 
too  deliberate  at  this  important  juncture,  when  all  are  warm  for 
action,  all  breathing  revenge  against  an  enemy  that  has  even  dared 
to  scalp  our  men  before  our  eyes.  The  amusement  we  have  in 
the  mean  time  is  only  following  the  brave  dogs  over  the  moun 
tains  for  some  miles,  and  our  sole  satisfaction  sufficient  fatigue 
to  make  us  sleep  sound."—  Bland  Papers,  p.  13. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  421 

at  the  expense  of  the  Crown,  and  at  the  risk  of  defeating 
the  object  of  the  campaign,  they  carried  their  point  with 
General  Forbes,  who,  as  commander-in-chief  had  full 
power  to  decide  the  question.  How  this  decision  affected 
Washington  may  be  seen  by  the  following  letters: 

[August  5th  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Fauquier 
from  the  Fort  Cumberland  camp : 

"I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  that  we  are  still  encamped 
here,  and  have  little  prospect  of  de-camping,  unless  a 
fatal  resolution  takes  place,  of  opening  a  new  road  from 
Rays  Town  to  Fort  Duquesne.  In  this  event,  I  have  no 
doubt  that  the  Virginia  troops  will  be  honored  with  a  full 
share  of  the  labor,  as  they  have  already  been  in  opening 
a  communication  from  hence  to  Rays  Town,  and  doing  the 
principal  part  of  the  work  at  that  place. 

"  I  am  just  returned  from  a  conference  held  with  Col. 
Bouquet.  In  this  conference  I  urged,  in  the  most  forcible 
terms  I  was  master  of,  the  advanced  season  as  an  argu 
ment  against  new  discoveries.  I  pressed  also  the  diffi 
culties  attending  the  cutting  a  road  over  these  mountains, 
—  known  to  me  from  experience;  the  length  of  time  it 
must  require  to  do  it ;  the  little  time  left  for  that  service ; 
the  moral  certainty  of  its  obstructing  our  march,  beyond 
what  the  advanced  season  will  admit  —  and  the  probable 
miscarriage  of  the  expedition  from  that  cause ;  and  lastly 
I  endeavored  to  represent  the  distressed  condition  the  col 
onies  would  be  reduced  to  consequent  thereon.  In  fine, 
I  said  everything  which  the  importance  of  the  subject  sug 
gested  to  me,  to  avert  a  measure  that  seemed  to  forebode 
the  manifest  rum  of  the  expedition. 

"  This  is  the  light  in  which  it  presents  itself  to  my 
mind.  I  pray  Heaven  my  fears  may  not  be  realized!  But 
the  thoughts  of  opening  a  road  TOO  miles,  over  mountains 
almost  inaccessible,  at  this  advanced  season,  when  there 


WASHINGTON. 

is  already  a  good  road  made, —  a  road  universally  con 
fessed  to  be  the  best  that  either  is  or  can  be  found  any 
where  through  these  mountains,  prognosticates  something 
not  quite  favorable. 

"  I  Have  now  drawn  up  a  representation  of  real  facts  to 
be  presented  to  the  General;  in  which  I  think  the  advan 
tages  of  going  the  old  road,  and  moral  certainty  of  failing 
in  the  new  are  so  clearly  demonstrated  that  they  must 
strike  every  unbiassed  mind. 

"  The  small-pox  getting  among  the  troops  is  another 
unpromising  circumstance.  An  officer  and  two  men  of 
my  regiment  are  now  confined  with  it  at  Rays  Town. 

"  From  this  narrative  of  our  affairs  your  Honor  may 
draw  conclusions.  You  may  depend  the  statement  is  true  ; 
free  from  exaggerations  and  flowing  from  a  mind  deeply 
affected  at  the  prospect  before  us.  I  hope,  as  I  once  said 
before,  that  I  see  matters  in  too  strong  a  point  of  view 
and  that  my  apprehensions  for  the  consequences  of  open 
ing  a  new  road  are  groundless." 

"  P.  S.  I  was  this  moment  presented  with  a  letter  from 
Col.  Bouquet  telling  me,  that  the  General  had  directed 
the  other  road  to  be  opened.  I  expect,  therefore,  to  be 
ordered  that  way  immediately." 

The  next  day  Washington  again  wrote  to  Colonel  Bou 
quet,  his  immediate  commanding  officer: 

"  The  General's  orders, —  or  the  order  of  any  superior 
officer,  will,  when  once  given,  be  a  law  to  me.  I  shall 
never  hesitate  in  obeying  them;  but,  till  this  order  came 
out  [from  General  Forbes,  *  lying  indisposed  at  Carlyle'], 
I  thought  it  incumbent  on  me  to  say  what  I  could  to 
divert  you  (the  Commanding  Officer  present)  from  a  reso 
lution  of  opening  a  new  road,  of  which  I  had  the  most 
unfavorable  reports,  and  believe  from  the  height  of  the 
hills, —  the  steepness  of  them,  the  unevenness  of  the  ground 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  423 

in  general, —  and,  what  above  all  principally  weighed  with 
me,  the  shortness  of  the  season,  that  it  was  impossible  tc? 
open  a  road  in  time  to  answer  our  purpose.  I  am  still 
in  this  opinion,  partly  from  my  own  observations  of  the 
country,  and  partly  from  the  information  of  as  good  judges 
as  any  that  will  be  employed.  My  duty  therefore  obliged 
me  to  declare  my  sentiments  upon  the  occasion  with  that 
candor  and  freedom  of  which  you  are  witness.  If  I  am 
deceived  in  my  opinion,  I  shall  acknowledge  my  error  as 
becomes  a  gentleman  led  astray  from  judgment,  and  not 
by  prejudice,  in  opposing  a  measure  so  conducive  to  the 
public  weal  as  you  seem  to  have  conceived  this  to  be.  If 
I,  unfortunately,  am  right,  my  conduct  will  acquit  me  of 
having  discharged  my  duty  on  this  important  occasion; 
on  the  good  success  of  which  our  all,  in  a  manner,  de 
pends." 

August  18,  1758,  in  view  of  a  possible  order  "  to  proceed 
with  a  body  of  troops  on  General  Braddock's  road,"  Wash 
ington  remarked  in  a  letter  to  Bouquet  on  what  this 
would  require,  and  further  said: 

"  The  greatest  part  of  my  regiment  is  on  the  other  road ; 
so  that  I  have  but  few  remaining  with  me  of  the  First 
regiment,  and  8  companies  of  the  Second  only,  whose 
officers  and  men  can  be  supposed  to  know  little  of  the 
service,  and  less  of  the  country;  and  near,  or  I  believe, 
quite  a  fifth  of  them  sick. 

"With  regard  to  keeping  out  a  succession  of  strong 
parties  on  this  road  from  our  troops  here,  I  must  beg 
leave  to  observe,  that  we  have  not  so  much  as  one  carry 
ing  horse  to  take  provisions  out  upon,  being  under  a 
necessity  t'other  day  of  pressing  five  horses  from  some 
countrymen  (that  came  to  camp  on  business)  before  I 
could  equip  Capt.  McKenzie's  party  [four  officers  and 
75  rank  and  file]  for  a  14  days  march.  That  we  have 


424  WASHINGTON. 

not  an  ounce  of  salt  provisions  of  any  kind  here,  and  that 
it  is  impossible  to  preserve  the  fresh,  (especially  as  we 
have  no  salt)  by  any  other  means  than  barbacuring  it  in 
the  Indian  manner. 

"A  great  many  of  Col.  Byrd's  men  [the  Second  regi 
ment]  are,  as  I  before  remarked,  very  sickly;  the  rest 
became  low  spirited  and  dejected.  Of  course  the  greatest 
share  of  the  service  must  fall  upon  the  four  companies 
of  the  First  Regiment.  This  sickness  and  depression  of 
spirits  cannot  arise,  I  conceive,  from  the  situation  of  our 
camp,  which  is  undoubtedly  the  most  healthy  and  best 
aired  in  this  vicinity,  but  is  caused,  I  apprehend,  by  the 
change  in  their  way  of  living,  (most  of  them  till  now 
having  lived  in  ease  and  affluence),  and  by  the  limestone 
water.  The  soldiers  of  the  1st  regiment  would  be  sickly, 
like  those  of  the  2nd,  was  it  not  owing  to  some  such 
causes  as  these." 

To  Colonel  Bouquet  Washington  wrote,  August  28, 
1758: 

"  Your  favor  by  Mr.  Hoops  has  in  some  measure  re 
vived  a  hope  that  was  almost  extinguished,  of  doing  some 
thing  this  campaign.  We  must  doubtless  expect  to  en 
counter  many  difficulties  in  opening  a  new  road  through 
bad  grounds  in  a  woody  country  of  which  the  enemy  are 
possesst,  but  since  you  hope  our  point  may  be  carried  I 
would  feign  expect  the  surmounting  these  obstacles. 

1  Tis  a  melancholy  reflection,  though,  to  find  there  is 
even  a  doubt  of  success,  when  so  much  is  depending,  and 
when,  in  all  human  probability,  we  might  have  been  in 
full  possession  of  the  Ohio  by  now,  if,  rather  than  running 
ourselves  into  difficulties  and  expense  of  cutting  an  entire 
new  road  the  distance  we  have,  first  and  last  Braddock's 
had  been  adopted. 

"  I  could  wish  most  sincerely  that  our  route  was  fixed 


RICHARD  MONTGOMERY. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  425 

that  we  might  be  in  motion;  for  we  are  all  ot  us  most 
heartily  tired  and  sick  of  inactivity." 

"We  are  still  encamped  here,  very  sickly  and  dispirited  at 
the  prospect  before  us.  The  appearance  of  glory  which  we 
once  had  in  view  —  that  hope  —  that  laudable  ambition  of 
serving  our  country  and  meriting  its  applause  are  now  no 
more,  all  is  dwindled  into  ease,  sloth,  and  fatal  inactivity. 
In  a  word,  all  is  lost,  if  the  ways  of  men  in  power  like  cer 
tain  ways  of  Providence  are  not  inscrutable.  But  we  who 
view  the  actions  of  great  men  at  a  distance  can  only  form 
conjectures  agreeably  to  a  limited  perception,  and  being 
ignorant  of  the  comprehensive  schemes  which  may  be  in 
contemplation  might  mistake  egregiously  in  judging  from 
appearances,  or  by  the  lump.  Yet  every  fool  will  have  his 
notions  —  will  prattle  and  talk  away,  and  why  may  not  I? 
We  seem  then  in  my  opinion,  to  act  under  the  guidance  of 
an  evil  genius.  The  conduct  of  our  leaders,  if  not  actuated 
by  superior  orders,  is  tempered  with  something  —  I  do  not 
care  to  give  a  name  to.  Nothing  now  but  a  miracle  can 
bring  this  campaign  to  a  happy  issue. 

"  In  my  last  I  told  you  that  I  had  employed  my  small 
abilities  in  opposing  the  measures  then  concerting.  To 
do  this,  I  not  only  represented  the  advanced  season,  the 
difficulty  of  cutting  a  new  road  over  these  mountains,  the 
little  time  left  for  that  service,  the  moral  certainty  of  its 
obstructing  our  march,  and  the  miscarriage  of  the  expe 
dition  consequent  thereupon.  But  I  endeavored  to  rep 
resent,  also,  the  great  struggle  Virginia  had  made  this 
year  in  raising  a  second  regiment  upon  so  short  a  notice, 
and  the  great  expense  of  doing  it,  and  her  inability  for  a 
future  exertion  in  case  of  need.  I  spoke  my  fears  con 
cerning  the  southern  Indians,  in  the  event  of  a  miscar 
riage;  and  in  fine  I  spoke  all  wwavailingly,  for  the  road 
was  immediately  begun,  and  since  then  from  one  to  two 


426  WASHINGTON. 

thousand  men  have  constantly  wrought  upon  it.  By  the 
last  accounts  I  have  received,  they  had  cut  it  to  the  foot  of 
the  Laurel  Hill,  about  thirty-five  miles,  and  I  suppose  by 
this  time  1,500  men  have  taken  post  about  ten  miles  far 
ther  at  a  place  called  Loyal  Hanna,  where  our  new  fort 
is  to  be  constructed. 

"  We  have  certain  intelligence  that  the  French  strength 
at  Fort  Duquesne  did  not  exceed  800  men  the  thirteenth 
ultimo,  including  about  three  or  four  hundred  Indians.  See 
how  our  time  has  been  misspent,  behold  how  the  golden 
opportunity  is  lost,  perhaps  never  to  be  regained!  How 
is  it  to  be  accounted  for  ?  Can  General  Forbes  have  orders 
for  this  ?  Impossible !  Will  then  our  injured  country  pass- 
by  such  abuses  ?  I  hope  not.  Rather  let  a  full  represen 
tation  of  the  matter  go  to  His  Majesty,  let  him  know  how 
grossly  his  interests  and  the  public  money  have  been 
prostituted.  I  wish  I  were  sent  immediately  home,  as 
an  aid  to  some  other  on  this  errand.  I  think,  without 
vanity,  I  could  set  the  conduct  of  this  expedition  in  its 
true  colors,  having  taken  some  pains,  perhaps  more  than 
any  other  man,  to  dive  to  the  bottom  of  it. 

"  It  hath  long  been  the  luckless  fate  of  Virginia  to  fall 
a  victim  to  the  views  of  her  crafty  neighbors,  and  yield 
her  honest  efforts  to  promote  their  common  interests,  at 
the  expense  of  much  blood  and  treasure !  whilst  openness 
and  sincerity  have  governed  her  measures.  We  now  can 
only  bewail  our  prospects,  and  wish  for  happier  times, 
but  these  seem  at  so  remote  a  distance  that  they  are 
indeed  rather  to  be  wished  than  expected."] 

Well  might  Washington  complain.  When  this  letter 
was  written,  parties  had  been  sent  forward  by  Colonel 
Bouquet  to  work  upon  the  new  road,  and  six  weeks  had 
already  been  wasted  in  this  fruitless  labor,  forty-five  miles 
only  being  gained  in  that  time. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  42T 

[September  2,  1758,  two  months  after  his  arrival  there, 
Washington  wrote  from  the  Fort  Cumberland  camp,  to 
Governor  Fauquier: 

"  If  you  are  surprised  to  find  us  still  encamped  at  this 
place,  I  shall  only  remark  that  your  surprise  cannot  well 
exceed  my  own. 

"  In  my  last  I  informed  your  Honor  that  a  resolution 
was  taken  to  open  a  new  road  from  Rays  Town  to  Fort 
Duquesne.  It  was  instantly  begun,  and  since  that  time 
from  one  to  two  thousand  men  have  wrought  on  it  con 
tinually  [from  August  5].  They  had,  by  the  last  accounts 
I  received,  cut  it  to  the  foot  of  Laurel  Hill,  about  35  miles, 
and  I  suppose  by  this  time  have  taken  posts  at  Loyal 
Hanna,  10  miles  farther,  where  I  understand  another  fort 
is  to  be  built. 

"  What  time  it  will  require  to  build  a  fort  at  Loyal 
Hanna,  and,  after  that  is  accomplished,  what  further 
time  is  necessary  to  cut  the  road  through  very  rugged 
grounds  to  Fort  Duquesne,  I  must  leave  to  time  to  reveal. 

"  The  first  division  of  the  Artillery  has  passed  the  Alle- 
ghany  hill,  and  I  suppose  may  by  now  be  got  up  with  the 
advanced  working  party.  The  second  division  I  believe 
may  have  marched  by  this;  and  they  talk  of  putting  all 
the  troops  in  motion  immediately.  We  have  not  in  our 
stores  at  Rays  Town  two  months'  provisions  for  the  army; 
and  if  the  best  judges  are  to  be  credited,  the  nipping 
frosts  will  soon  destroy  the  herbage  on  the  mountains; 
and  then,  although  the  communication  be  not  quite 
stopped,  the  subsistence  for  horses  is  rendered  very  diffi 
cult,  till  snows  and  frosts  prevent  all  intercourse  with  the 
Ohio, —  and  these  set  in  early  in  November.  The  road 
from  Rays  Town  to  Carlyle,  whence  the  provisions  and 
stores  chiefly  come,  is  perhaps  worse  than  any  other  on  the 
continent,  infinitely  worse  than  any  part  of  the  road 


428  WASHINGTON. 

from  hence  to  Fort  Duquesne,  along  General  Braddock's 
road,  and  hath  already  worn  out  the  greatest  part  of  the 
horses  that  have  been  employed  in  transporting  the 
provisions. 

"  I  can  give  your  Honor  no  satisfactory  account  of  the 
General.  He  lay  ill  at  Carlyle  a  long  time;  from  thence 
(gathering  a  little  strength)  he  moved  to  Shippensburgh, 
where  his  disorder  returned,  and  where  I  am  told  he  now 
is.  By  a  letter  received  from  him  he  hopes  soon  to  be 
at  Rays  Town,  where  he  desires  to  see  Col.  Byrd  and 
myself.  But  alas,  the  Expedition  must  either  stand  or 
fall  by  the  present  plan. 

"  In  the  conference  which  I  had  with  Colonel  Bouquet, 
I  did,  among  other  things,  to  avert  the  resolve  of  opening 
a  new  road,  represent  the  great  expense  the  colony  of 
Virginia  had  been  at  to  support  the  war;  the  charge  of 
raising  a  second  regiment  at  so  short  notice;  the  time 
limited  for  its  service;  and  therefore  the  cruelty  of  risk 
ing  the  success  of  an  expedition  upon  such  precarious 
measures,  when  so  much  depends  on  it,  and  our  inability 
to  do  more. 

"  But  I  urged  in  vain.  The  Pennsylvanians,  whose  pres 
ent  as  well  as  future  interest  it  was  to  conduct  the  expe 
dition  through  their  Government,  and  along  that  way,  be 
cause  it  secures  their  frontiers  at  present  and  the  trade 
hereafter  —  a  chain  of  forts  being  erected  —  had  preju 
diced  the  General  absolutely  against  this  road;  made  him 
believe  we  were  the  partial  people;  and  determined  him 
at  all  events  to  pursue  that  route.  So  that  their  sentiments 
are  already  known  on  this  matter  and  to  them,  as  instiga 
tors,  may  be  attributed  the  great  misfortune  of  this  mis 
carriage. 

"The  contractor  has  orders  to  lay  in,  at  Loyal  Hanna, 
for  4000  men  the  winter.  Whence  it  is  imagined  that 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  429 

our  expedition  for  this  campaign  will  end  there.  Should 
we  serve  to  make  up  the  troops  which  garrison  that  place, 
our  frontiers  will  thereby  not  only  be  exposed,  but  the 
soldiers,  for  want  of  clothing  and  proper  conveniences 
must  absolutely  perish,  few  of  them  having  a  whole  coat 
to  their  backs,  and  many  none  at  all. 

"  I  have  thus  given  your  Honor  a  full  and  impartial 
account  of  the  present  posture  of  affairs  here;  of  which 
any  use  may  be  made  you  shall  think  proper.  I  may  pos 
sibly  be  blamed  for  expressing  my  sentiments  so  freely, — 
but  never  can  be  ashamed  of  urging  the  truth;  and  none 
but  obvious  facts  are  stated  here.  The  General,  I  dare 
say  from  his  good  character,  can  account  fully,  and  no 
doubt  satisfactorily,  for  these  delays  that  surprise  all  who 
judge  from  appearances;  but  I  really  cannot." 

In  a  private  letter  of  September  12,  1758,  a  thought,  in 
close  line  with  one  of  the  most  striking  of  Shakespeare's 
utterances,  appears  in  Washington's  avowal  of  "  an  opin 
ion,  which  I  have  long  entertained,  that  there  is  a  Destiny 
which  has  the  control  of  'our  actions,  not  to  be  resisted 
by  the  strongest  efforts  of  Human  Nature/'  The  letter 
is  most  plainly  to  one  who  had  been  so  completely  the 
object  of  Washington's  earlier  affection  that  no  other  per 
son  could  so  deeply  command  his  devotion  and  create  his 
happiness.  It  is  said  that  Mrs.  Custis,  when  Washington 
met  her,  strikingly  resembled  the  person  who  might  have 
been  Mrs.  Washington  if  she  had  not  already  provided 
herself  with  a  husband  in  Colonel  William  Fairfax's  son, 
George  William  Fairfax,  who  was  eight  years  older  than 
Washington.  If  Mrs.  George  William  Fairfax  was  the  per 
son  upon  whom  Washington's  earliest  sense  of  perfect 
womanly  charm  had  rested,  there  seems  no  reason  to 
doubt  that  it  was  when  hardly  more  than  upon  the  thresh 
old  of  manhood,  with  his  home  about  as  much  at  Belvoir, 


430  WASHINGTON. 

the  mansion  of  the  Fairfaxes,  as  at  his  brother  Law 
rence's  Mount  Vernon  mansion,  that  the  interchange  of 
interest  in  each  other  began,  with  the  amplest  security 
for  conventional  and  actual  propriety  on  both  sides,  with 
the  occasions  of  kindness  to,  and  regard  for,  a  young 
friend  appealing  most  naturally  to  her,  and  with  the  very 
exceptional  rise  of  feeling  in  him  natural  to  maturity  be 
yond  his  years,  and  to  the  rarest  genius  for  deep,  pure, 
and  powerful  emotion;  until  both  the  one  and  the  other 
found  interest  in  each  other  awakened,  far  beyond  what 
could  be  carried  into  effect,  or  could  be  expressed  from 
one  to  the  other,  save  as  correspondence  might  venture 
a  little  way.  The  letter  was  as  follows: 

"  Yesterday  I  was  honored  with  your  short  but  very 
agreeable  favor  of  the  first  inst.  How  joyfully  I  catch 
at  the  happy  occasion  of  renewing  a  correspondence 
which  I  feared  was  disrelished  on  your  part,  I  leave  to 
time,  that  never  failing  expositor  of  all  things,  and  to  a 
monitor  equally  faithful  in  my  own  breast,  to  testify.  In 
silence  I  now  express  my  joy;  silence,  which,  in  some 
cases,  I  wish  the  present,  speaks  more  intelligently  than 
the  sweetest  eloquence. 

"  If  you  allow  that  any  honor  can  be  derived  from  my 
opposition  to  our  present  system  of  management  [in  the 
expedition  matters],  you  destroy  the  merit  of  it  entirely 
in  me  by  attributing  my  anxiety  [for  the  better  conduct 
and  earlier  success  of  the  campaign]  to  the  animating 
prospect  of  possessing  Mrs.  Custis,  when  —  I  need  not 
tell  you,  guess  yourself  [meaning  apparently,  to  say,  yet 
not  say,  "when,  to  return  to  the  happiness  of  Belvoir, 
of  your  society,  would  not  less  have  been  an  animating 
prospect."]  Should  not  my  own  honor  and  country's  wel 
fare  be  the  excitement?  Tis  true,  I  profess  myself  a  votary 
of  Love.  I  acknowledge  that  a  lady  is  in  the  case,  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  431 

further  I  confess  that  this  lady  is  known  to  you.  Yes, 
Madame,  as  well  as  she  is  to  one  who  is  too  sensible 
of  her  charms  to  deny  the  power  whose  influence  he 
feels  and  must  ever  submit  to.  I  feel  the  force  of  her 
amiable  beauties  in  the  recollection  of  a  thousand  tender 
passages  that  I  could  wish  to  obliterate,  till  I  am  bid  to 
revive  them.  But  experience,  alas!  sadly  reminds  me  how 
impossible  this  is,  and  evinces  an  opinion  which  I  have 
long  entertained,  that  there  is  a  Destiny  which  has  the 
control  of  our  actions,  not  to  be  resisted  by  the  strongest 
efforts  of  Human  Nature. 

"  You  have  drawn  me,  Dear  Madame,  or  rather  I  have 
drawn  myself,  into  an  honest  confession  of  a  simple  fact. 
Misconstrue  not  my  meaning;  doubt  it  not,  nor  expose  it. 
The  world  has  no  business  to  know  the  object  of  my  Love, 
declared  in  this  manner  to  you,  when  I  want  to  conceal  it. 
One  thing  above  all  things  in  this  world  I  wish  to  know, 
and  only  one  person  of  your  acquaintance  can  solve  me 
that,  or  guess  my  meaning.  But  adieu  to  this  till  happier 
times,  if  1  ever  shall  see  them.  The  hours  at  present  are 
melancholy  dull.  I  dare  believe  you  are  as  happy  as  you 
say.  I  wish  I  was  happy  also.  Mirth,  good  humor,  ease 
of  mind,  and  —  what  else?  —  cannot  fail  to  render  you  so. 

"  I  cannot  easily  forgive  the  unseasonable  haste  of  my 
last  express  [messenger],  if  he  deprived  me  thereby  of 
a  single  word  you  intended  to  add.  The  time  of  the  pres 
ent  messenger  is,  as  the  last  might  have  been,  entirely 
at  your  disposal.  I  can't  expect  to  hear  from  my  friends 
more  than  this  once  [i.  e.  by  the  return  of  his  messenger] 
before  the  fate  of  this  expedition  will  some  how  or  other 
be  determined.  I  therefore  beg  to  know  when  you  set 
out  for  Hampton,  and  when  you  expect  to  return  to  Bel- 
voir  again.  And  I  should  be  glad  also  to  hear  of  your 
speedy  departure,  as  I  shall  thereby  hope  for  your  return 


432  WASHINGTON. 

before  I  get  down.  The  disappointment  of  seeing  your 
family  [i.  e.  to  be  disappointed  of  seeing],  would  give 
me  much  concern.  From  anything  I  can  yet  see  'tis 
hardly  possible  to  say  when  we  shall  finish.  I  don't  think 
there  is  a  possibility  of  it  till  the  middle  of  November. 
Your  letter  to  Captain  Gist  I  forwarded  by  a  safe  hand 
the  moment  it  came  to  me.  His  answer  shall  be  carefully 
transmitted. 

"  Col.  Mercer,  to  whom  I  delivered  your  message  and 
compliments,  joins  me  very  heartily  in  wishing  you  and 
the  Ladies  of  Belvoir  the  perfect  enjoyment  of  every  hap 
piness  the  world  affords.  Be  assured  that  I  am,  Dear 
Madame,  with  the  most  unfeigned  regard,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  obliged  humble  servant." 

If,  as  seems  undeniable,  there  is  in  the  expressions  used 
in  this  letter  a  bold,  yet  veiled  avowal  that  the  person  ad 
dressed  had  engaged  his  feelings  to  the  utmost  possible, 
it  seems  no  less  certain  that  the  expressions  used  imply 
that  there  had  never  been  any  understanding  between 
the  two,  through  which  he  could  have  been  sure  what  her 
feelings  were,  and  that  he  wished,  "  above  all  things  in 
this  world,"  to  be  allowed  to  know  it  if  the  interest  which 
he  felt  was  similarly  felt  by  her.  It  seems  impossible  not 
to  assume  that  she  had  not  found  an  ideal  satisfaction  in 
her  marriage,  yet  maintained  her  position  in  it  all  the 
same,  while  yet  finding  in  her  husband's  younger  comrade 
the  grounds  of  such  satisfaction,  and  not  wholly  conceal 
ing  it  from  the  object  of  her  interest.  And  strongly  as 
Washington  expressed  his  "  wish  to  know  "  the  one  thing 
of  greatest  interest  to  his  feelings,  as  he  turned  back  to 
his  Belvoir  experiences,  there  seems  not  the  slightest 
reason  to  suppose  that  it  could  have  meant  to  him  anything 
more  than  a  mental  satisfaction,  or  could  have  given 
him  even  a  thought  of  pause  in  the  matter  of  his  engage- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  433 

ment  to  Mrs.  Custis.  That  Washington  was  not  a  little 
in  the  dark  as  to  what  might  be  true  of  the  feelings  of 
Mrs.  Fairfax,  from  the  avoidance  on  her  part  of  giving 
him  any  indication  adequate  to  satisfy  his  "  wish  to  know," 
appears  very  plainly  from  his  recurring  to  the  matter  in 
a  second  letter,  September  25,  but  only  to  the  extent  of 
these  *ew  words: 

"  Do  we  still  misunderstand  the  meaning  of  each  other's 
letters?  I  think  it  must  appear  so,  though  I  would  feign 
hope  the  contrary,  as  I  cannot  speak  plainer  without.  But 
I'll  say  no  more,  and  leave  you  to  guess  the  rest." 

In  this  letter  Washington  says :  "  I  am  extremely  glad 
to  find  that  Mr.  Fairfax  has  escaped  the  dangers  of  the 
siege  at  Louisberg."  The  younger  brother  of  George 
William  Fairfax  was  in  the  army  with  Wolfe,  and  was 
killed  at  the  siege  of  Quebec.  If  George  William  Fairfax 
had  fallen  at  Louisberg,  the  personal  story  of  Washington 
might  have  been  different  but  for  the  fact  that  the  engage 
ment  already  made  was  as  binding  to  his  honor,  and  as 
satisfactory  to  judgment  and  feeling,  as  the  earlier  interest 
was  in  some  degree  deeper  —  after  the  manner  of  such  first 
exceptionally  deep  interest 

If  we  recur  to  the  interest  of  the  mere  youth  in  "  Miss 
Betsy,"  an  account  of  which  is  given  at  page  48,  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  youth  of  twenty  showed  very  deep  feeling 
under  the  impression  made  upon  him  by  Miss  Betsy 
Fauntleroy;  that  while  this  feeling  was  strongest  his  "  place 
of  residence  "  was  with  the  Fairfaxes,  where  the  family 
included  Mrs.  George  William  Fairfax  and  her  sister,  "  a 
very  agreeable  young  lady;"  and  that  he  avoided  becoming 
interested  in  the  young  lady,  partly  because  of  the  strength 
•of  his  feeling  for  Miss  Betsy,  and  partly  because  he  felt 
convinced  that  he  would  "  only  get  a  denial,"  if  he  ven 
tured  anything.  In  this  situation  Mrs.  Fairfax  and  her 
28 


434  WASHINGTON. 

Husband's  comrade  could  hardly  fail  to  unconsciously 
come  into  a  relation  of  perhaps  unguarded  interest  on  her 
part,  and  of  unguarded  self-disclosure  on  his  part,  the 
almost  inevitable  result  of  which,  to  her,  would  be  to  know, 
as  no  one  else  could,  the  depth,  purity,  charm,  and  strength 
of  his  nature,  not  yet  revealed  to  common  observation; 
while  to  him  would  come  the  consciousness  of  attraction 
and  satisfaction,  in  a  singularly  sympathetic  and  beautiful 
woman,  very  much  beyond  anything  through  which  any 
"young  lady"  could  appeal  to  him.  Mrs.  Fairfax  was 
but  two  years  his  senior;  she  had  been  married  four  years 
in  I752;  and  with  no  more  than  commonplace  gifts  and 
excellence  in  Mr.  Fairfax,  a  deeply  sympathetic  knowledge 
of  Washington,  in  the  rarest  promise  of  his  genius  and 
character,  may  well  have  made  an  impression  as  profound, 
beyond  every  other  known  to  her  experience,  as  it  was 
necessarily  pathetic.  There  is  no  evidence  that  to  either 
the  whole  'experience  was  more  than  a  transaction  of 
silence  or  of  dumb  distance  signals,  with  no  effect  what 
ever  upon  the  actual  life  of  either.  It  should  be  plain, 
however,  that  there  were  three  stages  in  the  emotional 
experience  of  Washington,  in  relation  with  three  persons, 
Betsy  Fauntleroy,  Mrs.  Fairfax,  and  Mrs.  Custis,  and  that 
upon  the  latter  fell  all  the  conscience,  honor,  and  fidelity 
of  the  mature  man.] 

General  Forbes  had  at  length  arrived  at  his  headquarters 
at  Raystown  (September  15,  1758).  The  advanced  party 
were  constructing  a  fort  at  Loyal  Hanna,  most  of  the  Vir 
ginia  troops  were  still  at  Fort  Cumberland,  whereas,  if  the 
old  route  by  Braddock's  road  had  been  adopted,  General 
Forbes  with  his  army  of  6,000  men  might  already  have 
reached  Fort  Duquesne,  at  that  time  garrisoned  by  only 
800  men. 

So  much  dissatisfied  were  the  Virginia  House   of  Bur- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  435 

gesses  with  this  state  of  affairs,  that  they  were  on  the  point 
of  recalling  the  forces  of  that  Colony  and  placing  them  on 
their  own  frontier,  but  the  apprehension  that  the  failure  of 
the  expedition  might  be  ascribed  to  this  proceeding  in 
duced  them  to  extend  the  period  of  service  for  their  troops 
to  the  end  of  the  year. 

We  have  already  seen  that  Washington  disapproved  of 
the  scheme  of  sending  forward  detachments  of  any  con 
siderable  force  in  advance  of  the  main  body  of  the  army. 
His  excellent  judgment  on  this  head  was  fully  evinced  by 
the  disastrous  fate  of  Major  Grant's  detachment.  This 
officer  was  detailed  from  the  advanced  post  at  Loyal  Hanna 
on  the  2ist  of  September  (1758),  with  800  men,  for  the 
purpose  of  reconnoitering  the  enemy's  position  at  Fort 
Duquesne.  His  proceedings  were  singularly  imprudent. 
Having  arrived,  without  molestation,  at  a  hill  near  the  fort, 
in  the  night,  he  sent  forward  a  small  party  to  make  observa 
tions,  who  burnt  a  log  cabin  and  returned. 

Next  morning  Major  Grant  having  ordered  Major  Lewis, 
of  Washington's  Virginia  regiment,  with  a  baggage-guard 
to  a  point  two  miles  in  his  rear,  sent  forward  an  engineer 
with  a  covering  party  within  full  view  of  the  garrison  to 
take  a  plan  of  the  works.  As  if  all  these  proceedings  were 
not  sufficient  to  give  the  enemy  notice  of  his  presence,  he 
ordered  the  reveille  to  be  beaten  in  several  places. 

The  intelligent  French  commander  of  Fort  Duquesne 
observed  and  duly  appreciated  this  silly  and  impudent 
bravado  and  took  speedy  measures  to  punish  it.  Having 
posted  Indians  in  ambuscade  on  his  enemy's  flanks  he  made 
a  sudden  sally  from  the  fort,  and  soon  spread  dismay  and 
confusion  among  the  ranks  of  the  British  soldiers.  The 
Highlanders, who  composed  a  part  of  the  detachment,  stood 
their  ground  well  for  some  time  before  they  broke  and 
fled.  The  Virginians  from  Washington's  regiment  gave 


436  WASHINGTON. 

evidence  of  the  thorough  manner  in  which  they  had  been 
trained  for  border  warfare.  They  bore  the  brunt  of  the 
battle,  losing  out  of  eight  officers,  five  killed,  one  wounded, 
and  one  taken  prisoner,  while  of  the  rank  and  file,  out  of 
162,  sixty-two  were  killed  and  two  wounded. 

On  hearing  the  firing,  Major  Lewis  left  Captain  Bullitt 
with  fifty  Virginians  to  guard  the  baggage,  and  hastened 
to  join  in  the  fight.  He  was  speedily  engaged  with  the 
Indians  who  had  emerged  from  their  ambuscade  in  the 
woods.  Surrounded  and  nearly  overpowered,  he  surren 
dered  to  a  French  officer.  Major  Grant  was  also  taken 
prisoner.  The  main  body  of  the  detachment  was  routed, 
and  sought  safety  in  the  neighboring  forest. 

Captain  Bullitt  after  sending  off  a  portion  of  the  baggage- 
wagons  made  a  stand  behind  a  breastwork  formed  of  the 
remaining  ones  and  drove  back  the  Indians  who  were 
rushing  forward  to  secure  the  plunder.  He  then  effected 
a  rapid  retreat  with  the  remnant  of  the  detachment.  Scat 
tered  fugitives  from  the  main  body  who  had  been  dis 
persed  slowly  found  their  way  through  the  woods  to  Loyal 
Hanna.  The  total  loss  was  270  killed  and  42  wounded. 

Washington  received,  in  the  compliments  of  the  general, 
a  satisfactory  intimation  that  the  conduct  of  the  portion 
of  his  regiment  engaged  in  this  action  was  duly  appreciated 
at  headquarters,  and  Captain  Bullitt's  promotion  to  the 
rank  of  major  was  a  further  testimony  to  the  courage  and 
good  behavior  of  the  Virginians. 

[Washington  wrote  September  25,  1758,  to  Governor 
Fauquier,  of  this  affair: 

"  The  i2th  instant  Major  Grant,  of  the  Highland  bat 
talion,  with  a  chosen  detachment  of  800  men  marched 
from  our  advanced  post,  at  Loyal  Hannan,  for  Fort  Du- 
quesne; — what  to  do  there  (unless  to  meet  the  fate  he  did) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  437 

I  cannot  certainly  inform  you.  However,  to  get  intelli 
gence  and  annoy  the  Enemy,  was  the  ostensible  plan. 

"  On  the  I3th,  in  the  night,  they  arrived  near  that  place; 
formed  upon  the  hill  in  two  columns;  and  sent  a  party 
to  the  fort  to  make  discoveries,  which  they  accomplished 
accordingly  —  and  burned  a  log-house  not  far  from  the 
walls  without  interruption.  Stimulated  by  this  success  the 
major  kept  his  post  and  disposition  until  day;  then  de 
tached  Major  Lewis  and  part  of  his  command  two  miles 
back  to  their  baggage  guard  and  sent  an  engineer  with  a 
covering  party  in  full  view  of  the  fort,  to  take  a  plan  of 
the  works  —  at  the  same  time  causing  the  reveille  to  beat 
in  several  different  places. 

"The  Enemy  hereupon  sallied  out,  and  an  obstinate 
Engagement  began,  for  the  particulars  of  which  I  beg 
leave  to  refer  your  Honor  to  the  enclosed  letters  and  re 
turn  of  the  regiment.  Major  Lewis,  it  is  said,  met  his 
fate  in  bravely  advancing  to  sustain  Major  Grant.  Our 
officers  and  men  have  acquired  very  great  applause  for 
their  gallant  behavior  during  the  action.  I  had  the  honor 
to  be  publicly  complimented  yesterday  by  the  General  on 
the  occasion.  The  havock  that  was  made  of  them  is  a 
demonstrable  proof  of  their  obstinate  defence,  having  six 
officers  killed,  and  a  seventh  wounded,  out  of  eight.  Major 
Lewis  who  cheerfully  went  upon  this  enterprise  (when  he 
found  there  was  no  dissuading  Colonel  Bouquet  from  the 
attempt,  desired  his  friends  to  remember  that  he  had  op 
posed  the  undertaking  to  the  utmost. 

"  What  may  be  the  consequence  of  this  affair,  I  will  not 
take  upon  me  to  decide,  but  this  I  may  venture  to  declare, 
that  our  affairs  in  general  appear  with  a  greater  gloom 
than  ever;  and  I  see  no  probability  of  opening  the  road 
this  campaign.  How  then  can  we  expect  a  favorable  issue 
to  the  expedition.  I  have  used  my  best  endeavors  to  sup- 


438  WASHINGTON. 

ply  my  men  with  the  necessaries  they  want.  Seventy 
blankets  I  got  from  the  General  upon  a  promise  to  return 
them  again." 

In  the  letter  to  Mrs.  Fairfax  of  the  same  date,  the  few 
personal  words  of  which  have  been  quoted  above,  Wash 
ington  said,  of  Major  Grant's  further  proceedings  making 
observations,  etc. : 

"  Egg'd  on  rather  than  satisfied  by  this  success,  Major 
Grant  must  needs  insult  the  Enemy  next  morning  by 
beating  the  reveille  in  different  places  in  view.  This 
caused  a  great  body  of  men  to  sally  from  the  Fort,  and  an 
obstinate  engagement  to  ensue,  which  was  maintained  on 
our  side  with  the  utmost  efforts  that  bravery  could  yield, 
till,  being  overpowered  and  quite  surrounded,  they  were 
obliged  to  retreat  with  the  loss  of  22  officers  killed  and  278 
men,  besides  wounded. 

"  This  is  a  heavy  blow  to  our  affairs  here,  and  a  sad 
stroke  upon  my  regiment,  that  has  lost  out  of  8  officers, 
and  168  that  were  in  the  action,  6  of  the  former  killed  and 
a  7th  wounded.  Among  the  slain  was  our  dear  Major 
Lewis. 

"  Thus  it  is  the  lives  of  the  brave  are  often  disposed  of. 
But  who  is  there  that  does  not  rather  envy  than  regret 
a  death  that  gives  birth  to  honor  and  glorious  memory? 

"  I  am  extremely  glad  to  find  that  Mr.  Fairfax  has 
escaped  the  dangers  of  the  siege  of  Louisberg.  Already 
have  we  experienced  greater  losses  than  our  army  sus 
tained  at  that  place,  and  have  gained  not  one  obvious 
advantage.  So  miserably  has  this  expedition  been  man 
aged  that  I  expect  after  a  month's  further  trial,  and  the 
loss  of  many  more  men  by  the  sword,  cold,  and  famine, 
we  shall  give  the  expedition  over  as  impracticable  this 
season,  and  retire  to  the  inhabitants  [i.  e.  the  settlements 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  439 

on  the  frontier  from  which  they  had  marched],  condemned 
by  the  world  and  derided  by  our  friends." 

September  28th  Washington  further  wrote  that  by  a 
flag  of  truce  sent  to  Fort  Duquesne  it  had  been  "  learned 
with  certainty  that  Major  Grant  with  two  other  Highland 
officers,  and  Major  Lewis,"  with  some  other  officers  and 
thirty  privates,  "  were  made  prisoners  in  the  late  action, 
and  sent  immediately  to  Montreal."  The  letter  also  said: 
"  We  find  that  the  frosts  have  already  changed  the  face  of 
nature  among  these  mountains.  We  know  there  is  not 
more  than  a  month  left  for  enterprise;  we  know  also  that 
a  number  of  horses  cannot  subsist  after  that  time  on  a  road 
stripped  of  its  herbage  —  and  very  few  there  are  who  ap 
prehend  that  our  affairs  can  be  brought  to  favorable  issue 
by  that  period,  nor  do  I  see  how  it  is  possible,  if  everything 
else  answered,  that  men  half  naked  can  live  in  tents  much 
longer."] 

At  length  the  main  body  of  the  army  received  orders  to 
advance  from  Raystown.  The  general  called  on  the 
colonels  of  regiments  to  submit  severally,  for  his  considera 
tion,  a  plan  for  his  march.  The  plan  submitted  by  Wash 
ington  is  given  by  Mr.  Sparks,*  and  evinces  sound  judg 
ment  and  practical  acquaintance  with  frontier  warfare. 

[From  camp  at  Rays  Town,  October  8,  1758,  Washing 
ton  sent  to  General  Forbes  plans  for  a  line  of  march,  of 
which  he  said: 

"  They  express  my  thoughts  on  a  line  of  march  through 
a  country  covered  with  woods,  and  how  that  line  of 
march  may  be  formed  in  an  instant  into  an  order  of  battle. 
The  plan  is  calculated  for  a  forced  march  with  field-pieces 
only,  unincumbered  with  wagons.  It  represents,  first,  a 
line  of  march;  and,  secondly,  how  that  line  of  march  may 
in  an  instant  be  thrown  into  an  order  of  battle  in  the 

*  Washington's  "Writings,"  vol.  II,  p.  313. 


440  WASHINGTON. 

woods.  This  plan  supposes  4,000  privates,  1,000  of  whom, 
(picked  men),  are  to  march  in  the  front  in  three  divisions, 
each  division  having  a  field-officer  to  command  it,  besides 
the  commander  of  the  whole ;  and  is  always  to  be  in  readi 
ness  to  oppose  the  enemy,  whose  attack,  if  the  necessary 
precautions  are  observed,  must  always  be  in  front/' 

The  statement  of  particulars  of  the  operation  of  the 
plan  gives  clear  proof  of  thorough  knowledge  of  the  style 
of  warfare  required  in  service  such  as  that  of  the  expedi 
tion  in  hand.] 

Washington  at  his  own  request  was  put  in  the  advance. 
He  was  placed  at  the  head  of  a  division  numbering  1,000 
men,  with  the  temporary  rank  of  brigadier-general,  and 
ordered  to  move  in  front  of  the  main  army,  clear  the  road, 
and  take  precautions  against  a  surprise  by  the  enemy.  The 
main  body  did  not  reach  Loyal  Hanna  till  the  5th  of  No 
vember  (1758).  The  road  was  indescribably  bad,  and  frost 
and  snow  were  already  announcing  the  near  approach  of 
winter.  The  soldiers  were  dispirited,  as  well  they  might  be, 
for  they  were  ill-clad  for  the  season,  surrounded  by  a  wilder 
ness  of  forests,  and  still  at  the  distance  of  fifty  miles  from 
Fort  Duquesne. 

A  council  of  war  was  now  held  in  which,  as  Washington 
had  foreseen  and  predicted,  it  was  decided  that  it  was  in 
expedient  to  proceed  further  in  the  campaign.  To  winter 
on  the  ground  was  nearly  impossible.  The  alternative  was 
to  retreat  or  suffer  hardships  similar  to  those  which  the 
army  under  Washington's  command  subsequently  suffered 
at  Valley  Forge. 

Fortunately,  we  should  rather  say,  providentially,  three 
prisoners  were  taken  from  whom  information  was  obtained 
of  the  actual  condition  of  Fort  Duquesne.  The  garrison 
was  greatly  reduced.  The  Indians  had  all  deserted  them. 
The  usual  supplies  of  provisions  and  the  expected  reinforce- 


WASHINGTON  IN   1775- 
period   of   his   taking   command   of   the   Army. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  441 

ments  from  Canada  had  failed.    A  single  well-directed  blow 
would  accomplish  the  object  of  the  campaign. 

This  report  determined  General  Forbes  to  prosecute  the 
expedition.  Washington  was  advanced  in  front  as  before, 
to  open  a  road  for  the  main  body  of  the  army  and  establish 
deposits.  The  tents  and  heavy  baggage  were  left  at  Loyal 
Hanna  and  only  a  light  train  of  artillery  was  taken  forward 
with  the  army.  Inspirited  with  the  prospect  of  final  success 
both  officers  and  men  now  performed  their  duty  with 
alacrity. 

.  The  road  however  was  long  and  difficult,  and  it  was  not 
till  the  25th  of  November  that  the  army  arrived  at  Fort 
Duquesne.  Instead  of  having  to  prosecute  a  siege  and 
assault,  General  Forbes  took  quiet  possession  of  the  fort, 
which  was  already  abandoned  by  the  enemy. 

Colonel  Bradstreet's  capture  of  Fort  Frontenac  had  cut 
off  the  usual  supplies  and  reinforcements  intended  for  this 
post,  and  the  garrison  consisting  of  only  500  men  had  on 
the  preceding  night  evacuated  the  place,  after  setting  it  on 
fire,  and  proceeded  down  the  Ohio  in  boats. 

[October  30,  1758,  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Fau- 
quier  from  the  camp  at  Loyal  Hanna,  explaining  how  he 
had  made  a  sudden  march"  from  Rays  Town,  and  further 
saying: 

"  My  march  to  this  post  gave  me  an  opportunity  of 
forming  a  judgment  of  the  road,  and  I  can  truly  say  that 
it  is  indescribably  bad.  Had  it  not  been  for  an  accidental 
discovery  of  a  new  passage  over  the  Laurel  Hill,  the  car 
riages  must  inevitably  have  stopped  on  the  other  side. 
This  is  a  fact  nobody  here  takes  it  upon  him  to  deny. 
The  general,  and  great  part  of  the  troops,  etc.,  being  yet 
behind,  and  the  weather  growing  very  inclement,  must, 
I  apprehend,  terminate  our  expedition  for  this  year  at  this 
place.  But  as  our  affairs  are  now  drawing  to  a  crisis,  and 


448  WASHINGTON. 

a  good  or  bad  conclusion  of  them  will  shortly  ensue,  I 
choose  to  suspend  my  judgment,  as  well  as  a  further  ac 
count  of  the  matter,  to  a  future  day." 

November  5th  Washington  further  wrote  to  Fauquier: 

"  The  General  being  arrived,  with  most  of  the  artillery 
and  troops,  we  expect  to  move  forward  in  a  very  few  days, 
encountering  every  hardship  that  an  advanced  season, 
want  of  clothes,  and  a  small  stock  of  provisions  will  ex 
pose  us  to.  But  it  is  no  longer  a  time  for  pointing  out 
difficulties,  and  I  hope  my  next  will  run  in  a  more  agree 
able  strain." 

The  circumstances  under  which  the  forward  movement 
was  being  made  are  not  mentioned  in  Washington's  letters 
until  that  of  November  28th,  reporting  arrival  at  Fort 
Duquesne  on  the  25th,  after  the  French  had  burned  down 
the  fort  and  gone  down  the  Ohio.  In  the  letter  referred 
to,  Washington  said: 

"  The  possession  of  this  fort  has  been  a  matter  of  sur 
prise  to  the  whole  army,  and  we  cannot  attribute  it  to  more 
probable  causes  than  those  of  weakness,  want  of  pro 
visions,  and  desertion  of  their  Indians.  Of  these  circum 
stances  we  were  luckily  informed  by  three  prisoners  who 
providentially  fell  into  our  hands  at  Loyal  Hanna,  at  a 
time  when  we  despaired  of  proceeding,  and  a  council  of 
war  had  determined  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  advance 
further  this  season;  but  the  information  above  caused  us 
to  march  on  without  tents  or  baggage,  and  with  a  light 
train  of  artillery  only,  with  which  we  have  happily  suc 
ceeded." 

Of  the  particulars  of  this  success  Washington  wrote  to 
General  Forbes,  November  17,  from  camp  near  Bushy 
Run: 

"After  the  most  constant  labor  from  daybreak  till  night, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  443 

we  were  able  to  open  the  road  to  this  place,  only  about 
six  miles  from  our  last  camp. 

"  I  shall  struggle  hard  to  be  up  with  Colonel  Armstrong 
tonight,  being  but  two  and  a  half  miles  from  his  last  camp." 

That  night  he  wrote  further: 

"  I  have  opened  the  road  between  seven  and  eight  miles 
today,  and  am  yet  three  miles  short  of  Colonel  Armstrong, 
who  marched  at  8  o'clock." 

The  next  day  he  wrote  from  Armstrong's  camp  that  he 
had  arrived  there  about  1 1  o'clock,  having  opened  the  road 
before  him;  that  he  halted  there  to  slaughter  and  dress 
beef  for  the  troops;  and  that  he  should  go  forward  with 
1,000  men  at  3  the  next  morning.  The  march  thus  re 
newed  led  directly  on  to  Fort  Duquesne,  possession  of 
which,  or  rather  of  the  spot  on  which  it  had  stood,  was 
had  November  25th.  In  the  letter  reporting  this  to  Gov 
ernor  Fauquier,  Washington  said: 

"  I  cannot  help  premising,  in  this  place,  the  hardships 
the  troops  have  undergone,  and  the  naked  condition  they 
now  are  in,  in  order  that  you  may  judge  if  it  is  not  neces 
sary  that  they  should  have  some  little  recess  from  fatigue, 
and  time  to  provide  themselves  with  necessaries,  for  at 
present  they  are  destitute  of  every  comfort  of  life.  If  I 
do  not  get  your  orders  to  the  contrary,  I  shall  march  the 
troops  under  my  command  directly  to  Winchester. 

"  This  fortunate,  and  indeed  unexpected  success  of  our 
arms  will  be  attended  with  happy  effects.  The  Delawares 
are  suing  for  peace,  and  I  doubt  not  that  other  tribes  on 
the  Ohio  will  follow  their  example.  A  trade,  free,  open, 
and  upon  equitable  terms,  is  what  they  seem  much  to 
stickle  for,  and  I  do  not  know  so  effectual  a  way  of  rivet 
ing  them  to  our  interest,  as  sending  out  goods  immediately 
to  this  place  for  that  purpose.  It  will,  at  the  same  time, 
be  a  means  of  supplying  the  garrison  with  such  necessaries 


444  WASHINGTON. 

as  may  be  wanted;  and  I  think,  those  Colonies  which  are 
as  greatly  interested  as  Virginia  is,  should  neglect  no 
means  in  their  power  to  establish  and  support  a  strong 
garrison  here.  Our  business,  wanting  this,  will  be  but  half 
finished;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  we  obtain  a  firm  and 
lasting  peace,  if  this  end  is  once  accomplished. 

"  General  Forbes  is  very  assiduous  in  getting  these 
matters  settled  upon  a  solid  basis,  and  has  great  merit 
(which  I  hope  will  be  rewarded)  for  the  happy  issue  which 
he  has  brought  our  affairs  to,  infirm  and  worn  down  as 
he  is." 

The  general  had  followed  in  the  rear  of  his  army  in  a 
litter,  and  a  few  weeks  later  he  died  at  Philadelphia.] 

After  taking  possession  of  the  fort  General  Forbes* 
caused  the  works  to  be  repaired  and  gave  it  the  name  of 
Fort  Pitt,  in  honor  of  the  Prime  Minister.  The  flourishing 
city  of  Pittsburg  now  stands  near  the  ruins  of  "  Old  Fort 
Duquesne." 

Two  hundred  men  from  Washington's  regiment  formed 
the  garrison  of  Fort  Pitt.  This  measure  was  adopted  against 
his  remonstrances,  General  Forbes  declining  to  leave  a 
detachment  from  the  regular  army  in  consequence  of  an 
opinion  he  had  formed  that  by  such  a  step  he  would  exceed 
his  authority. 

Washington  marched  back  with  the  remainder  of  his  com- 

*John  Forbes  was  a  native  of  Petincrief,  Fifeshire,  Scotland, 
and  was  educated  as  a  physician.  He  abandoned  his  profession, 
entered  the  army,  and  in  1745  was  advanced  to  the  rank  of  lieu 
tenant-colonel.  He  acted  as  quartermaster-general  of  the  army 
under  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  and  in  1757  was  appointed  briga 
dier-general,  and  sent  to  America.  He  was  successful  in  the  expe 
dition  against  Fort  Duquesne  —  the  works  being  abandoned  on 
his  approach.  After  having  concluded  treaties  with  the  Indian 
tribes  on  the  Ohio,  he  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  died  in  that 
city,  March  13,  1759,  aged  49. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  445 

mand  to  Winchester.  On  his  way  he  stopped  at  Loyal 
Hanna  whence  he  addressed  a  circular  letter  to  the  frontier 
inhabitants,  requesting  them  to  forward  supplies  to  the 
Virginians  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  promising  remuneration. 
Leaving  his  troops  at  Winchester,  he  proceeded  to  Wil- 
liamsburg,  to  take  his  seat  in  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  of 
which  he  had  been  elected  a  member  while  he  was  on  duty 
at  Fort  Cumberland. 

[December  2,  1758,  Washington  wrote  from  Loyal 
Hanna  that  he  had  made  the  attempt  to  proceed  to  Vir 
ginia  at  once  to  represent  the  situation  on  the  Ohio  to 
Governor  Fauquier,  and  had  been  prevented  by  want  of 
horses,  those  which  he  had  being  "  entirely  knocked  up." 
He  further  said: 

"  The  General  has,  in  his  letters,  told  you  what  gar 
rison  he  proposed  to  leave  at  Fort  Duquesne,  but  the  want 
of  provisions  rendered  it  impossible  to  leave  more  than 
200  men  in  all  there.  These,  without  great  exertions, 
must,  I  fear,  abandon  the  place  or  perish.  To  prevent,  as 
far  as  possible,  either  of  these  events  happening,  I  have 
by  this  conveyance  written  a  circular  letter  to  the  back 
inhabitants  of  Virginia,  setting  forth  the  great  advantages 
of  keeping  that  place;  the  improbability  of  doing  it  with 
out  their  immediate  assistance ;  that  they  may  travel  safely 
out  while  we  hold  that  post;  and  that  they  will  be  allowed 
good  prices  for  such  species  of  provisions  as  they  shall 
carry. 

"  Unless  the  most  effectual  measures  are  taken  early  in 
the  spring  to  reinforce  the  garrison  at  Fort  Duquesne,  the 
place  will  inevitably  be  lost,  and  then  our  frontiers  will 
fall  into  the  same  distressed  condition  that  they  have  been 
in  for  some  time  past.  For  I  can  very  confidently  assert, 
that  we  never  can  secure  them  properly,  if  we  again  lose 
our  footing  on  the  Ohio,  as  we  consequently  lose  the  in- 


446  WASHINGTON. 

terest  of  the  Indians.  I  therefore  think  that  every  neces 
sary  preparation  should  be  making,  not  a  moment  should 
be  lost  in  taking  the  most  speedy  and  efficacious  steps 
in  securing  the  infinite  advantages  which  may  be  derived 
from  our  regaining  possession  of  that  important  country. 

"  That  the  preparatory  steps  should  immediately  be 
taken  for  securing  the  communication  from  Virginia,  by 
constructing  a  post  at  Redstone  Creek,  which  would 
greatly  facilitate  the  supplying  of  our  troops  on  the  Ohio, 
where  a  formidable  garrison  should  be  sent  as  soon  as  the 
season  will  admit  of  it. 

"  That  a  trade  with  the  Indians  should  be  upon  such 
terms,  and  transacted  by  men  of  such  principles,  as  would 
at  the  same  time  turn  out  to  the  reciprocal  advantage  of 
the  colony  and  the  Indians,  and  which  would  effectually 
remove  those  bad  impressions  that  the  Indians  received 
from  the  conduct  of  a  set  of  rascally  fellows,  divested  of 
all  faith  and  honor;  and  give  us  such  an  early  opportunity 
of  establishing  an  interest  with  them  as  would  be  pro 
ductive  of  the  most  beneficial  consequences,  on  getting  a 
large  share  of  the  fur  trade,  not  only  of  the  Ohio  Indians, 
but,  in  time,  of  the  numerous  nations  possessing  the  back 
country  westward  of  it.  And  to  prevent  this  advantageous 
commerce  from  suffering  in  its  infancy,  by  the  sinister 
views  of  designing,  selfish  men  of  the  different  provinces,  I 
humbly  conceive  it  absolutely  necessary  that  commissioners 
from  each  of  the  colonies  be  appointed  to  regulate  the 
mode  of  that  trade,  and  to  fix  it  on  such  a  basis  that  all 
the  attempts  of  one  colony  undermining  another,  and 
thereby  weakening  and  diminishing  the  general  system,. 
might  be  frustrated. 

"Although  none  can  entertain  a  higher  sense  of  the  great 
importance  of  maintaining  a  post  on  the  Ohio  than  myself, 
yet,  under  the  present  circumstances  of  my  regiment,  I 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  447 

would  by  no  means  have  agreed  to  leave  any  part  of  it 
there,  had  not  the  General  given  an  express  order  for  it. 
Our  men  that  are  left  there  are  in  such  a  miserable  situa 
tion,  having  hardly  rags  to  cover  their  nakedness,  that  un 
less  provision  is  made  by  the  country  for  supplying  them 
immediately  they  must  inevitably  perish;  and  if  the  First 
Virginia  Regiment  is  to  be  kept  up  any  longer,  or  any 
services  are  expected  therefrom,  they  should  forthwith  be 
clothed  as  they  are.  By  their  present  shameful  nakedness, 
the  advanced  season,  and  the  inconceivable  fatigues  of  an 
uncommonly  long  and  laborious  campaign,  they  are  ren 
dered  totally  incapable  of  any  kind  of  service ;  and  sickness, 
death,  and  desertion  must,  if  their  wants  are  not  speedily 
supplied,  greatly  reduce  its  numbers.  To  replace  them 
with  equally  good  men  will,  perhaps,  be  found  impos 
sible."] 

As  the  frontier  of  Virginia  was  now  relieved  from  the 
incursions  of  the  French  and  Indians,  Washington's 
patriotic  motives  for  continuing  in  the  military  service  had 
ceased  to  operate.  No  royal  commission  such  as  had 
been  tendered  to  Sir  William  Pepperrell  for  his  single  suc 
cessful  campaign  at  Louisburg  was  offered  for  his  accept 
ance  and  his  military  career  for  the  present  was  closed. 
About  the  end  of  the  year  (1758),  he  resigned  his  com 
mission  as  colonel  of  the  first  Virginia  regiment  and  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  all  the  troops  raised  in  the  Colony. 

"  The  officers  whom  he  commanded,"  says  Marshall,* 
"  were  greatly  attached  to  him.  They  manifested  their 
esteem  and  their  regret  at  parting  by  a  very  affectionate 
address,  expressive  of  the  high  opinion  they  entertained 
both  of  his  military  and  private  character. 

".This  opinion  was  not  confined  to  the  officers  of  his 
regiment ;  it  was  common  to  Virginia  and  had  been  adopted 
*Life  of  Washington,  chapter  I. 


448  WASHINGTON. 

by  the  British  officers  with  whom  he  served.  The  duties 
he  performed  though  not  splendid,  were  arduous,  and  were 
executed  with  zeal  and  with  judgment.  The  exact  disci 
pline  he  established  in  his  regiment  when  the  temper  of 
Virginia  was  extremely  hostile  to  discipline  does  credit  to 
his  military  character,  and  the  gallantry  the  troops  dis 
played  whenever  called  into  action,  manifests  the  spirit  in 
fused  into  them  by  their  commander. 

"  The  difficulties  of  his  situation  while  unable  to  cover 
the  frontier  from  the  French  and  Indians  who  were  spread 
ing  death  and  desolation  in>very  quarter  were  incalculably 
great,  and  no  better  evidence  of  his  exertions  under  these 
distressing  circumstances  can  be  given  than  the  undimin- 
ished  confidence  still  placed  in  him  by  those  whom  he  was 
unable  to  protect. 

"  The  efforts  to  which  he  incessantly  stimulated  his 
country  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  possession  of  the  Ohio ; 
the  system  for  the  conduct  of  the  war  which  he  continually 
recommended;  the  vigorous  and  active  measures  always 
urged  upon  those  by  whom  he  was  commanded;  manifest 
an  ardent  and  enterprising  mind,  tempered  by  judgment, 
and  quickly  improved  by  experience." 

In  a  former  part  of  this  chapter,  we  have  mentioned  a 
visit  of  Washington  to  the  seat  of  government  at  Williams- 
burg  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  supplies  and  an  augmen 
tation  of  pay  for  the  soldiers  of  his  regiment.  It  was  during 
this  journey  that  he  became  acquainted  with  the  lady  with 
whom  he  was  afterward  united  in  marriage.  Her  maiden 
name  was  Martha  Danbridge.  She  was  descended  from  an 
ancient  family  that  migrated  to  the  Colony.  She  was  born 
in  the  county  of  New  Kent,  May,  1732.  At  the  age  of 
seventeen  she  had  been  married  to  Col.  Daniel  Parke 
Custis,  a  planter  of  the  same  county,  and  resided  at  the 
"White  House,"  on  the  banks  of  Pamunkey  river. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  449 

Mrs.  Custis  was  early  left  a  widow  with  two  children* 
and  a  large  fortune.  She  was  on  a  visit  to  the  family  of  a 
neighbor,  Mr.  Chamberlayne,  when  Washington  first  met 
her  on  his  journey  from  Winchester  to  Williamsburg.t 

"  It  was  in  1758,"  says  her  biographer, J  "  that  an  officer 
attired  in  a  military  undress  and  attended  by  a  body  servant 
tall  and  militaire  as  his  chief,  crossed  the  ferry  called  Wil 
liams',  over  the  Pamunkey,  a  branch  of  the  York  river.  On 
the  boat  touching  the  southern  or  New  Kent  side,  the 
soldier's  progress  was  arrested  by  one  of  those  personages 
who  give  the  beau  ideal  of  the  Virginia  gentleman  of  the 
old  regime  —  the  very  soul  of  kindness  and  hospitality.  He 
would  hear  of  no  excuse  on  the  officer's  part  for  declining 
the  invitation  to  stop  at  his  house.  In  vain  the  colonel 
pleaded  important  business  at  Williamsburg ;  Mr.  Chamber 
layne  insisted  that  his  friend  must  dine  with  him  at  the 
very  least.  He  promised  as  a  tempation  to  introduce  him 
to  a  young  and  charming  widow  who  chanced  then  to  be 
an  inmate  of  his  dwelling.  At  last  the  soldier  surrendered 
at  discretion,  resolving  however  to  pursue  his  journey  the 
same  evening.  They  proceeded  'to  the  mansion.  Mr. 
Chamberlayne  presented  Colonel  Washington  to  his  various 
guests  among  whom  was  the  beautiful  Mrs.  Custis.  Tradi 
tion  says  that  the  two  were  favorably  impressed  with  each 
other  at  the  first  interview. 

The  acquaintance  thus  auspiciously  commenced  was  fol 
lowed  by  an  engagement  soon  after,  the  marriage  being 
deferred  till  the  close  of  the  campaign.  It  took  place  at  the 
lady's  residence,  the  "  White  House,"  on  the  6th  of  January, 

1759- 
The  mansion  of  Mount  Vernon,  which  became  their  resi- 

*  Martha,  who  died  at  Mount  Vernon,  1777,  and  John,  who  died 
in  1781. 

f  Custis,  "  Memoir  of  Martha  Washington." 
t  Mrs.  Ellet,  "  Women  of  the  Revolution." 

20 


450  WASHINGTON. 

dence  soon  after  the  marriage,  was  then  a  very  small  build 
ing  compared  with  its  present  extent,  and  the  numerous  out 
buildings  attached  to  it.  The  mansion-house  consisted  of 
four  rooms  on  a  floor  forming  the  center  of  the  present 
building,  and  remained  pretty  much  in  that  state  up  to  1774, 
when  Colonel  Washington  repaired  to  the  first  Congress  in 
Philadelphia,  and  from  thence  to  the  command-in-chief 
of  the  armies  of  his  country  assembled  before  Cambridge, 
July,  1775.  The  commander-in-chief  returned  no  more  to 
reside  at  Mount  Vernon  till  after  the  peace  of  1783.  Mrs. 
Washington  accompanied  the  general  to  the  lines  before 
Boston  and  witnessed  its  siege  and  evacuation.  She  then 
returned  to  Virginia,  the  subsequent  campaigns  being  of 
too  momentous  a  character  to  allow  of  her  accompanying 
the  army. 

At  the  close  of  each  campaign  an  aide-de-camp  repaired 
to  Mount  Vernon  to  escort  her  to  the  headquarters.  The 
arrival  of  Mrs.  Washington  at  camp  was  an  event  much 
anticipated  and  was  always  the  signal  for  the  ladies  of  the 
general  officers  to  repair  to  the  bosoms  of  their  lords.  The 
arrival  of  the  aide-de-camp  escorting  the  plain  chariot  with 
the  neat  postillions  in  their  scarlet  and  white  liveries  was 
deemed  an  epoch  in  the  army  and  served  to  diffuse  a  cheer 
ing  influence  amid  the  gloom  which  hung  over  our  destinies 
at  Valley  Forge,  Morristown,  and  West  Point.  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  always  remained  at  the  headquarters  till  the  opening 
of  the  campaign,  and  often  remarked  in  after  life  that  it  had 
been  her  fortune  to  hear  the  first  cannon  at  the  opening 
and  the  last  at  the  closing  of  all  the  campaigns  of  the 
Revolutionary  War.  During  the  whole  of  that  mighty 
period  when  we  struggled  for  independence,  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  preserved  her  equanimity,  together  with  a  degree 
of  cheerfulness  that  inspired  all  around  her  with  the  bright 
est  hopes  for  our  ultimate  success.* 

*  Custis,  "  Memoir  of  Martha  Washington." 


PART    III. 
OPENING  SCENES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

WASHINGTON  IN  RETIREMENT-CAMPAIGN  OF  1759- 

1759- 

THE  marriage  of  Washington  to  Mrs.  Custis  brought 
with  it  a  large  accession  to  his  fortune.  By  it  he 
became  entitled  to  a  third  part  of  the  estate  of  the 
deceased  Daniel  Parke  Custis,  and  he  was  invested  with  the 
care  of  the  other  two-thirds  by  a  decree  of  the  general  court 
which  he  obtained  in  order  to  strenghten  the  power  he  pre 
viously  had  in  consequence  of  his  wife's  administration  of 
the  whole  estate.* 

The  addition  thus  made  to  Washington's  estate  was  not 
less  than  $100,000.  He  had  also  the  estate  of  Mount  Ver- 
non  and  considerable  tracts  of  land  in  various  parts  of 
Virginia,  selected  while  he  was  employed  in  surveying. 

Mrs.  Custis  at  the  time  of  her  second  marriage  had  two 
children,  a  son  six  years  old  and  a  daughter  four,  to  each 
of  whom  was  left  a  third  of  the  estate  of  their  father. 
Washington  became  guardian  of  these  children,  an  office 
which  he  discharged  with  strict  fidelity  and  paternal  af 
fection. 

*  Letter  to  Robert  Gary.— Sparks'  "Writings  of  Washington," 
vol.  II,  p.  328. 

(451) 


452  WASHINGTON. 

The  newly-married  couple  remained  at  the  "  White 
House/'  the  late  residence  of  the  Custis  family  for  three 
months  after  their  marriage,  during  which  time  Washing 
ton  appears  to  have  given  his  attention  to  the  affairs  of  the 
estate.  They  then  retired  to  Washington's  favorite  resi 
dence,  Mount  Vernon. 

During  the  first  year  of  their  residence  in  this  delightful 
home  occurred  the  campaign  of  1759,  which,  although 
Washington  took  no  active  part  in  it,  forms  too  important 
and  influential  a  portion  of  the  history  of  his  "  Times/'  to 
be  passed  over  in  silence.  We  shall  therefore  notice  briefly 
its  more  important  events. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  was  that  three  powerful  armies 
should  enter  the  French  possessions  by  three  different 
routes  and  attack  all  their  strongholds  at  nearly  the  same 
time.  At  the  head  of  one  division  of  the  army,  Brigadier- 
General  Wolfe,  who  had  so  recently  signalized  himself  at 
the  siege  of  Louisburg,  was  to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
lay  siege  to  Quebec,  escorted  by  a  strong  fleet  to  co-operate 
with  his  troops. 

The  central  and  main  body  composed  of  British  and  pro 
vincials  was  to  be  conducted  against  Ticonderoga  and 
Crown  Point,  by  the  able,  but  cautious,  General  Amherst, 
the  new  commander-in-chief,  who,  after  making  himself 
master  of  these  places,  was  to  proceed  over  Lake  Champlain 
and  by  the  way  of  Richelieu  river  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
descending  that  river  form  a  junction  with  General  Wolfe 
before  the  walls  of  Quebec.  This  latter  service  however 
he  was  not  destined  to  accomplish  in  season  to  render  any 
assistance  to  Wolfe. 

The  third  army  to  be  composed  principally  of  provincials 
reinforced  by  a  strong  body  of  friendly  Indians  under 
the  direction  of  Sir  William  Johnson  was  to  be  commanded 
by  General  Prideaux,  who  was  to  lead  this  division  first 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  453 

against  Niagara  and  after  the  reduction  of  that  place,  to 
embark  on  Lake  Ontario  and  proceed  down  the  St.  Law 
rence  against  Montreal. 

Early  in  the  winter,  General  Amherst  commenced  prepa 
rations  for  his  part  of  the  enterprise,  but  it  was  not  till  the 
last  of  May  that  his  troops,  12,000  in  number,  were  as 
sembled  at  Albany,  and  it  was  as  late  as  the  22d  of  July 
(1759),  when  after  crossing  Lake  George  in  boats,  batteaux, 
and  rafts,  he  appeared  before  Ticonderoga. 

Montcalm,  who  had  so  successfully  resisted  the  attack 
of  Abercrombie  in  the  preceding  year,  was  no  longer  in 
command  at  Ticonderoga  being  engaged  in  preparations 
for  the  defense  of  Quebec.  The  garrison  consisting  of  only 
400  men  was  under  the  command  of  Bourlamarque.  Per 
ceiving  the  utter  folly  of  attempting  a  defense  against  such 
fearful  odds,  he  dismantled  the  fortifications  and  abandoned 
them  as  well  as  those  at  Crown  Point,  and  retreated  to  Isle 
aux  Noix,  a  convenient  point  for  concentrating  a  force  for 
the  defense  of  Montreal  and  the  province. 

Instead  of  pursuing  him  with  a  view  to  a  speedy  junction 
of  his  forces  with  those  of  General  Wolfe,  General  Amherst 
committed  the  grave  error  of  wasting  time  in  repairing  the 
works  at  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  Meantime  the 
enemy  were  assembling  a  force  of  between  three  and  four 
thousand  at  Isle  aux  Noix. 

The  result  of  General  Amherst's  extreme  caution  and 
delay  was  that  he  failed  to  effect  a  junction  of  his  forces 
with  those  of  General  Wolfe,  and  his  army  at  the  close  of 
the  season  went  into  winter  quarters  at  Crown  Point. 

In  the  prosecution  of  the  enterprise  against  Niagara,  Gen 
eral  Prideaux  had  embarked  with  an  army  on  Lake  Ontario, 
and  on  the  6th  of  July  (1759),  landed  without  opposition 
within  about  three  miles  from  the  fort  which  he  invested  in 
form.  While  directing  the  operations  of  the  siege  he  was 


454  WASHINGTON. 

killed  by  the  bursting  of  a  cohorn,  and  the  command  de 
volved  on  Sir  William  Johnson.*  That  general,  prosecuting 
with  judgment  and  vigor  the  plan  of  his  predecessor,  pushed 
the  attack  of  Niagara  with  an  intrepidity  that  soon  brought 
the  besiegers  within  100  yards  of  the  covered  way. 

Meanwhile,  the  French,  alarmed  at  the  danger  of  losing 
a  post  which  was  a  key  to  their  interior  empire  in  America, 
had  collected  a  large  body  of  regular  troops  from  the  neigh 
boring  garrisons  of  Detroit,  Venango,  and  Presqu'  Isle, 
with  which  and  a  party  of  Indians  they  resolved  if  possible 
to  raise  the  siege.  Apprised  of  their  intention  to  hazard 
a  battle,  General  Johnson  order  his  light  infantry,  sup 
ported  by  some  grenadiers  and  regular  foot,  to  take  post 
between  the  cataract  of  Niagara  and  the  fortress ;  placed  the 

*  Sir  William  Johnson  was  born  in  Ireland,  about  the  year  1715. 
Early  in  life  he  went  to  America  with  his  uncle,  Sir  Peter  Warren, 
and,  after  hesitating  for  some  time  as  to  what  profession  he  should 
adopt,  at  length  entered  the  army,  in  which  he  gradually  rose  to 
the  rank  of  major-general.  In  1755  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
an  expedition  against  Crown  Point,  which  however  he  did  not 
succeed  in  capturing,  although  he  obtained  a  brilliant  victory 
over  the  French  under  General  Dieskau,  whom  he  took  prisoner. 
Parliament  testified  its  approbation  of  Johnson's  conduct  on  this 
occasion  by  voting  him  £5,000.  In  1759  he  commanded  the  pro 
vincials  of  New  York,  and  acted  under  Prideaux  at  the  siege  of 
Niagara,  as  related  in  the  text. 

He  now  devoted  his  attention  to  the  establishment  of  a  more 
permanent  and  extensive  communion  than  had  previously  existed 
between  the  British  and  the  Indians,  and  effected  several  advan 
tageous  treaties  with  the  Senecas  and  other  tribes.  In  June,  1760, 
he  induced  1,000  of  the  Iroquois  to  join  General  Amherst  at 
Oswego;  and,  subsequently,  encouraged  the  colonists  to  intermarry 
with  the  aboriginal  inhabitants.  He  was  at  length  chosen  colonel 
of  the  Six  Nations,  as  well  as  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  for 
the  northern  parts  of  America;  and  settling  on  the  banks  of  the 
Mohawk  river,  he  soon  became  well  acquainted  with  the  manners 
and  language  of  the  Indians,  relative  to  which  he  sent  an  inter- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  455 

auxiliary  Indians  on  his  flanks,  and  together  with  this 
preparation  for  an  engagement  took  effectual  measures  for 
securing  his  lines  and  bridling  the  garrison. 

About  nine  in  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  July  (1759), 
the  enemy  appeared  and  the  horrible  sound  of  the  warwhoop 
from  the  hostile  Indians  was  the  signal  of  battle.  The 
French  charged  with  great  impetuosity  but  were  received 
with  firmness,  and  in  less  than  an  hour  were  completely 
routed. 

This  battle  decided  the  fate  of  Niagara.  Sir  William 
Johnson  the  next  morning  opened  negotiations  with  the 
French  commandant,  and  in  a  few  hours  a  capitulation  was 
signed.  The  garrison  consisting  of  607  men  were  to  march 
out  with  the  honors  of  war  to  be  embarked  on  the  lake 
and  carried  to  New  York,  and  the  women  and  children 
were  to  be  carried  to  Montreal.  The  reduction  of  Niagara 

esting  communication  to  the  Royal  Society,  in  November,  1772. 
He  died  about  two  years  afterward,  leaving  a  son,  who  succeeded 
to  the  baronetage. 

Brave,  energetic,  and  enterprising,  Johnson  was  particularly 
well  qualified  for  the  services  on  which  he  was  employed.  He  is 
described  as  having  possessed  such  a  genius  for  acquiring  popu 
larity  among  all  kinds  of  men  that  the  regular  troops  respected, 
the  provincials  loved,  and  the  Indians  almost  adored  him.  It  is 
added  that  he  was  a  man  of  perfect  integrity,  and  employed  his 
talents  solely  for  the  benefit  of  his  country.  The  victory  which 
he  obtained  over  Dieskau,  although  it  did  not  lead  to  the  result 
that  had  been  expected,  infused  confidence  into  the  British,  who 
appear  to  have  been  greatly  disheartened  by  the  recent  defeat, 
by  the  French  and  Indians,  of  General  Braddock's  forces  near 
Fort  Duquesne.  The  capture  of  Niagara  effectually  broke  off, 
according  to  the  Annual  Register  of  the  period,  "that  communi 
cation  so  much  talked  of,  and  so  much  dreaded,  between  Canada 
and  Louisiana;  and  by  this  stroke,  one  of  the  capital  political 
designs  of  the  French,  which  gave  occasion  to  the  war,  was 
defeated  in  its  direct  and  immediate  object." 


456  WASHINGTON. 

effectually  cut  off  the  communication  between  Canada  and 
Louisiana. 

The  expedition  against  the  capital  of  Canada  was  the 
most  daring  and  important.  Strong  by  nature  and  still 
stronger  by  art,  Quebec  had  obtained  the  appellation  of  the 
Gibraltar  of  America,  and  every  attempt  against  it  had 
failed.  It  was  now  commanded  by  Montcalm,  an  officer  of 
distinguished  reputation,  and  its  capture  must  have  appeared 
chimerical  to  any  one  but  Pitt.  He  judged  rightly  however 
that  the  boldest  and  most  dangerous  enterprises  are  often 
the  most  successful,  especially  when  committed  to  ardent 
minds  glowing  with  enthusiasm  and  emulous  of  glory.  Such 
a  mind  he  had  discovered  in  General  Wolfe,  whose  conduct 
at  Louisburg  had  attracted  his  attention.  He  appointed 
him  to  conduct  the  expedition  and  gave  him  for  assistants, 
Brigadier-Generals  Monckton,  Townshend,  and  Murray; 
all,  like  himself,  young  and  ardent. 

Early  in  the  season  he  sailed  from  Halifax  with  8,000 
troops,  and  near  the  last  of  June  (1759)  landed  the  whole 
army  on  the  island  of  Orleans,  a  few  miles  below  Quebec. 
From  this  position  he  could  take  a  near  and  distinct  view 
of  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome.  These  were  so  great  that 
even  the  bold  and  sanguine  Wolfe  perceived  more  to  fear 
than  to  hope. 

"  When,"  he  says  in  a  letter  to  Pitt,  "  that  succors  of  all 
kinds  had  been  thrown  into  Quebec,  that  five  batteries  of 
regular  troops,  some  of  the  troops  of  the  Colony,  and  every 
Canadian  that  was  able  to  bear  arms,  besides  several  nations 
of  savages  had  taken  the  field  in  A  very  advantageous 
situation,  I  could  not  flatter  myself  that  I  should  be  able 
to  reduce  the  place.  I  sought  however  an  occasion  to  at 
tack  their  army  knowing  well  that  with  these  troops  I  was 
able  to  fight  and  that  a  victory  might  disperse  them." 

Quebec  stands  on  the  north  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  457 

and  consists  of  an  upper  and  lower  town.  The  lower  town 
lies  between  the  river  and  a  bold  and  lofty  eminence  which 
runs  parallel  to  it  far  to  the  westward. 

At  the  top  of  this  eminence  is  a  plain  upon  which  the 
upper  town  is  situated.  Below  or  east  of  the  city  is  the  river 
St.  Charles,  whose  channel  is  rough  and  whose  banks  are 
steep  and  broken.  At  a  short  distance  farther  down  is  the 
Montmorency,  and  between  these  two  rivers  and  reaching 
from  one  to  the  other  was  encamped  the  French  army, 
strongly  intrenched,  and  superior  in  number  to  that  of  the 
English,  but  they  were  chiefly  Canadians.  There  was  also 
a  large  auxiliary  force  of  Indians. 

General  Wolfe  took  possession  of  Point  Levi  on  the 
southern  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  there  erected  bat 
teries  against  the  town.  The  cannonade  which  was  kept 
up,  though  it  destroyed  many  houses,  made  but  little  im 
pression  on  the  works  which  were  too  strong  and  too  re 
mote  to  be  materially  affected,  their  elevation  at  the  same 
time  placing  them  beyond  the  reach  of  the  fleet.  Convinced 
of  the  impossibility  of  reducing  the  place  unless  he  could 
erect  batteries  on  the  north  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  Wolfe 
soon  decided  on  more  daring  measures. 

The  northern  shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  a  considerable 
distance  above  Quebec  is  so  bold  and  rocky  as  to  render 
a  landing  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  impracticable.  If  an 
attempt  were  made  below  the  town,  the  river  Montmorency 
passed,  and  the  French  driven  from  their  intrenchments, 
the  St.  Charles  would  present  a  new  and  perhaps  insuper 
able  barrier. 

With  every  obstacle  fully  in  view,  Wolfe  heroically  ob 
serving  that  a  "  victorious  army  finds  no  difficulties,"  re 
solved  to  pass  the  Montmorency  and  bring  Montcalm  to 
an  engagement.  In  pursuance  of  this  resolution  thirteen 
companies  of  English  grenadiers  and  part  of  the  second 


458  WASHINGTON. 

battalion  of  Royal  Americans  were  landed  at  the  mouth 
of  that  river,  while  two  divisions  under  Generals  Townshend 
and  Murray  prepared  to  cross  it  higher  up.  Wolfe's  plan 
was  to  attack  first  a  redoubt  close  to  the  water's  edge,  ap 
parently  beyond  reach  of  the  fire  from  the  enemy's  intrench- 
ments,  in  the  belief  that  the  French  by  attempting  to 
support  that  fortification  would  put  it  in  his  power  to 
bring  on  a  general  engagement,  or  if  they  should  submit 
to  the  loss  of  the  redoubt,  that  he  could  afterward  ex 
amine  their  situation  with  coolness  and  advantageously 
regulate  his  future  operations. 

On  the  approach  of  the  British  troops  the  redoubt  was 
evacuated,  and  the  general  observing  some  confusion  in  the 
French  camp  changed  his  original  plan  and  determined 
not  to  delay  an  attack.  Orders  were  immediately  dis 
patched  to  the  Generals  Townshend  and  Murray  to  keep 
their  divisions  in  readiness  for  fording  the  river,  and  the 
grenadiers  and  Royal  Americans  were  directed  to  form  on 
the  beach  until  they  could  be  properly  sustained. 

These  troops  however  not  waiting  for  support  rushed  im 
petuously  toward  the  enemy's  intrenchments,  but  they  were 
received  with  so  strong  and  steady  a  fire  from  the  French 
musketry  that  they  were  instantly  thrown  into  disorder  and 
obliged  to  seek  shelter  at  the  redoubt  which  the  enemy 
had  abandoned.  Detained  here  awhile  by  a  dreadful  thun 
derstorm  they  were  still  within  reach  of  a  severe  fire  from 
the  French,  and  many  gallant  officers  exposing  their  persons 
in  attempting  to  form  their  troops  were  killed,  the  whole  loss 
amounting  to  nearly  500  men.  The  plan  of  attack  being 
effectually  disconcerted,  the  English  general  gave  orders 
for  repassing  the  river  and  returning  to  the  Isle  of  Orleans. 

Compelled  to  abandon  the  attack  on  that  side,  Wolfe 
deemed  that  advantage  might  result  from  attempting  to 
destroy  the  French  fleet,  and  by  distracting  the  attention 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  459 

of  Montcalm  with  continual  descents  upon  the  northern 
shore.  General  Murray  with  1,200  men  in  transports  made 
two  vigorous  but  abortive  attempts  to  land,  and  though 
more  successful  in  the  third  he  did  nothing  more  than  burn 
a  magazine  of  warlike  stores.  The  enemy's  fleet  was  effectu 
ally  secured  against  attacks,  either  by  land  or  water,  and  the 
commander-in-chief  was  again  obliged  to  submit  to  the 
mortification  of  recalling  his  troops. 

At  this  juncture,  intelligence  arrived  that  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point  had  been  abandoned,  but  that  General 
Amherst,  instead  of  pressing  forward  to  their  assistance, 
was  preparing  to  attack  the  Isle  aux  Noix. 

While  Wolfe  rejoiced  at  the  triumph  of  his  brethren  in 
arms  he  could  not  avoid  contrasting  their  success  with  his 
own  disastrous  efforts.  His  mind,  alike  lofty  and  suscep 
tible,  was  deeply  impressed  by  the  disasters  at  Mont- 
morency;  and  his  extreme  anxiety,  preying  upon  his  deli 
cate  frame,  sensibly  affected  his  health.  He  was  observed 
frequently  to  sigh,  and  as  if  life  was  only  valuable  while  it 
added  to  his  glory,  he  declared  to  his  intimate  friends  that 
he  would  not  survive  the  disgrace  which  he  imagined  would 
attend  the  failure  of  his  enterprise. 

In  a  letter  written  to  Mr.  Pitt  at  this  time  he  says :  "  The 
French  did  not  attempt  to  interrupt  us,  but  some  of  their 
savages  came  down  to  murder  such  wounded  as  could  not 
be  brought  off,  and  to  scalp  the  dead,  as  their  custom  is." 
His  situation  seemed  growing  desperate  and  his  health  be 
gan  to  fail  him.  In  his  letter  to  Pitt,  which  was  written 
from  his  headquarters  at  Montmorency  on  the  2d  of  Sep 
tember  (1759),  more  than  a  month  after  this  failure,  he  con 
fessed  that  he  had  descended  to  the  dubiousness  and  de 
spondency  of  consulting  a  council  of  war.  After  saying 
that  he  had  been  suffering  by  a  fever,  he  adds :  "  I  found 


460  WASHINGTON. 

myself  so  ill  and  am  still  so  weak  that  I  begged  the  general 
officers  to  consult  together  for  the  public  utility.  *  *  * 
To  the  uncommon  strength  of  this  country  the  enemy  have 
added,  for  the  defense  of  the  river,  a  great  number  of  float 
ing  batteries  and  boats.  By  the  vigilance  of  these  and  the 
Indians  round  our  posts,  it  has  been  impossible  to  execute 
anything  by  surprise.  *  *  *  We  have  the  whole  force 
of  Canada  to  oppose.  In  the  situation  there  is  such  a  choice 
of  difficulties  that  I  own  myse/f  at  a  loss  how  to  determine. 
The  affairs  of  Great  Britain  -require  the  most  vigorous 
measures,  but  then  the  courage  of  a  handful  of  brave  men 
should  be  exerted  only  where  there  is  some  hope  of  a  favor 
able  event."  When  this  letter  reached  England  it  excited 
consternation  and  anger.  Pitt  feared  that  he  had  been  mis 
taken  in  his  favorite  general,  and  that  the  next  news  would 
be  either  that  he  had  been  destroyed  or  had  capitulated. 
But  in  the  conclusion  of  his  melancholy  epistle  Wolfe  had 
said  he  would  do  his  best  —  and  that  best  turned  out 
a  miracle  in  war.  He  declared  that  he  would  rather  die 
than  be  brought  to  a  court-martial  for  miscarrying. 

Nothing  however  could  shake  the  resolution  of  this 
valiant  commander  or  induce  him  to  abandon  the  attempt. 
In  a  council  of  his  principal  officers,  called  on  this  critical 
occasion,  it  was  resolved  that  all  the  future  operations 
should  be  above  the  town.  The  camp  at  the  Isle  of  Or 
leans  was  accordingly  abandoned,  and  the  whole  army  hav 
ing  embarked  on  board  the  fleet,  a  part  of  it  was  landed 
at  Point  Levi  and  a  part  higher  up  the  river. 

Montcalm,  apprehending  from  this  movement  that  the 
invaders  might  make  a  distant  descent  and  come  on  the 
back  of  the  city  of  Quebec,  detached  M.  de  Bougainville, 
with  1,500  men,  to  watch  their  motions  and  prevent  their 
landing. 

Baffled  and  harassed  in  all  his  previous  assaults  General 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  461 

Wolfe  seems  to  have  determined  to  finish  the  enterprise  by 
a  single  bold  and  determined  effort.  The  admiral  sailed 
several  leagues  up  the  river,  making  occasional  demonstra 
tions  of  a  design  to  land  troops,  and  during  the  night 
a  strong  detachment  in  flat-bottomed  boats  fell  silently 
down  the  stream  to  a  point  about  a  mile  above  the  city. 

The  beach  was  shelving,  the  bank  high  and  precipitous, 
and  the  only  path  by  which  it  could  be  scaled  was  now  de 
fended  by  a  captain's  guard  and  a  battery  of  four  guns. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Howe,*  with  the  van,  soon  clambered 
up  the  rocks,  drove  away  the  guard,  and  seized  upon  the 
battery. 

The  army  landed  about  an  hour  before  day  and  by  day 
break  was  marshaled  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham. 

Montcalm  could  not  at  first  believe  this  intelligence,  but 
as  soon  as  assured  of  its  truth,  he  made  all  prudent  haste 
to  decide  a  battle  which  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  avoid. 
Leaving  his  camp  at  Montmorency  he  crossed  the  river  St. 
Charles  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  English  army. 

No  sooner  did  Wolfe  observe  this  movement  than  he  be 
gan  to  form  his  order  of  battle.  His  troops  consisted  of 
six  battalions  and  the  Louisburg  grenadiers.  The  right 
wing  was  commanded  by  General  Monckton  and  the  left 
by  General  Murray.  The  right  flank  was  covered  by  the 
Louisburg  grenadiers  and  the  rear  and  left  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Howe's  light  infantry. 

The  form  in  which  the  French  advanced,  indicating  an 
intention  to  outflank  the  left  of  the  English  army,  General 
Townshend  was  sent  with  the  battalion  of  Amherst  and 
the  two  battalions  of  Royal  Americans  to  that  part  of  the 
line,  and  they  were  formed  en  potence,  so  as  to  present  a 
double  front  to  the  enemy.  The  body  of  reserve  consisted 

*  Sir  William  Howe,  subsequently  distinguished  in  the  Revolu 
tionary  War. 


WASHINGTON. 

of  one  regiment  drawn  up  in  eight  divisions  with  large  in 
tervals. 

The  dispositions  made  by  the  French  general  were  not 
less  masterly.  The  right  and  left  wings  were  composed 
about  equally  of  European  and  Colonial  troops.  The  center 
consisted  of  a  column  formed  of  two  battalions  of  regulars. 
Fifteen  hundred  Indians  and  Canadians,  excellent  marks 
men,  advancing  in  front,  screened  by  surrounding  thickets, 
began  the  battle.  Their  irregular  fire  proved  fatal  to  many 
British  officers,  but  it  was  soon  silenced  by  the  steady  fire 
of  the  English. 

About  9  in  the  morning  the  main  body  of  the  French 
advanced  briskly  to  the  charge  and  the  action  soon  became 
general.  Montcalm  having  taken  post  on  the  left  of  the 
French  army  and  Wolfe  on  the  right  of  the  English,  the 
two  generals  met  each  other  where  the  battle  was  most 
severe.  The  English  troops  reserved  their  fire  until  the 
French  had  advanced  within  forty  yards  of  their  line,  and 
then  by  a  general  discharge  made  terrible  havoc  among 
their  ranks.  The  fire  of  the  English  was  vigorously  main 
tained  and  the  enemy  everywhere  yielded. 

General  Wolfe  who,  exposed  in  the  front  of  his  battalions, 
had  been  wounded  in  the  wrist,  betraying  no  symptoms  of 
pain  wrapped  a  handkerchief  round  his  arm  and  continued 
to  encourage  his  men.  Soon  after  he  received  a  shot  in  the 
groin,  but  concealing  the  wound  he  was  pressing  on  at  the 
head  of  his  grenadiers  with  fixed  bayonets,  when  a  third 
ball  pierced  his  breast. 

Perceiving  that  his  wound  was  mortal  his  only  anxiety 
appears  to  have  been  that  the  soldiers  might  not  be  dis 
heartened  by  seeing  him  fall.  Leaning  on  a  lieutenant  for 
support,  he  said  "  Let  not  my  brave  fellows  see  me  drop." 
He  was  conveyed  to  the  rear,  where,  careless  about  himself, 
he  discovered  in  the  agonies  of  death  the  greatest  solicitude 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  463 

concerning  the  result  of  the  battle.  Faint  and  exhausted 
with  the  pain  of  his  wounds  he  rested  his  head  on  the  arm 
of  an  officer.  He  was  aroused  by  cries  of  "  They  fly,  they 
fly !  see  them  fly ! "  "  Who  fly  ?  "  exclaimed  the  dying  hero. 
"The  French,"  answered  his  attendant.  Nerving  himself 
to  a  last  effort  of  duty  he  gave  a  hasty  order  for  cutting 
off  the  enemy's  retreat,  and  then  turning  on  his  side,  he 
said  "  Now,  God  be  praised,  I  will  die  in  peace,"  and  ex 
pired. 

We  cannot  forbear  quoting  in  this  connection  the  simple 
and  feeling  observations  of  General  Townshend  respecting 
his  heroic  friend,  whose  fate  threw  so  affecting  a  luster  on 
this  memorable  victory :  "  I  am  not  ashamed  to  own  to 
you  that  my  heart  does  not  exult  in  the  midst  of  this  suc 
cess.  I  have  lost  but  a  friend  in  General  Wolfe;  our 
country  has  lost  a  sure  support  and  a  perpetual  honor.  If 
the  world  were  sensible  at  how  dear  a  price  we  have  pur 
chased  Quebec  in  his  death,  it  would  damp  the  public  joy. 
Our  best  consolation  is  that  Providence  seemed  not  to 
promise  that  he  should  remain  long  among  us.  He  was 
himself  sensible  of  the  weakness  of  his  constitution  and 
determined  to  crowd  into  a  few  years  actions  that  would 
have  adorned  length  of  life." 

The  army,  not  disconcerted  by  the  fall  of  their  general, 
continued  the  action  under  Monckton  on  whom  the  com 
mand  now  devolved,  but  who,  receiving  a  ball  through  his 
body,  soon  yielded  the  command  to  General  Townshend. 

Montcalm,  fighting  in  front  of  his  battalions,  received  a 
mortal  wound*  about  the  same  time,  and  General  Senezer- 
gus,  the  second  in  command,  also  fell.  The  British  grena 
diers  pressed  on  with  their  bayonets.  General  Murray, 

*  Montcalm  was  every  way  worthy  to  be  a  competitor  of  Wolfe. 
He  had  the  truest  military  genius  of  any  officer  whom  the  French 
had  ever  employed  in  America.  After  he  had  received  his  mortal 


464  WASHINGTON. 

briskly  advancing  with  the  troops  under  his  direction,  broke 
the  center  of  the  French  army. 

The  Highlanders  drawing  their  broadswords  completed 
the  confusion  of  the  enemy,  and  after  having  lost  their  first 
and  second  in  command  the  right  and  center  of  the  French 
were  entirely  driven  from  the  field,  and  the  left  was  follow 
ing  their  example  when  Bougainville  appeared  in  the  rear, 
with  the  1,500  men  who  had  been  sent  to  oppose  the  land 
ing  of  the  English.  Two  battalions  and  two  pieces  of  ar 
tillery  were  detached  to  meet  him,  but  he  retired  and  the 
British  troops  were  left  the  undisputed  masters  of  the  field. 
The  loss  of  the  French  was  much  greater  than  that  of  the 
English.  The  corps  of  French  regulars  was  almost  entirely 
annihilated;-  The  killed  and  wounded  of  the  English  army 
did  not  amount  to  600  men. 

Although  Quebec  was  still  strongly  defended  by  its  fortifi 
cations,  and  might  possibly  be  relieved  by  Bougainville  or 
from  Montreal,  yet  General  Townshend  had  scarcely 
finished  a  road  in  the  bank  to  get  his  heavy  artillery  for  a 
siege,  when  the  inhabitants  capitulated,  on  condition  that 
during  the  war  they  might  still  enjoy  their  own  civil  and 
religious  rights.  A  garrison  of  5,000  men  was  left  under 
General  Murray,  and  the  fleet  sailed  out  of  the  St.  Law 
rence. 

The  fall  of  Quebec  did  not  immediately  produce  the  sub 
mission  of  Canada.  The  main  body  of  the  French  army, 
which,  after  the  battle  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  retired 
to  Montreal,  and  which  still  consisted  of  ten  battalions  of 
regulars,  had  been  reinforced  by  10,000  Canadian  militia 
and  a  body  of  Indians. 

wound  he  was  carried  into  the  city;  and  when  informed  that  it 
was  mortal  his  reply  was,  "  I  am  glad  of  it."  On  being  told  that 
he  could  survive  but  a  few  hours,  "  So  much  the  better,"  he 
replied,  "  I  shall  not  live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  465 

With  these  forces  M.  de  Levi,  who  had  succeeded  the 
Marquis  of  Montcalm  in  the  chief  command,  resolved  to 
attempt  the  recovery  of  Quebec.  He  had  hoped  to  carry 
the  place  by  a  coup  de  main,  during  the  winter,  but  on  recon- 
noitering  he  found  the  outposts  so  well  secured,  and  the 
Governor  so  vigilant  and  active,  that  he  postponed  the  en 
terprise  until  spring. 

In  the  month  of  April  (1760),  when  the  upper  part  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  was  so  open  as  to  admit  of  transportation  by 
water,  his  artillery,  military  stores,  and  heavy  baggage 
were  embarked  at  Montreal  and  fell  down  the  river  under 
convoy  of  six  frigates,  and  M.  de  Levi,  after  a  march  of 
ten  days  arrived  with  his  army  at  Point  au  Tremble,  within 
a  few  miles  of  Quebec. 

General  Murray,  to  whom  the  care  of  maintaining  the 
English  conquest  had  been  intrusted,  had  taken  every  pre 
caution  to  preserve  it,  but  his  troops  had  suffered  so  much 
by  the  extreme  cold  of  the  winter,  and  by  the  want  of  vege 
tables  and  fresh  provisions  that  instead  of  5,000,  the  origi 
nal  number  of  his  garrison,  there  were  not  at  this  time 
above  3,000  men  fit  for  service. 

With  this  small  but  valiant  body  the  English  general  re 
solved  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the  field,  and  on  the  28th  of 
April  marched  out  to  the  Plains  of  Abraham  where,  near 
Sillery,  he  attacked  the  French  under  M.  de  Levi  with  great 
impetuosity.  He  was  received  with  firmness,  and  after  a 
fierce  encounter,  finding  himself  outflanked  and  in  danger 
of  being  surrounded  by  superior  numbers,  he  called  off  his 
troops  and  retired  into  the  city. 

In  this  action  the  loss  of  the  English  was  near  1,000  men, 
and  that  of  the  French  still  greater.  The  French  general 
lost  no  time  in  improving  his  victory.  On  the  very  even 
ing  of  the  battle  he  opened  trenches  before  the  town,  but 
30 


466  WASHINGTON. 

it  was  the  nth  of  May  before  he  could  mount  his  batteries 
and  bring  his  guns  to  bear  on  the  fortifications. 

By  that  time  General  Murray,  who  had  been  indefati 
gable  in  his  exertions,  had  completed  some  outworks  and 
planted  so  numerous  an  artillery  on  his  ramparts  that  his 
fire  was  very  superior  to  that  of  the  besiegers,  and  in  a 
manner  silenced  their  batteries.  A  British  fleet  arriving 
most  opportunely  a  few  days  after,  M.  de  Levi  immediately 
raised  the  siege  and  precipitately  retired  to  Montreal. 

Here  the  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil,  Governor-General  of 
Canada,  had  fixed  his  headquarters  and  determined  to  make 
his  last  stand.  For  this  purpose  he  called  in  all  his  detach 
ments  and  collected  around  him  the  whole  force  of  the 
Colony. 

The  English,  on  the  other  hand,  were  resolved  on  the 
total  annihilation  of  the  French  power  in  Canada,  and  Gen 
eral  Amherst  prepared  to  overwhelm  it  with  an  irresistible 
superiority  of  numbers. 

Almost  on  the  same  day  the  armies  from  Quebec,  from 
Lake  Ontario,  and  from  Lake  Champlain  were  concen 
trated  before  Montreal,  and  M.  de  Vaudreuil  found  him 
self  obliged  on  the  8th  of  September,  1760,  to  sign  a 
capitulation  by  which  that  city  and  the  whole  of  Canada 
were  transferred  to  British  dominion.  He  obtained  liberal 
stipulations  for  the  good  treatment  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
particularly  the  free  exercise  of  the  Catholic  faith,  and  the 
preservation  of  the  property  belonging  to  the  religious 
communities.  He  even  demanded  that  the  bishop  should 
continue  to  be  appointed  by  the  French  monarch,  but  this 
was  of  course  refused.  The  possession  of  Canada,  as  well 
as  of  all  the  adjoining  countries,  was  confirmed  to  Britain 
by  the  peace  of  Paris,  signed  on  the  loth  of  February, 
1763. 

The  population  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  was  stated  by 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  467 

Governor  Murray  to  amount  to  69,275,  consisting  mostly 
of  cultivators,  a  frugal,  industrious,  and  moral  race;  with  a 
noblesse,  also  very  poor,  but  much  respected,  among  them. 
The  Indians  converted  to  Catholics  were  estimated  at  7,400. 
The  inhabitants  were  involved  in  great  calamity  by  the  re 
fusal  of  the  French  Government  to  pay  the  bills  drawn  and 
the  paper  currency  issued  by  M.  Bigot,  the  late  intendant, 
who  had  been  guilty  of  most  extensive  peculation.  The 
gross  sum  is  stated  by  Raynal  at  80,000,000  livres 
(£3,333,000  sterling),  but  considering  the  small  number  and 
poverty  of  the  people  we  cannot  help  suspecting  it  to 
be  much  exaggerated.  It  is  said  that  the  claims  were,  on 
grounds  of  equity,  reduced  to  38,000,000;  though,  accord 
ing  to  M'Gregor,  no  more  was  received  in  turn  for  them 
than  £250,000  in  money,  and  £125,000  in  bonds,  which 
never  became  effective. 

The  terms  in  favor  of  the  French  residents  were  faith 
fully  and  even  liberally  fulfilled  by  the  British  Government. 
All  offices  however  were  conferred  on  British  subjects,  who 
then  consisted  only  of  military  men,  with  not  quite  500 
petty  traders,  many  of  whom  were  ill-fitted  for  so  import 
ant  a  situation.  They  showed  a  bigoted  spirit  and  an  offen 
sive  contempt  of  the  old  inhabitants,  including  even  their 
class  of  nobles.  General  Murray,  notwithstanding,  strenu 
ously  protected  the  latter,  without  regard  to  repeated  com 
plaints  made  against  him  to  the  ministry  at  home,  and  by 
this  impartial  conduct  he  gained  their  confidence  in  a  de 
gree  which  became  conspicuous  on  occasion  of  the  great 
revolt  of  the  united  Colonies. 

During  that  momentous  period,  though  pressingly  in 
vited  to  assist  the  latter,  the  Canadians  never  swerved  from 
their  allegiance.  With  a  view  to  conciliate  them  the  "  Que 
bec  Act,"  passed  in  1774,  changed  the  English  civil  law, 
which  had  been  at  first  introduced,  for  the  ancient  system 


468  WASHINGTON. 

called  the  Coutume  de  Paris.  The  French  language  was  also 
directed  to  be  employed  in  the  law  courts,  and  other  changes 
made  with  the  view  of  gratifying  that  nation.  These  con 
cessions  did  not  however  give  universal  satisfaction,  es 
pecially  as  they  were  not  attended  with  any  grant  of  a  na 
tional  representation. 

In  the  prosecution  of  the  war  between  Great  Britain  and 
France,  which  was  terminated  by  the  peace  of  Paris  Feb 
ruary  10,  1763,  after  a  conflict  lasting  seven  years  the  ad 
vantages  which  Great  Britain  derived  from  the  Colonies 
were  severely  felt  by  her  enemies.  Upward  of  400  priva 
teers  which  were  fitted  out  of  the  ports  of  the  British 
Colonies  successfully  cruised  on  French  property.  These 
not  only  ravaged  the  West  India  islands  belonging  to  his 
most  Catholic  Majesty,  but  made  many  captures  on  the 
coast  of  France.  Besides  distressing  the  French  nation  by 
privateering,  the  Colonies  furnished  23,800  men  to  co-oper 
ate  with  the  British  regular  forces  in  North  America.  They 
also  sent  powerful  aids,  both  in  men  and  provisions,  out 
of  their  own  limits,  which  facilitated  the  reduction  of  Mar 
tinique  and  of  Havana.  The  success  of  their  privateers  — 
the  co-operation  of  their  land  forces  —  the  convenience  of 
their  harbors,  and  the  contiguity  to  the  West  India  islands, 
made  the  Colonies  great  acquisitions  to  Britain  and  for 
midable  adversaries  to  France.  From  their  growing  im 
portance  the  latter  had  much  to  fear.  Their  continued 
union  with  Great  Britain  threatened  the  subversion  of  the 
commerce  and  American  possessions  of  France. 

After  hostilities  had  raged  nearly  eight  years,  a  general 
peace  was  concluded,  on  terms  by  which  France  ceded 
Canada  to  Great  Britain.  The  Spaniards  having  also  taken 
part  in  the  war  were,  at  the  termination  of  it,  induced  to  re 
linquish  to  the  same  power  both  East  and  West  Florida. 
This  peace  gave  Great  Britain  possession  of  an  extent  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  469 

country  equal  in  dimensions  to  several  of  the  kingdoms  of 
Europe.  The  possession  of  Canada  in  the  north  and  of  the 
two  Floridas  in  the  south,  made  her  almost  sole  mistress 
of  the  North  American  continent. 

This  laid  a  foundation  for  future  greatness  which  ex 
cited  the  envy  and  the  fears  of  Europe.  Her  navy,  her 
commerce,  and  her  manufactures  had  greatly  increased 
when  she  held  but  a  part  of  the  continent,  and  when  she 
was  bounded  by  the  formidable  powers  of  France  and  Spain. 
Her  probable  future  greatness,  when  without  a  rival,  and 
with  a  growing  vent  for  her  manufactures  and  increasing 
employment  for  her  marine,  threatened  to  destroy  that  bal 
ance  of  power  which  European  sovereigns  had  for  a  long 
time  endeavored  to  preserve. 


CHAPTER  II. 

LIFE  AT  MOUNT  VERNON. 

1759-1763. 

DURING  the  stirring  events  which  are  recorded  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  Washington  remained  at  Mount 
Vernon,  busily  engaged  in  the  care  of  his  extensive 
plantation.  He  occasionally  refers  to  them  however  in  his 
letters.  Writing  to  his  London  agent  in  September,  1759, 
he  says :  "  The  scale  of  fortune  in  America  is  turned 
greatly  in  our  favor,  and  success  has  become  the  companion 
of  our  fortunate  generals.  It  would  be  folly  in  me  to  at 
tempt  particularizing  their  actions,  since  you  receive  ac 
counts  in  a  channel  so  much  more  direct  than  from  hence." 
In  another  letter  to  the  same  correspondent  (May  10,  1760) 
he  says :  "  The  French  are  so  well  drubbed,  and  seem  so 
much  humbled  in  America  that  I  apprehend  our  generals 
will  find  it  no  difficult  matter  to  reduce  Canada  to  our 
obedience  this  summer.  But  what  may  be  Montgomery's 
fate  in  the  Cherokee  country  I  cannot  so  readily  deter 
mine.  It  seems  he  has  made  a  prosperous  beginning,  hav 
ing  penetrated  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  and  he  is  now 
advancing  his  troops  in  high  health  and  spirits  to  the  re 
lief  of  Fort  Loudoun.  But  let  him  be  wary.  He  has  a 
crafty,  subtle  enemy  to  deal  with  that  may  give  him  most 
trouble  when  he  least  expects  it." 

No  man  ever  understood  the  character  of  the  Indians 
more  thoroughly  than  Washington.  His  intercourse  with 
them  during  that  portion  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  in 

(470) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  471 

which  he  took  an  active  part,  had  made  him  well  acquainted 
with  their  native  disposition  and  their  peculiar  tactics  in 
war.  How  justly  his  apprehensions  for  the  safety  of  Mont 
gomery  and  his  detachment  were  conceived,  will  appear 
from  the  following  account  of  his  expedition,  extracted  from 
Dr.  Holmes's  American  Annals. 

During  these  decisive  operations  in  the  north,  the  Eng 
lish  colonists  in  the  south  sustained  no  small  calamity  from 
the  natives.  The  French  were  no  sooner  driven  from  Fort 
Duquesne  than  their  baleful  influence  appeared  among  the 
Upper  Cherokees.  Unhappily,  at  that  time,  a  quarrel  with 
the  Virginians  contributed  to  alienate  those  Indian  tribes 
from  the  English,  with  whom  they  had  long  been  in  alliance. 
The  Cherokees,  agreeably  to  treaty,  had  sent  considerable 
parties  of  their  warriors  to  assist  the  British  in  their  ex 
peditions  against  Fort  Duquesne.  Many  of  these  warriors, 
on  their  return  home  through  the  back  parts  of  Virginia, 
losing  their  horses,  laid  hold  on  such  as  they  found  run 
ning  wild  in  the  woods,  without  supposing  them  to  belong 
to  any  individuals.  The  Virginians,  resenting  this  injury, 
killed  twelve  or  fourteen  of  the  unsuspicious  warriors  and 
took  several  prisoners.  The  Cherokees,  highly  provoked 
at  this  ungrateful  usage  from  allies  whose  frontiers  they  had 
been  helping  to  defend,  determined  to  take  revenge.  The 
French  inflamed  their  vindictive  rage  by  telling  them  that 
the  English  intended  to  kill  every  man  of  them,  and  to 
make  their  wives  and  children  slaves,  and  at  the  same  time 
furnished  them  with  arms  and  ammunition.  The  frontiers 
of  Carolina  soon  feeling  the  horrible  effects  of  their  incur 
sions,  Governor  Littleton,  toward  the  close  of  the  last  year 
(1759),  had  marched  at  the  head  of  800  militia  and  300  regu 
lars  into  the  country  of  the  Cherokees  where,  without  any 
bloodshed,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded. 

Early  in  the  present  year,  when  joyous  celebrations  of  the 


472  WASHINGTON. 

peace  were  scarcely  concluded,  the  Governor  was  informed 
that  fresh  hostilities  had  been  committed  by  the  Chero- 
kees,  who  had  killed  fourteen  men  within  a  mile  of  Fort 
Prince  George.  The  war  soon  becoming  general  an  ex 
press  was  sent  to  General  Amherst,  the  commander-in- 
chief  in  America,  acquainting  him  with  the  distressed  state 
of  Carolina  and  imploring  his  assistance.  A  battalion  of 
Highlanders  and  four  companies  of  the  Royal  Scots  were 
accordingly  sent  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Montgom 
ery  for  the  relief  of  that  province.  Before  the  end  of  April 
(1760)  Montgomery  landed  his  troops  in  Carolina  and 
encamped  at  Monk's  Corner.  A  few  weeks  after  his  arrival 
he  marched  to  the  Congaree,  where  he  was  joined  by  the 
whole  force  of  the  province,  and  immediately  set  out  for  the 
Cherokee  country.  After  burning  all  the  towns  in  the 
lower  nation,  in  which  sixty  Indians  were  killed  and  forty 
made  prisoners,  he  marched  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Prince 
George,  which  was  invested  by  the  savages.  After  reliev 
ing  that  fort,  finding  the  Indians  not  disposed  to  listen  to 
proposals  of  accommodation,  he  marched  forward  through 
the  dismal  wilderness,  where  he  encountered  many  hard 
ships  and  dangers,  until  he  came  within  five  miles  of 
Etchoe,  the  lowest  town  in  the  middle  settlements.  Here 
he  found  a  deep  valley  covered  with  bushes,  in  the  middle 
of  which  was  a  muddy  river,  with  steep  clay  banks.  Col 
onel  Morrison,  who  commanded  a  company  of  rangers, 
had  orders  to  advance  and  scour  the  thicket,  but  scarcely 
had  he  entered  it,  when  the  Indians,  springing  from  their 
covert,  fired  upon  them  and  killed  the  captain  and  many 
of  his  men.  The  light  infantry  and  grenadiers  being  now 
ordered  to  advance  against  the  invisible  enemy,  a  heavy 
fire  began  on  both  sides.  Colonel  Montgomery,  finding 
the  number  of  the  Indians  to  be  great,  and  their  determina 
tion  to  dispute  this  pass  obstinate,  ordered  the  Royal  Scots 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  473 

to  advance  between  the  enemy  and  a  rising  ground  on  the 
right,  while  the  Highlanders  marched  toward  the  left,  to 
sustain  the  infantry  and  grenadiers.  The  Indians  at  length 
giving  way,  and  having  taken  possession  of  a  hill,  con 
tinued  still  to  retreat  as  the  army  advanced.  Montgomery 
gave  orders  to  the  line  to  face  about  and  march  directly 
for  Etchoe.  The  enemy,  observing  this  movement,  got  be 
hind  the  hill  and  ran  to  alarm  their  wives  and  children. 
Perceiving  the  difficulty  and  hazard  of  a  further  pursuit  the 
English  commander  gave  orders  for  a  retreat,  which  was 
conducted  with  great  regularity  to  Fort  Prince  George. 
During  this  action,  which  continued  above  an  hour,  Colonel 
Montgomery  had  twenty  men  killed  and  seventy-six 
wounded. 

To  revenge  this  invasion,  the  Cherokees  blockaded  Fort 
Loudoun,  situated  near  the  confines  of  Virginia.  This  post, 
consisting  of  200  men  commanded  by  Captain  Demere, 
being  150  miles  from  Charleston,  was  cut  off  from  all  com 
munication  with  the  English.  The  garrison,  having  sub 
sisted  some  time  on  horseflesh,  was  ultimately  reduced  to 
such  extremity  as  to  be  obliged  to  surrender  the  place  on 
capitulation.  The  troops  were  to  march  out  with  their 
ammunition  and  baggage,  and  to  be  conducted  to  Virginia 
or  Fort  Prince  George,  but  after  marching  about  fifteen 
miles  from  the  fort  they  were  at  night  deserted  by  their 
attendants,  and  the  next  morning  surrounded  by  the  In 
dians,  who  poured  in  a  heavy  fire  upon  them,  accompanied 
with  the  most  hideous  yells.  Captain  Demere,  with  three 
other  officers  and  about  twenty-six  privates,  fell  at  the  first 
onset.  The  rest  were  made  prisoners,  and  after  being  kept 
some  time  in  a  miserable  state  of  captivity  were  redeemed 
by  the  province  at  a  great  expense.  The  Cherokees  could 
at  this  time  bring  into  the  field  3,000  warriors. 


474:  WASHINGTON. 

We  have  already  noticed  the  election  of  Washington  as 
a  member  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  while  he 
was  engaged  in  his  military  duties  during  the  campaign  of 
1758.  Being  solicited  by  some  of  his  friends  to  obtain 
leave  of  absence  and  join  in  the  electioneering  contest,  he 
had  declined  leaving  his  post,  but  the  result  was  not  the 
less  triumphant  and  gratifying  on  this  account.  Great  mili 
tary  services  had  already  become  in  America  the  best  pass 
port  to  political  honors. 

[In  a  letter  of  September  20,  1759,  to  Richard  Wash 
ington,  of  London,  England,  a  relative  who  attended  to 
English  business  for  him,  Washington  wrote: 

"My  brother  is  safe  arrived;  but  little  benefited  in 
point  of  health  by  his  trip  to  England.  The  longing  desire 
which  for  many  years  I  have  had  of  visiting  the  great 
metropolis  of  that  kingdom,  is  not  in  the  least  abated  by 
his  prejudices,  because  I  think  the  small  share  of  health 
he  enjoyed  there  must  have  given  a  sensible  check  to  any 
pleasures  he  might  figure  to  himself,  and  would  render  any 
place  irksome  —  but  I  am  now  tied  by  the  leg  and  must 
set  inclination  aside. 

"The  scale  of  fortune  in  America  is  turned  greatly  in 
our  favor,  and  Success  is  become  the  boon  companion  of 
our  Fortunate  Generals.  '  Twould  be  folly  in  me  to  attempt 
particularizing  their  actions  since  you  receive  accounts  in 
a  channel  so  much  more  direct  than  from  hence. 

"  I  am  now,  I  believe,  fixed  at  this  seat  (Mount  Vernon) 
with  an  agreeable  consort  for  life;  and  hope  to  find  more 
happiness  in  retirement  than  I  ever  experienced  amidst 
a  wide  and  bustling  world.  I  thank  you  heartily  for  your 
affectionate  wishes.  Why  wont  you  give  me  an  occasion 
of  congratulating  you  in  the  same  manner?  None  would 
do  it  with  more  cordiality  and  true  sincerity." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  475 

To  Robert  Gary  &  Co.,  of  London,  English  merchants, 
Washington  stated,  in  a  letter  of  September  20,  1759: 

"  I  am  possessed  of  several  plantations  on  this  river 
(Potomac)  and  the  fine  lands  of  Shenandoah,  and  should 
be  glad  if  you  would  ingenuously  tell  me  what  prices  I 
might  expect  you  to  render  for  tobaccos  made  thereon,  of 
the  same  seed  as  that  of  the  estate's,  and  managed  in  every 
respect  in  the  same  manner  as  the  best  tobaccos  on  James 
and  York  rivers  are." 

In  a  very  large  order  for  goods  to  be  sent  from  London, 
the  following  items  appear:  Busts  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  of  Julius  Caesar,  of  Charles  XII.  of  Sweden,  and  of 
the  King  of  Prussia;  these  not  to  exceed  fifteen  inches  in 
height;  and  two  smaller  busts,  of  Prince  Eugene  and  the 
Duke  of  Marlborough. 

In  a  letter  of  August  10,  1760,  Washington  speaks  of 
"  Colonel  Fairfax's  departure  for  England  in  a  ship  for 
London/'  and  in  the  same  letter  he  says  to  his  correspond 
ent,  Richard  Washington : 

"My  indulging  myself  in  a  trip  to  England  depends  upon 
so  many  contingencies,  which,  in  all  probability,  may  never 
occur,  that  I  dare  not  even  think  of  such  a  gratification. 
Nothing,  however,  is  more  ardently  desired.  But  Mrs. 
Washington  and  myself  would  both  think  ourselves  very 
happy  in  the  opportunity  of  showing  you  the  Virginia 
hospitality,  which  is  the  most  agreeable  entertainment  we 
can  give,  or  a  stranger  expect  to  find,  in  an  infant,  woody 
country  like  ours." 

About  a  year  later  Washington  wrote :  "  Colonel  Fairfax 
very  much  surprises  his  friends  in  Virginia  by  not  writing 
to  any  of  them.  Just  upon  his  arrival  at  London  he 
favored  a  few  with  a  short  letter  advertising  them  of  that 
agreeable  circumstance,  and  I  have  heard  of  no  other 
letter  that  has  come  from  him  since,  although  I  have  seen 


476  WASHINGTON. 

some  from  the  ladies,  the  superscription  of  which  has  been 
in  his  handwriting." 

At  this  date  Washington  speaks  of  "  a  valuable  purchase 
I  have  just  made  of  about  2,000  acres  of  land  adjoining  this 
seat,"  and  then  adds:  "  Since  writing  the  foregoing  I  have 
added  to  my  landed  purchase."  He  remarks  on  the  possi 
bility  of  somewhat  overdrawing  his  account  in  case  of  a 
special  "  prospect  of  advantage,"  and  yet  says:  "  My  own 
aversion  to  running  in  debt  will  always  secure  me  against 
a  step  of  this  nature,  unless  a  manifest  advantage  is  likely 
to  be  the  result  of  it."] 

While  he  was  still  residing  at  the  "White  House,"  before 
returning  to  Mount  Vernon,  a  session  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  took  place,  which  he  attended.  An  incident,  re 
ferred  to  by  all  his  biographers,  took  place  during  this 
session,  which  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Wirt  in  his  "  Life 
of  Patrick  Henry :  " 

By  a  vote  of  the  House,  the  Speaker,  Mr.  Robinson,  was 
directed  to  return  their  thanks  to  Colonel  Washington,  on 
behalf  of  the  Colony,  for  the  distinguished  military  services 
which  he  had  rendered  to  his  country.  As  soon  as  Colonel 
Washington  took  his  seat,  Mr.  Robinson,  in  obedience  to 
this  order,  and  following  the  impulse  of  his  own  generous 
and  grateful  heart,  discharged  the  duty  with  great  dignity, 
but  with  such  warmth  of  coloring  and  strength  of  expres 
sion  as  entirely  confounded  the  young  hero.  He  rose  to 
express  his  acknowledgments  for  the  honor,  but  such  was 
his  trepidation  and  confusion  that  he  could  not  give  dis 
tinct  utterance  to  a  single  syllable.  He  blushed,  stam 
mered,  and  trembled  for  a  second,  when  the  Speaker  re 
lieved  him  by  a  stroke  of  address  that  would  have  done 
honor  to  Louis  XIV  in  his  proudest  and  happiest  moment : 
"  Sit  down,  Mr.  Washington,"  said  he,  with  a  conciliating 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  477 

smile,  "  your  modesty  equals  your  valor,  and  that  surpasses 
the  power  of  any  language  that  I  possess." 

Washington  by  repeated  elections  retained  his  seat  in  the 
House  of  Burgesses  till  the  commencement  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  War,  a  period  of  fifteen  years ;  discharging  his  legis 
lative  duties  with  that  scrupulous  fidelity  which,  through 
life,  he  observed  in  fulfilling  every  engagement  upon  which 
he  entered.  His  career  as  a  legislator  was  precisely  such 
as  might  have  been  anticipated  from  his  general  character. 
His  decisions  were  formed  upon  a  thorough  and  careful 
investigation  of  facts,  and  his  course  was  marked  by  firm 
ness  and  candor.  The  few  words  which,  on  rare  occasions, 
he  deemed  it  worth  while  to  address  to  the  House  in  de 
bate,  were  consequently  always  listened  to  with  a  degree 
of  attention  and  deference  which  was  the  best  tribute  to 
his  sound  judgment  and  weight  of  character.  In  the  stormy 
times  which  immediately  preceded  the  Revolution,  he  was 
ever  found  taking  part  with  the  patriotic  members  of  the 
House. 

Washington  was  extremely  fond  of  agriculture  and  of 
rural  pleasures  and  pursuits,  and  on  taking  up  his  residence 
at  Mount  Vernon,  it  was  his  settled  purpose  to  pass  in  these 
the  remainder  of  his  life.  But  Providence  had  in  reserve 
for  him  a  higher  destiny  than  that  of  farming,  hunting, 
fishing,  and  interchanging  hospitalities  with  other  country 
gentlemen.  Such  however  were  his  pursuits  during  a  con 
siderable  part  of  his  prime  of  life  —  no  less  than  fifteen 
years. 

It  must  be  observed  however  that  while  he  was  engaged 
in  these  rural  pursuits  he  devoted  his  whole  attention  to 
them ;  it  being  a  maxim  with  him  that  whatever  is  worth 
doing  at  all  is  worth  doing  well  and  thoroughly.  He  su 
perintended  personally  all  the  agricultural  operations  on  his 
estate,  kept  his  own  accounts,  shipped  the  produce  of  his 


478  WASHINGTON. 

plantation  to  London,  Bristol,  or  Liverpool,  and  received 
from  thence  his  supplies  in  his  own  name.  All  the  details 
of  these  operations  were  attended  to  by  him  with  the  most 
scrupulous  care,  nothing  being  too  trivial  to  escape  his 
attention. 

The  staple  article  of  culture  in  Virginia  at  that  time  was 
tobacco,  and  this  formed  the  chief  product  of  Washington's 
plantation.  He  exported  it  to  England,  putting  it  on  board 
of  vessels  which  came  up  the  Potomac  to  Mount  Vernon  to 
receive  it. 

In  the  colonial  times  it  was  the  policy  of  the  mother 
country  to  discourage  every  species  of  American  manufac 
tures,  and  not  only  agricultural  implements  and  clothing, 
but  almost  everything  required  for  the  daily  use  of  a  family, 
was  imported  from  Great  Britain.  These  it  was  Washing 
ton's  practice  to  order  twice  a  year  from  his  agent  in  Lon 
don,  and  the  minuteness  and  particularity  of  his  orders  show 
his  habitual  accuracy  and  somewhat  of  fondness  for  detail. 

In  a  letter  to  his  London  agent  dated  loth  August,  1760, 
Washington  says :  "  My  indulging  myself  in  a  trip  to  Eng 
land  depends  upon  so  many  contingencies  which  in  all 
probability  may  never  occur  that  I  dare  not  even  think 
of  such  a  gratification."  If  the  visit  thus  referred  to 
had  ever  taken  place  we  cannot  doubt  of  the  cordiality  of 
his  reception.  His  character  and  public  services  were  well 
known  in  the  mother  country,  but  we  cannot  admit  the 
probability  suggested  by  some  writers  that  any  tokens  of 
royal  favor  which  he  might  have  received,  would  have  at 
tached  him  to  the  cause  of  Great  Britain  in  the  approaching 
contest  between  her  and  her  American  Colonies.  Wash 
ington  notwithstanding  the  conspicuous  positions  which 
he  occupied  at  different  periods  of  his  life  appears  to  have 
been  by  no  means  ambitious  of  public  tokens  of  applause, 
and  if  he  had  a  strong  desire  to  visit  Europe  it  was  un- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  479 

doubtedly  with  a  view  to  enlarge  his  knowledge  by  personal 
observation  of  European  life. 

He  had,  it  must  be  admitted,  many  strong  reasons  for 
declining  to  travel  abroad.  Every  imaginable  external 
means  of  happiness  appears  to  have  been  at  his  disposal. 
An  independent  fortune,  a  beautiful  and  amiable  wife,  in 
teresting  and  lovely  children  to  whom,  though  not  his  own, 
he  stood  in  a  paternal  relation,  agreeable  and  distinguished 
neighbors,  an  employment  peculiarly  suited  to  his  taste,  and 
a  residence  which  has  always  been  admired  as  one  of  the 
most  delightful  in  the  world  and  which  was  endeared  to  him 
by  recollections  of  his  early  life. 

Of  Mount  Vernon  he  speaks  in  strong  terms  of  praise  in 
a  letter  to  Arthur  Young  (1783).  "  No  estate,"  he  says, 
"  in  United  America  is  more  pleasantly  situated  than  this. 
It  lies  in  a  high,  dry,  and  healthy  country  300  miles  by 
water  from  the  sea,  and  as  you  will  see  by  the  plan  on  one 
of  the  finest  rivers  in  the  world.  Its  margin  is  washed  by 
more  than  ten  miles  of  tide-water,  from  the  bed  of  which 
and  the  innumerable  coves,  inlets,  and  small  marshes  with 
which  it  abounds  an  inexhaustible  fund  of  rich  mud  may  be 
drawn  as  a  manure,  either  to  be  used  separately  or  in  a 
compost,  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  farmer.  It  is 
situated  in  a  latitude  between  the  extremes  of  heat  and 
cold,  and  is  the  same  distance  by  land  and  water  with  good 
roads  and  the  best  navigation  to  and  from  the  Federal  city, 
Alexandria,  and  Georgetown,  distant  from  the  first  twelve, 

from  the  second  nine,  and  from  the  last  sixteen  miles. 

*  *  *  *  *  * 

"  This  river  which  encompasses  the  land  the  distance 
above  mentioned,  is  well  supplied  with  various  kinds  of  fish 
at  all  seasons  of  the  year,  and  in  the  spring,  with  the 
greatest  profusion  of  shad,  herrings,  bass,  carp,  perch,  stur- 


480  WASHINGTON. 

geon,  etc.  Several  valuable  fisheries  appertain  to  the  es 
tate  ;  the  whole  shore,  in  short,  is  one  entire  fishery/' 

[In  a  letter  of  July  14,  1761,  to  Richard  Washington  in 
London,  Washington  reported  that  "  a  mixture  of  bad 
health  and  indolence  together  "  had  kept  him  from  answer 
ing  letters;  and  August  26th  he  writes  from  "  The  Warm 
Springs  " : 

"  They  are  situated  very  badly  on  the  east  side  of  a  steep 
mountain,  and  inclosed  by  hills  on  all  sides,  so  that  the 
afternoon's  sun  is  hid  by  4  o'clock  and  the  fogs  hang  over 
us  till  9  or  10,  which  occasions  great  damps,  and  the  morn 
ings  and  evenings  to  be  cool. 

"  Lodgings  can  be  had  on  no  terms,  but  building  for 
them;  and  I  am  of  opinion  that  numbers  get  more  hurt, 
by  their  manner  of  lying,  than  the  waters  can  do  them 
good.  Had  we  not  succeeded  in  getting  a  tent  and  marquee 
from  Winchester  we  should  have  been  in  a  most  miserable 
situation  here. 

"  In  regard  to  myself  I  must  beg  leave  to  say,  that  I 
was  much  overcome  with  the  fatigue  of  the  ride  and 
weather  together.  Our  journey  was  not  of  the  most 
agreeable  sort,  through  such  weather  and  such  roads  as 
we  had  to  encounter;  these  last  for  twenty  or  twenty-five 
miles  from  hence  are  almost  impassable  for  carriages,  not 
so  much  from  the  mountainous  country  (but  this  in  fact 
is  very  rugged)  as  from)  trees  that  have  fallen  across  the 
road  and  rendered  the  way  intolerable.  However,  I  think 
my  fevers  are  a  good  deal  abated,  although  my  pains  grow 
rather  worse,  and  my  sleep  equally  disturbed.  What  ef 
fect  the  waters  may  have  upon  me  I  can't  say  at  present, 
but  I  expect  nothing  from  the  air  —  this  certainly  must  be 
unwholesome.  I  purpose  to  stay  here  a  fortnight  and 
longer  if  benefited. 

"  P.  S.    If  I  could  be  upon  any  certainty  of  your  coming, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  481 

or  could  only  get  four  days  previous  notice  of  your  arrival, 
I  would  get  a  house  built,  such  as  are  here  erected,  for 
your  reception. 

"August  3Oth.  Since  writing  the  above  I  have  hired  a 
person, —  a  Fairfax  man  returning  home  for  his  wife  —  to 
carry  some  letters  to  Mrs.  Washington,  under  whose  cover 
this  goes.  I  think  myself  benefited  by  the  waters,  and 
am  now  with  hopes  of  their  making  a  cure  of  me." 

October  20,  1761,  Washington  wrote  to  his  London 
friend,  Richard  Washington: 

"  Since  my  last,  of  the  I4th  July,  I  have  in  appearance 
been  very  near  my  last  gasp.  The  indisposition  then 
spoken  of  increased  upon  me,  and  I  fell  into  a  very  low 
and  dangerous  state.  I  once  thought  the  grim  king  would 
master  my  utmost  efforts,  and  that  I  must  sink,  in  spite 
of  a  noble  struggle;  but,  thank  God,  I  have  now  got  the 
better  of  the  disorder,  and  shall  soon  be  restored,  I  hope, 
to  perfect  health  again." 

In  a  letter  of  April,  1763,  to  Robert  Stewart,  who  had 
written  asking  for  a  loan  of  £400,  Washington  alleged  the 
state  of  his  affairs  as  making  it  impossible  for  him  to  raise 
more  than  £300,  and  that  only  by  using  funds  which  he 
had  intended  sending  to  his  London  creditors;  and  to  this 
he  added: 

"  This  is  a  genuine  account  of  my  affairs  in  England. 
Here  they  are  a  little  better,  because  I  am  not  much  in 
debt.  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  be  surprised  at  the  badness 
of  their  condition  unless  you  will  consider  under  what 
terrible  management  and  disadvantages  I  found  my  estate 
when  I  retired  from  the  public  service  of  this  colony;  and 
that,  besides  some  purchases  of  lands  and  negroes  I  was 
necessitated  to  make  adjoining  me  (in  order  to  support 
the  expenses  of  a  large  family),  I  had  provisions  of  all 
kinds  to  buy  for  the  first  two  or  three  years;  and  my 
3i 


482  WASHINGTON. 

plantation  to  stock  in  short  with  everything;  buildings  to 
make,  and  other  matters,  which  swallowed  up,  before  I 
well  knew  where  I  was,  all  the  money  I  got  by  marriage, 
nay  more,  brought  me  in  debt  —  and  I  believe  I  may  ap 
peal  to  your  knowledge  of  my  circumstances  before."] 

At  the  time  when  Washington  was  passing  his  time  in 
cultivating  the  fertile  lands  of  Mount  Vernon,  the  neigh 
boring  estates  were  large  and  their  owners  wealthy,  and 
among  them  the  practice  of  a  liberal  hospitality  was  uni 
versal.  Many  of  the  planters  were  connected  with  the  old 
cavalier  families  in  England,  descendants  of  the  men  who 
in  Governor  Berkeley's  time  were  the  first  to  proclaim 
the  accession  of  Charles  II  to  the  throne.  It  is  not  sur 
prising  that  among  them  it  was  a  common  practice  to  send 
their  sons  to  England  to  receive  their  education.  The  tone 
of  society  was  English,  and  to  tell  the  truth  rather  aristo 
cratic.  The  Episcopal  Church  was  as  firmly  established  in 
Virginia  as  that  of  the  Congregational  Puritans  in  New 
England.  The  parishes  were  large,  being  in  proportion  to 
the  large  plantations  of  which  they  were  composed.  Wash 
ington  held  the  office  of  vestrymen  in  two  of  them,  Truro 
and  Fairfax.  The  place  of  worship  of  Truro  parish  was  at 
Pohick,  seven  miles  distant  from  the  mansion  of  Mount 
Vernon,  and  the  pastor  during  a  part  of  the  time  when 
Washington  was  a  vestryman  was  the  Rev.  Mason  L. 
Weems,  so  well  and  extensively  known  through  his  lively 
and  eccentric  biography  of  his  illustrious  parishioner.  The 
place  of  worship  for  Fairfax  county  was  Alexandria,  ten 
miles  from  Mount  Vernon. 

Washington  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the 
church  at  Pohick. 

About  1764  the  old  church  which  stood  in  a  different 
part  of  the  parish  had  fallen  into  decay  and  it  was  re 
solved  to  build  a  new  one.  Its  location  became  a  matter 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  483 

of  considerable  excitement  in  the  parish,  some  contending 
for  the  site  on  which  the  old  edifice  stood  and  others  for  one 
near  the  center  of  the  parish  and  more  conveniently  situ 
ated.  Among  the  latter  was  Washington.  A  meeting  for 
settling  the  question  was  finally  held.  George  Mason,  who 
led  the  party  favorable  to  the  old  site,  made  an  eloquent 
harangue,  conjuring  the  people  not  to  desert  the  sacred 
spot  consecrated  by  the  bones  of  their  ancestors.  It  had  a 
powerful  effect  and  it  was  thought  that  there  would  not  be  a 
dissenting  voice.  Washington  then  arose  and  drew  from  his 
pocket  an  accurate  survey  which  he  had  made  of  the  whole 
parish,  in  which  was  marked  the  site  of  the  old  church 
and  the  proposed  location  of  the  new  one  together  with  the 
place  of  residence  of  each  parishioner.  He  spread  this 
map  before  the  audience,  briefly  explained  it,  expressed  his 
hope  that  they  would  not  allow  their  judgments  to  be 
guided  by  their  feelings  and  sat  down.  This  mode  of  argu 
ment  so  perfectly  characteristic  of  Washington  decided 
the  question.  The  new  site  was  adopted  by  a  decisive 
majority  and  Pohick  church  was  built  in  1765. 

Among  the  neighbors  and  occasional  visitors  of  Wash 
ington  were  George  Mason,  of  Gunston  Hall,  his  fellow 
vestryman  mentioned  above,  Lord  Fairfax,  his  early  friend 
and  patron,  Capt.  Hugh  Mercer,  already  noted  for  his  ad 
ventures  among  the  Indians,*  and  Dr.  Craik,  who  had  at 
tended  Washington  in  Braddock's  expedition  and  was  his 
family  physician  through  life. 

With  these  and  others  he  exchanged  those  liberal  and 
rather  magnificent  hospitalities  so  prevalent  in  Virginia  in 
the  old  colonial  times.  In  their  spacious  mansions,  guests 
were  entertained  in  the  English  style  for  weeks  together, 
and  the  English  nobility  were  rivaled  in  the  gentlemanly 

*  Afterward  General  Mercer.  He  was  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Princeton. 


484  WASHINGTON. 

amusements  of  hunting  and  horse-racing.  Washington 
himself  took  delight  in  hunting  and  always  kept  a  splendid 
stud  of  horses,  many  of  them  of  high  blood  and  breeding 
imported  from  the  mother  country.  He  sometimes  visited 
Lord  Fairfax  at  Greenway  Court  and  joined  in  the  hunting 
expeditions  of  that  eccentric  but  accomplished  and  courte 
ous  nobleman.  "  Lord  Fairfax  was  passionately  fond  of 
hunting  and  often  passed  weeks  together  in  the  pleasures 
of  the  chase.  When  on  these  expeditions  he  made  it  a 
rul'e  that  he  who  got  the  fox,  cut  off  his  tail  and  held  it  up, 
should  share  in  the  jollification  which  was  to  follow  free  of 
expense.  Soon  as  the  fox  was  started  the  young  men  of 
the  company  dashed  after  him  with  great  impetuosity,  while 
Fairfax  leisurely  waited  behind  with  a  favorite  servant  who 
was  familiar  with  the  watercourses  and  of  a  quick  ear  to 
discover  the  course  of  the  fox.  Following  his  directions 
his  lordship  would  start  after  the  game,  and  in  most  in 
stances  secure  the  prize  and  stick  the  tail  of  the  fox  in  his 
hat  in  triumph."* 

Lord  Fairfax  returned  the  visits  of  Washington  and 
often  joined  the  numerous  company  who  were  entertained 
at  Mount  Vernon,  and  engaged  with  them  in  hunting  over 
the  extensive  domain  of  that  and  the  neighboring  estates. 

Washington  occasionally  amused  himself  with  the  sport 
so  distasteful  to  Franklin.  He  sometimes  engaged  in  fish 
ing.  The  waters  about  Mount  Vernon  as  we  have  already 
seen  were  stocked  with  fish  in  great  abundance  and  variety. 
Fowling  and  duck  shooting  in  particular  were  also  favorite 
amusements  with  him,  and  in  the  late  and  winter  months 
the  waters  of  the  Potomac  river  abounded  with  flocks  of 
canvas-back  ducks  the  favorite  object  of  the  sportsman  in 
that  region. 

*Lossing,  "Field-Book  of  the  Revolution."— Howe,  Hist.  Coll. 
of  Virginia. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  485 

[Sparks  says  of  the  social  position  of  Washington  at 
this  time: 

"  During  the  periods  of  his  attending  the  House  of 
Burgesses  at  Williamsburg,  he  met  on  terms  of  intimacy 
the  eminent  men  of  Virginia,  who,  in  imitation  of  the  gov 
ernors  (sometimes  noblemen,  and  always  from  the  higher 
ranks  of  English  society),  lived  in  a  style  of  magnificence, 
which  has  long  since  passed  away,  and  given  place  to  the 
republican  simplicity  of  modern  times.  He  was  a  frequent 
visitor  at  Annapolis,  the  seat  of  government  in  Maryland, 
renowned  as  the  resort  of  the  polite,  wealthy,  and  fashion 
able.  At  Mount  Vernon  he  returned  the  civilities  he  had 
received,  and  practised,  on  a  large  and  generous  scale,  the 
hospitality  for  which  the  southern  planters  have  ever  been 
distinguished.  When  he  was  at  home,  a  day  seldom 
passed  without  the  company  of  friends  or  strangers  at  his 
house.  In  his  diaries  the  names  of  these  visitors  are  often 
mentioned,  and  we  find  among  them  the  Governors  of 
Virginia  and  Maryland,  and  nearly  all  the  celebrated  men 
of  the  southern  and  middle  colonies,  who  were  at  that 
time  and  afterward  conspicuous  in  the  history  of  the 
country. 

"  One  of  his  nearest  neighbors  was  George  Mason,  of 
Gunston  Hall,  a  man  possessing  remarkable  intellectual 
powers,  deeply  conversant  with  political  science,  and 
thoroughly  versed  in  the  topics  of  dispute  then  existing 
between  England  and  America.  Lord  Fairfax  was  also  a 
constant  guest  at  Mount  Vernon,  who,  although  eccentric 
in  his  habits,  possessed  a  cultivated  mind,  social  quali 
ties,  and  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  world.  To  these  may 
be  added  a  large  circle  of  relatives  and  acquaintances,  who 
sought  his  society,  and  to  whom  his  house  was  always 
open."] 

One  of  Washington's  habits  shows  the  same  disinter 
ested  character  which  marked  his  great  public  acts.  This 


486  WASHINGTON. 

is  his  invariable  willingness  to  make  himself  useful  to  his 
friends  and  neighbors  by  acts  of  kindness.  His  corre 
spondence  abounds  with  evidence  of  the  readiness  with 
which  he  undertook  trusts,  acted  in  arbitrations,  executed 
commissions  for  persons  at  a  distance,  gave  information 
on  disputed  points,  and  answered  with  courtesy  the  letters 
of  persons  who  really  had  no  particular  claim  to  his  at 
tention.  All  such  offices  of  kindness  he  found  time  to  dis 
charge  notwithstanding  the  many  and  various  demands 
upon  his  time  arising  from  the  personal  oversight  of  his 
estate,  the  management  of  hfs  shipments  abroad,  and  im 
ports  of  his  own  supplies,  and  the  keeping  of  his  own  ac 
counts  —  to  say  nothing  of  his  duties  as  host  to  the  many 
visitors  whom  his  well-known  hospitality  attracted  to 
Mount  Vernon. 

Among  the  tasks  which  he  voluntarily  imposed  upon 
himself  in  this  spirit  of  disinterested  kindness  was  that  of 
taking  care  that  justice  was  done  to  the  Virginia  soldiers 
who  had  served  under  his  command  in  the  Seven  Years' 
War,  and  who  had  thus  become  entitled  to  certain  grants 
of  land.  His  office  of  commissioner  for  settling  the  mili 
tary  accounts  of  the  Colony  enabled  him  to  exert  himself 
effectually  in  this  matter. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  period  which  followed  his 
marriage  and  settlement  at  Mount  Vernon,  he  joined  a 
company  who  had  undertaken  to  drain  the  Great  Dismal 
swamp  on  the  borders  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina, 
with  a  view  of  using  the  land  for  agricultural  purposes, 
and  he  actually  visited  and  explored  this  formidable  and 
almost  inaccessible  tract.  The  chartering  of  the  Dismal 
Swamp  Company  by  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses 
at  its  next  session  led  to  important  results.  We  shall  see 
in  the  sequel  that  this  was  by  no  means  the  only  instance 
of  Washington's  active  promotion  of  the  cause  of  internal 
improvement. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CAUSES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

1763-1766. 

AT  the  time  when  Washington  was  interesting  himself 
in  the  project  for  draining  the  Great  Dismal  swamp, 
a  new  Indian  war  broke  out  on  the  western  border. 
This  took  place  just  after  the  news  of  the  definitive  treaty 
of  Fontainebleau  between  France  and  England  had  been 
signed,  and  the  colonists  of  North  America  were  flattering 
themselves  with  the  prospect  of  a  long  course  of  peace  and 
tranquillity.    In  order  to  understand  the  origin  of  this  new 
Indian  war,  it  is  necessary  to  go  back  to  a  review  of  their 
affairs  for  the  previous  two  years. 

In  a  conference  between  several  American  Governors 
and  the  Six  Nations  soon  after  the  peace  of  1761,  a  warm 
dispute  arose  concerning  certain  lands  which  the  Indians 
asserted  had  been  seized  by  some  English  settlers  under 
a  fraudulent  conveyance.  Population  too  augmented  so 
rapidly  during  peace  that  the  colonists  overran  their  pre 
scribed  limits,  and  as  a  chain  of  forts  had  been  constructed 
around  the  most  important  hunting  lands  of  the  Indians, 
they  perceived  that  the  English  by  fate  or  by  design  were 
about  to  extirpate  them  and  take  possession  of  their  terri 
tory.  The  Shawanese,  Delawares,  the  tribes  along  the  Ohio, 
this  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  about  Detroit,  concerted  a 
plan  in  1763  to  attack  at  one  and  the  same  time  all  the 
English  posts  and  settlements  in  their  neighborhood.  Har 
vest  was  the  time  agreed  upon,  and  so  effectually  was  the 


488  WASHINGTON. 

design  concealed  that  the  first  notice  was  in  the  yells  of  the 
Indians.  The  settlers  were  surprised  at  work  in  the  field, 
their  crops  devastated  and  their  houses  burnt.  The  Indians 
made  themselves  masters  of  Forts  Le  Bceuf,  Venango, 
Presqu'  He,  and  Michilimackinack,  and  attempted  to  re 
duce  Pitt,  Detroit,  and  Niagara. 

General  Amherst  immediately  detached  strong  reinforce 
ments  to  the  three  latter  forts.  The  one  destined  for 
Detroit  was  put  under  the  command  of  Captain  Dalyell, 
who  was  so  little  acquainted  with  Indians  as  to  imagine 
that  he  might  take  them  by  surprise  and  at  once  relieve  the 
fort  from  further  annoyance.  About  2  o'clock  in  the 
morning  he  started  from  the  fort  with  270  men,  and  while 
he  supposed  he  was  advancing  entirely  unobserved  received 
a  fire  in  his  front  and  before  his  men  had  recovered  the 
shock,  another  in  the  rear  and  immediately  after  one  on 
each  flank.  He  fell  and  the  command  devolved  upon  Cap 
tain  Grant  who  extricated  himself  by  a  resolute  charge,  and 
was  enabled  to  make  his  way  back  to  the  fort.  The  Indians 
knew  that  the  garrison  was  now  strong  and  well  supplied, 
and  as  they  could  not  endure  a  protracted  siege  the  enter 
prise  was  abandoned. 

The  reinforcement  for  Fort  Pitt  was  intrusted  to  Colonel 
Bouquet  who  started  about  the  end  of  July  with  a  large 
quantity  of  provisions  and  military  stores.  Like  Captain 
Dalyell  he  fancied  it  possible  to  elude  the  observation  of 
the  enemy,  and  the  more  effectually  to  secure  his  purpose 
he  resolved  to  pass  the  defile  of  Turtle  creek  in  the  night. 
On  the  5th  of  August  (1763),  his  men  had  marched  seven 
teen  miles  over  a  rough  and  mountainous  country,  and 
were  just  preparing  to  rest  and  refresh  themselves  when  a 
sudden  yell  and  fire  in  front  announced  the  presence  of  the 
savages  and  threw  the  army  again  upon  their  legs.  A 
vigorous  charge  drove  back  the  Indians  but  it  was  only  to 


GENERAL  ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  489 

lead  the  troops  into  an  ambuscade,  and  whatever  might  be 
the  glory  of  the  conquest  they  were  satisfied  to  regain 
their  former  position.  Similar  charges  were  made  in  every 
direction  but  the  troops  seemed  only  to  beat  the  air  or 
fight  an  invisible  enemy.  The  Indians  gave  way  in  one 
place  merely  to  fall  on  in  another,  and  what  would  have 
been  defeat  to  others  was  victory  to  them.  The  action  was 
continued  from  i  in  the  afternoon  till  evening,  and  though 
the  troops  were  successful  in  every  attack  they  gained 
nothing  in  the  end. 

The  men  slept  little  during  the  night,  and  on  the  first 
dawn  of  the  morning  the  Indians  aroused  them  with  the 
whoop  of  battle  and  the  roar  of  their  guns.  The  taste  of 
blood  seemed  to  have  given  them  new  ferocity,  and  even 
the  English  themselves,  exhausted  as  they  were,  recom 
menced  the  action  with  additional  vigor  —  some  stimulated 
by  the  hopes  of  revenge  and  others  by  a  spirit  of  despera 
tion.  The  Indians  were  regularly  driven  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet  and  as  regularly  turned  upon  their  pursuers 
as  soon  as  the  chase  was  over.  These  efforts  were  repeated 
till  the  men  became  hopeless,  they  saw  their  strength 
thrown  away,  and  their  courage  exerted  in  vain,  and  they 
stood  remembering  the  fate  of  Rraddock  and  perhaps 
trembling  at  their  own  —  when  Colonel  Bouquet,  availing 
himself  of  his  dear-bought  experience,  resolved  to  fight 
the  Indians  in  their  own  way. 

The  army  was  encamped  in  a  circle.  Two  companies  who 
had  been  posted  without  the  circumference  were  ordered 
to  retire  within,  the  two  ends  of  the  broken  circle  to  close 
up  in  their  rear,  and  after  making  a  show  of  resistance  to 
give  way  and  retreat.  The  two  first  companies  at  the 
same  time  were  joined  by  one  company  of  grenadiers  and 
another  of  light  infantry.  The  thin  ranks  gave  ground 
according  to  orders,  the  Indians  followed  with  headlong  im- 


490  WASHINGTON. 

petuosity  and  supposing  themselves  masters  of  the  field 
began  what  they  meant  for  a  slaughter  rather  than  an 
action.  Two  of  the  companies  already  mentioned  made  a 
sudden  turn  upon  their  flank,  while  the  two  remaining 
attacked  them  in  front.  For  a  moment  they  were  not  un 
deceived  and  returned  the  fire  with  activity  and  resolution. 
But  a  short  time  served  to  convince  them  of  their  mistake  ; 
they  betook  themselves  to  their  swiftness  of  foot  and  the 
four  companies  pursued  them  so  closely  that  they  never 
looked  behind  until  they  got  beyond  the  probability  of  an 
noyance.  But  this  conquest  was  in  truth  a  defeat.  The 
great  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  supply  Fort  Pitt  with 
stores,  and  so  many  of  the  pack-horses  were  killed  in  these 
several  engagements  that  Colonel  Bouquet  was  obliged  to 
destroy  the  greatest  part  of  the  provisions.  The  army  ad 
vanced  about  two  miles,  pitched  their  tents,  and  imagined 
that  they  might  take  some  rest.  Scarcely  had  they  finished 
their  preparations  when  the  Indians  again  made  their  ap 
pearance.  They  seemed  not  to  be  yet  certain  that  they 
were  the  weakest,  but  a  few  discharges  completed  their  con 
viction,  and  for  the  four  remaining  days  they  suffered  the 
troops  to  march  unmolested. 

Having  succeeded  so  ill  against  Forts  Detroit  and  Pitt, 
the  Indians  now  concentrated  their  forces  for  an  attack  upon 
Niagara.  Their  object  was  to  isolate  the  fort  and  intercept 
its  reinforcements  and  supplies.  On  the  I4th  of  September, 
1764,  they  annihilated  a  convoy  which  was  marching  to  its 
relief,  and  not  long  after  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  in 
canoes  upon  a  schooner  which  was  carrying  provisions  to 
Detroit.  All  the  nothern  Colonies  were  called  upon  to  con 
tribute  their  quotas  of  men  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war, 
and  among  the  rest  Connecticut  raised  a  battalion  and  put 
it  under  the  command  of  Col.  Israel  Putnam.  Strengthened 
by  these  reinforcements,  Colonels  Bouquet  and  Bradstreet 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  491 

so  harassed  the  Indians  during  the  spring  and  summer  of 
1765,  that  in  September  they  were  willing  to  bury  the 
hatchet  and  conclude  a  peace. 

Washington  holding  no  military  command  at  the  time 
took  no  active  part  in  this  war,  although  the  Indians  who 
were  concerned  in  it  were  the  same  who  had  been  en 
gaged  either  as  his  allies  or  enemies  in  the  former  wars  in 
which  he  had  served,  and  the  theater  of  their  operations 
was  not  unfamiliar  to  him. 

While  this  war  was  still  in  progress,  the  course  of 
public  affairs  was  gradually  tending  toward  that  far  more 
important  contest  in  which  Washington  was  destined  to 
act  so  conspicuous  a  part  —  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 
Mr.  Sparks,  than  whom  there  can  be  no  more  competent 
authority,  assures  us  that  notwithstanding  the  contrary  as 
sertions  of  certain  British  writers  who  question  his  patriot 
ism  at  the  beginning  of  the  dispute,  "  no  man  in  America 
took  a  more  early,  open,  and  decided  part  in  asserting  and 
defending  the  rights  of  the  Colonies  and  opposing  the  pre 
tensions  set  up  by  the  British  Government.''' 

As  a  member  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  he  was 
placed  in  a  position  where  his  political  sentiments  could 
not  but  be  publicly  known,  and  the  record  of  the  proceed 
ings  shows  that  he  acted  with  Henry,  Randolph,  Lee, 
Wythe,  Pendleton,  and  other  patriotic  opponents  of  the 
oppressive  measures  of  the  British  Parliament.  It  is  neces 
sary,  for  a  proper  understanding  of  the  origin  of  these 
measures,  to  examine  the  history  and  character  of  the  con 
nection  between  the  Colonies  and  the  mother  country  for 
a  considerable  period. 

From  the  first  settlement  of  the  English  Colonies  in 
America  till  the  close  of  the  year  1755,  the  conduct  of  Great 
Britain  toward  them  was  that  of  a  kind  parent  toward 
dutiful  children.  As  her  main  object  was  commerce,  with- 


492  WASHINGTON. 

out  charging  herself  with  the  care  of  their  internal  police 
or  seeking  a  revenue  from  them,  she  contented  herself  with 
a  monopoly  of  their  trade.  They  shared  in  the  privileges 
of  native  subjects,  and  felt  but  slight  inconvenience  from 
the  regulations  imposed  by  the  mother  country. 

Until  1759,  ^e  only  acts  of  Parliament  which  were  con 
sidered  grievances  were  such  as  a  prohibition  of  cutting 
down  pitch  and  tar  trees  not  within  a  fence  or  inclosure, 
and  certain  restrictions  which  acted  against  colonial  manu 
factures,  particularly  those  ~of  iron  and  woollen. 

Though  these  restrictions  were  a  species  of  affront,  by 
their  implying  that  the  colonists  had  not  sense  enough  to 
discover  their  own  interest,  and  though  they  seemed  cal 
culated  to  crush  their  native  talents  and  to  keep  them  in  a 
constant  state  of  inferiority  without  any  hope  of  arriving 
at  those  advantages,  to  which  by  the  native  riches  of  their 
country  they  were  prompted  to  aspire;  yet,  if  no  other 
grievances  had  been  superadded  to  what  existed  in  1763, 
these  would  have  been  soon  forgotten  for  their  pressure 
was  neither  great  nor  universal.  The  good  resulting  to 
the  Colonies  from  their  connection  with  Great  Britain  in 
finitely  outweighed  the  evil. 

Till  the  year  1764,  the  colonial  regulations  seemed  to 
have  no  other  object  but  the  common  good  of  the  whole 
empire.  Exceptions  to  the  contrary  were  few  and  had  no 
appearance  of  system.  When  the  approach  of  the  Colonies 
to  manhood  made  them  more  capable  of  resisting  imposi 
tion,  Great  Britain  changed  the  ancient  system  under  which 
her  Colonies  had  long  flourished.  When  policy  would 
rather  have  dictated  a  relaxation  of  authority,  she  rose  in 
her  demands  and  multiplied  her  restraints. 

For  some  time  before  and  after  the  termination  of  the 
War  of  1755,  a  considerable  trade  had  been  carried  on  be 
tween  the  British  and  Spanish  Colonies  in  the  manufactures 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  493 

of  Great  Britain,  imported  by  the  former  and  sold  by  the 
latter,  by  which  the  British  Colonies  acquired  gold  and 
silver  and  were  enabled  to  make  remittances  to  the  mother 
country.  This  trade,  though  it  did  not  clash  with  the 
spirit  of  the  British  navigation  laws,  was  forbidden  by  their 
letter. 

On  account  of  the  advantage  which  all  parties  and  par 
ticularly  Great  Britain  reaped  from  this  trade,  it  had  long 
been  winked  at  by  persons  in  power,  but  at  the  period  be 
fore  mentioned  some  new  regulations  were  adopted  by 
which  it  was  almost  destroyed.  This  was  effected  by  armed 
cutters  whose  commanders  were  enjoined  to  take  the  usual 
custom-house  oaths  and  to  act  in  the  capacity  of  revenue 
officers. 

The  officers  of  the  customs  began  to  enforce  with  strict 
ness  all  the  acts  of  Parliament  regulating  the  trade  of  the 
Colonies,  several  of  which  had  been  suspended  or  had  be 
come  obsolete.  Governor  Bernard,  of  Massachusetts,  who 
was  always  a  supporter  of  the  royal  prerogative,  appears 
to  have  entered  fully  into  these  views  and  to  have  indi 
cated  by  his  appointment  of  confidential  advisers,  that  his 
object  would  be  to  extend  the  power  of  the  Government 
to  any  limits  which  the  ministry  might  require.  The  first 
demonstration  of  the  new  course  intended  to  be  pursued, 
was  the  arrival  of  an  order  in  council  to  carry  into  effect 
the  acts  of  trade,  and  to  apply  to  the  supreme  judicature  of 
the  province  for  writs  of  assistance  to  be  granted  to  the 
officers  of  the  customs.  According  to  the  ordinary  course 
of  law,  no  searches  or  seizures  could  be  made  without  a 
special  warrant  issued  upon  probable  cause,  supported  by 
oath  or  affirmation,  particularly  designating  the  place  to 
be  searched  and  the  goods  to  be  seized.  But  the  writ  of 
assistance  was  to  command  all  sheriffs  and  other  civil 
officers  to  assist  the  person  to  whom  it  was  granted,  in 


494  WASHINGTON. 

breaking  open  and  searching  every  place  where  he  might 
suspect  any  prohibited  or  uncustomed  goods  to  be  con 
cealed.  It  was  a  sort  of  commission,  during  pleasure,  to 
ransack  the  dwellings  of  the  citizens,  for  it  was  never  to  be 
returned,  nor  any  account  of  the  proceedings  under  it  ren 
dered  to  the  court  whence  it  issued.  Such  a  weapon  of 
oppression  in  the  hands  of  the  inferior  officers  of  the  cus 
toms  might  well  alarm  even  innocence  and  confound  the 
violators  of  the  law. 

The  mercantile  part  of  the  community  united  in  opposing 
the  petition,  and  was  in  a  state  of  great  anxiety  as  to  the 
result  of  the  question.  The  officers  of  the  customs  called 
upon  Mr.  Otis*  for  his  official  assistance  as  advocate- 
general  to  argue  their  cause,  but  as  he  believed  these  writs  to 
be  illegal  and  tyrannical,  he  resigned  the  situation,  though 
very  lucrative,  and  if  filled  by  a  compliant  spirit  leading  to 

*  James  Otis,  a  distinguished  patriot  and  statesman,  was  the 
son  of  the  Honorable  James  Otis,  of  Barnstable,  Massachusetts, 
and  was  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1743.  After  pursuing 
the  study  of  the  law  under  Mr.  Gridley,  the  first  lawyer  and  ci 
vilian  of  his  time,  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  he  began  the  practice 
at  Plymouth.  In  1761  he  distinguished  himself  by  pleading 
against  the  writs  of  assistance,  which  the  officers  of  the  customs 
had  applied  for  to  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court.  His  antag 
onist  was  Mr.  Gridley.  He  was  in  this  or  the  following  year 
chosen  a  member  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  in  which 
body  the  powers  of  his  eloquence,  the  keenness  of  his  wit,  the 
force  of  his  arguments,  and  the  resources  of  his  intellect,  gave 
him  a  most  commanding  influence.  When  the  arbitrary  claims  of 
Great  Britain  were  advanced  he  warmly  engaged  in  defense  of 
the  Colonies,  and  was  the  first  champion  of  American  freedom 
who  had  the  courage  to  affix  his  name  to  a  production  that  stood 
forth  against  the  pretensions  of  the  parent  State.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  Congress  which  was  held  at  New  York  in  1765, 
in  which  year  his  "  Rights  of  the  Colonies  Vindicated,"  a  pam 
phlet,  occasioned  by  the  Stamp  Act,  and  which  was  considered 
as  a  masterpiece  both  of  good  writing  and  of  argument,  was  pub- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  495 

the  highest  favors  of  government.  The  merchants  of  Salem 
and  Boston  applied  to  Otis  and  Thacher,  who  engaged  to 
make  their  defense.  The  trial  took  place  in  the  council- 
chamber  of  the  old  Town  House  in  Boston  (1761).  The 
judges  were  five  in  number  including  Lieutenant-Governor 
Hutchinson,  who  presided  as  chief  justice,  and  the  room 
was  filled  with  all  the  officers  of  government  and  the  prin 
cipal  citizens,  to  hear  the  arguments  in  a  cause  that  in 
spired  the  deepest  solicitude.  The  case  was  opened  by  Mr. 
Gridley,  who  argued  it  with  much  learning,  ingenuity,  and 
dignity,  urging  every  point  and  authority  that  could  be 
found  after  the  most  diligent  search,  in  favor  of  the  custom 
house  petition,  making  all  his  reasoning  depend  on  this 
consideration  —  "  if  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  is  the 
sovereign  legislator  of  the  British  empire."  He  was  fol 
lowed  by  Mr.  Thacher  on  the  opposite  side,  whose  reason 
ing  was  ingenious  and  able,  delivered  in  a  tone  of  great 
mildness  and  moderation.  "  But/'  in  the  language  of  Presi 
dent  Adams,  "  Otis  was  a  flame  of  fire,  with  a  promptitude 
of  classical  allusion,  a  depth  of  research,  a  rapid  summary 
of  historical  events  and  dates,  a  profusion  of  legal  authori 
ties,  a  prophetic  glance  into  futurity,  and  a  rapid  torrent 
of  impetuous  eloquence,  he  hurried  away  all  before  him. 
American  independence  was  then  and  there  born.  The 
seeds  of  patriots  and  heroes,  to  defend  the  Non  sine  Diis 
animosus  infans,  to  defend  the  vigorous  youth,  were  then 
and  there  sown.  Every  man  of  an  immense  crowded 

lished  in  London.  For  the  boldness  of  his  opinions  he  was 
threatened  with  arrest;  yet  he  continued  to  support  the  rights  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  He  resigned  the  office  of  judge-advocate  in 
1767,  and  renounced  all  employment  under  an  administration 
which  had  encroached  upon  the  liberties  of  his  country.  His  warm 
passions  sometimes  betrayed  him  into  unguarded  epithets  that  gave 
his  enemies  an  advantage,  without  benefit  to  the  cause  which  lay 
nearest  his  heart. 


496  WASHINGTON. 

audience  appeared  to  me  to  go  away  as  I  did,  ready  to  take 
arms  against  writs  of  assistance.  Then  and  there  was  the 
first  scene  of  the  first  act  of  opposition  to  the  arbitrary 
claims  of  Great  Britain.  Then  and  there  the  child  Inde 
pendence  was  born.  In  fifteen  years,  *'.  e.  in  1776,  he  grew 
up  to  manhood  and  declared  himself  free." 

The  restrictions  on  the  trade  of  the  colonists  and  the 
unusual  mode  of  enforcing  them,  which  Otis  so  eloquently 
opposed,  awakened  a  spirit  of  resistance  that  never  was  al 
layed.  Nor  should  this  be  a  matter  of  surprise. 

So  sudden  a  stoppage  of  ~an  accustomed  and  beneficial 
commerce  by  an  unusually  rigid  execution  of  old  laws  was 
a  serious  blow  to  the  northern  Colonies.  It  was  their 
misfortune  that  though  they  stood  in  need  of  vast  quan 
tities  of  British  manufactures,  their  country  produced  very 
little  that  afforded  a  direct  remittance  to  pay  for  them. 
They  were  therefore  under  a  necessity  of  seeking  else 
where  a  market  for  their  produce,  and  by  a  circuitous  route, 
acquiring  the  means  of  supporting  their  credit  with  the 
mother  country.  This  they  found  by  trading  with  the 
Spanish  and  French  Colonies  in  their  neighborhood.  From 
them  they  acquired  gold,  silver,  and  valuable  commodities, 
the  ultimate  profits  of  which  centered  in  Great  Britain. 

This  intercourse  gave  life  to  business  of  every  denomina 
tion,  and  established  a  reciprocal  circulation  of  money  and 
merchandise  to  the  benefit  of  all  parties  concerned.  Why 
a  trade  essential  to  the  Colonies,  and  which  so  far  from 
being  detrimental,  was  indirectly  advantageous  to  Great 
Britain  should  be  so  narrowly  watched  and  so  severely  re 
strained,  could  not  be  accounted  for  by  the  Americans  with 
out  supposing  that  the  rulers  of  Great  Britain  were  jealous 
of  their  adventurous  commercial  spirit,  and  of  their  in 
creasing  number  of  seamen. 

Their  actual  sufferings  were  great  but  their  apprehen- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  497 

sions  were  greater.  Instead  of  viewing  the  parent  state 
as  formerly  in  the  light  of  an  affectionate  mother,  they  con 
ceived  her  as  beginning  to  be  influenced  by  the  narrow  views 
of  an  illiberal  step-dame. 

After  the  2Qth  of  September,  1764,  the  trade  between 
the  British  and  the  French  and  Spanish  Colonies  was  in 
some  degree  legalized,  but  under  circumstances  that 
brought  no  relief  to  the  colonists,  for  it  was  loaded  with 
such  enormous  duties  as  were  equivalent  to  a  prohibition. 

While  Great  Britain  attended  to  her  first  system  of  coloni 
zation,  her  American  settlements  though  exposed  in  un 
known  climates  and  unexplored  wildernesses  grew  and 
flourished,  and  in  the  same  proportion  the  trade  and  riches 
of  the  mother  country  increased.  Some  estimate  may  be 
made  of  this  increase  from  the  following  statement:  the 
whole  export  trade  of  England,  including  that  to  the  Col 
onies  in  the  year  1704,  amounted  to  £6,509,000  sterling; 
but  so  immensely  had  the  Colonies  increased  that  the  ex 
ports  to  them  alone  in  the  year  1772,  amounted  to  £6,022,132 
and  they  were  yearly  increasing. 

In  the  short  space  of  sixty-eight  years  the  Colonies  added 
nearly  as  much  to  the  export  commerce  of  Great  Britain, 
as  she  had  grown  to  by  a  progressive  increase  of  improve 
ment  in  1700  years.  And  this  increase  of  colonial  trade 
was  not  at  the  expense  of  the  general  trade  of  the  kingdom, 
for  that  increased  at  the  same  time  from  £6,000,000  to 
£16,000,000. 

In  this  auspicious  period,  the  mother  country  contented 
herself  with  exercising  her  supremacy  in  superintending  the 
general  concerns  of  the  Colonies,  and  in  harmonizing  the 
commercial  interest  of  the  whole  empire.  To  this  the  most 
of  them  bowed  down  with  such  filial  submission  as  demon 
strated  that  they,  though  not  subjected  to  parliamentary 


498  WASHINGTON. 

taxes,  could  be  kept  in  subordination  and  in  perfect  sub 
serviency  to  the  grand  views  of  colonization. 

Immediately  after  the  peace  of  Paris,  1763,  a  new  scene 
was  opened.  The  national  debt  of  Great  Britain  then 
amounted  to  £148,000,000,  for  which  an  interest  of  nearly 
£5,000,000  was  annually  paid.  While  the  British  minister 
was  digesting  plans  for  diminishing  this  amazing  load  of 
debt,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  raising  a  substantial  revenue 
in  the  British  Colonies  fromi  taxes  laid  by  the  Parliament 
of  the  parent  State.  On  the  one  hand  it  was  urged  that 
the  late  war  originated  on  account  of  the  Colonies  —  that 
it  was  reasonable,  more  especially  as  it  had  terminated  in 
a  manner  so  favorable  to  their  interest  that  they  should 
contribute  to  the  defraying  of  the  expenses  it  had  occa 
sioned. 

Thus  far  both  parties  were  agreed,  but  Great  Britain  con 
tended  that  her  Parliament,  as  the  supreme  power, was  con 
stitutionally  vested  with  an  authority  to  lay  them  on  every 
part  of  the  empire.  This  doctrine,  plausible  in  itself,  and 
conformable  to  the  letter  of  the  British  Constitution,  when 
the  whole  dominions  were  represented  in  one  assembly,  was 
reprobated  in  the  Colonies  as  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the 
same  government,  when  the  empire  became  so  far  ex 
tended  as  to  have  many  distinct  representative  assemblies. 
The  colonists  believed  that  the  chief  excellence  of  the 
British  Constitution  consisted  in  the  right  of  the  subjects  to 
grant  or  withhold  taxes,  and  in  their  having  a  share  in  en 
acting  the  laws  by  which  they  were  to  be  bound. 

The  English  Colonies  were  originally  established,  not 
for  the  sake  of  revenue,  but  on  the  principles  of  a  commer 
cial  monopoly.  While  England  pursued  trade  and  forgot 
revenue  her  commerce  increased  at  least  fourfold.  The 
Colonies  took  off  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain  and 
paid  for  them  with  provisions  or  raw  materials.  They 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  499 

united  their  arms  in  war,  their  commerce  and  their  councils 
in  peace,  without  nicely  investigating  the  terms  on  which 
the  connection  of  the  two  countries  depended. 

A  perfect  calm  in  the  political  world  is  not  long  to  be 
expected.  The  reciprocal  happiness,  both  of  Great  Britain 
and  of  the  Colonies,  was  too  great  to  be  of  long  duration. 
The  calamities  of  the  war  of  1755  had  scarcely  ended  when 
the  germ  of  another  war  was  planted,  which  soon  grew  up 
and  produced  deadly  fruit. 

At  that  time  sundry  resolutions  passed  the  British  Parlia 
ment  relative  to  the  imposition  of  a  stamp  duty  in  America 
which  gave  general  alarm.  By  them  the  right,  the  equity, 
the  policy,  and  even  the  necessity  of  taxing  the  Colonies 
was  formally  avowed.  These  resolutions,  being  considered 
as  the  preface  of  a  system  of  American  revenue,  were 
deemed  an  introduction  to  evils  of  much  greater  magnitude. 
They  opened  a  prospect  of  oppression,  boundless  in  extent 
and  endless  in  duration.  They  were  nevertheless  not  im 
mediately  followed  by  any  legislative  act.  Time  and  an 
invitation  were  given  to  the  Americans  to  suggest  any  other 
mode  of  taxation  that  might  be  equivalent  in  its  produce 
to  the  stamp  act,  but  they  objected  not  only  to  the  mode 
but  the  principle,  and  several  of  their  assemblies,  though 
in  vain,  petitioned  against  it. 

An  American  revenue  was  in  England  a  very  popular 
measure.  The  cry  in  favor  of  it  was  so  strong  as  to  con 
found  and  silence  the  voice  of  petitions  to  the  contrary. 
The  equity  of  compelling  the  Americans  to  contribute  to 
the  common  expenses  of  the  empire  satisfied  many,  who, 
without  inquiring  into  the  policy  or  justice  of  taxing  their 
unrepresented  fellow  subjects,  readily  assented  to  the 
measures  adopted  by  the  Parliament  for  this  purpose. 

The  prospect  of  easing  their  own  burdens  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  colonists  dazzled  the  eyes  of  gentlemen  of 


500  WASHINGTON. 

landed  interest,  so  as  to  keep  out  of  their  view  the  probable 
consequences  of  the  innovation.  The  omnipotence  of 
Parliament  was  so  familiar  a  phrase  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic  that  few  in  America,  and  still  fewer  in  Great 
Britain,  were  impressed  in  the  first  instance  with  any  idea 
of  the  illegality  of  taxing  the  colonists. 

The  illumination  on  that  subject  was  gradual.  The  reso 
lutions  in  favor  of  an  American  stamp  act,  which  passed  in 
March,  1764,  met  with  no  opposition.  In  the  course  of  the 
year  which  intervened  between  these  resolutions  and  the 
passing  of  a  law  grounded  upon  them,  the  subject  was  better 
understood,  and  constitutional  objections  against  the 
measure  were  urged  by  several,  both  in  Great  Britain  and 
America.  This  astonished  and  chagrined  the  British  min 
istry,  but  as  the  principle  of  taxing  America  had  been  for 
some  time  determined  upon,  they  were  unwilling  to  give 
it  up. 

Impelled  by  partiality  for  a  long-cherished  idea,  Mr. 
Grenville  brought  into  the  House  of  Commons  his  long- 
expected  bill  for  imposing  a  stamp  duty  on  America.  By 
this  act,  after  passing  through  the  usual  forms,  it  was  en 
acted  that  the  instruments  of  writing  which  are  in  daily  use 
among  a  commercial  people  should  be  null  and  void  unless 
they  were  executed  on  stamp  paper  or  parchment,  charged 
with  a  duty  imposed  by  the  British  Parliament. 

During  the  debate  on  the  bill  the  supporters  of  it  insisted 
much  on  the  Colonies  being  virtually  represented  in  the 
same  manner  as  Leeds,  Halifax,  and  some  other  towns  were, 
A  recurrence  to  that  plea  was  a  virtual  acknowledgment 
that  there  ought  not  to  be  taxation  without  representation. 
It  was  replied  that  the  connection  between  the  electors  and 
non-electors  of  Parliament  in  Great  Britain  were  so  inter 
woven,  from  both  being  equally  liable  to  pay  the  same  com 
mon  tax  as  to  give  some  security  of  property  to  the  latter, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  501 

but  with  respect  to  taxes  laid  by  the  British  Parliament  and 
paid  by  the  Americans,  the  situation  of  the  parties  was  re 
versed.  Instead  of  both  parties  bearing  a  proportionable 
share  of  the  same  common  burden,  what  was  laid  on  the 
one  was  exactly  so  much  taken  off  the  other. 

The  bill  met  with  no  opposition  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
and  on  the  22d  of  March  (1765),  it  received  the  royal 
assent.  The  night  after  it  passed,  Dr.  Franklin  wrote  to 
Mr.  Charles  Thomson :  "  The  sun  of  liberty  is  set,  you  must 
light  up  the  candles  of  industry  and  economy."  Mr. 
Thomson  answered :  "  He  was  apprehensive  that  other 
lights  would  be,  the  consequence,"  and  foretold  the  oppo 
sition  that  shortly  took  place. 

On  its  being  suggested  from  authority  that  the  stamp 
officers  would  not  be  sent  from  Great  Britain,  but  selected 
from  among  the  Americans,  the  colonial  agents  were  de 
sired  to  point  out  proper  persons  for  the  purpose.  They 
generally  nominated  their  friends,  which  affords  a  presump 
tive  proof  that  they  supposed  the  act  would  be  carried  into 
effect.  In  this  opinion  they  were  far  from  being  singular. 

That  the  colonists  would  be  ultimately  obliged  to  submit 
to  the  stamp  act  was  at  first  commonly  believed  both  in 
England  and  America.  The  framers  of  it  in  particular  flat 
tered  themselves  that  the  confusion  which  would  arise  upon 
the  disuse  of  writings  and  the  insecurity  of  property,  which 
result  from  using  any  other  than  those  required  by  law, 
would  compel  the  Colonies,  however  reluctant,  to  use  the 
stamp  paper  and  consequently  to  pay  the  taxes  imposed 
thereon.  They  therefore  boasted  that  it  was  a  law  that 
would  execute  itself. 

By  the  terms  of  the  stamp  act  it  was  not  to  take  effect 
till  the  first  day  of  November  (1764),  a  period  of  more  than 
seven  months  after  its  passing.  This  gave  the  colonists  an 
opportunity  for  leisurely  canvassing  the  new  subject  and 
examining  it  fully  on  every  side. 


502  WASHINGTON. 

In  the  first  part  of  this  interval,  struck  with  astonishment, 
they  lay  in  silent  consternation,  and  could  not  determine 
what  course  to  pursue.  By  degrees  they  recovered  their 
self-possession. 

The  first  strong  and  decisive  opposition  to  the  stamp 
act  took  place  in  Virginia.  On  the  2oth  of  May  (1765), 
the  subject  was  brought  forward  in  the  House  of  Bur 
gesses  by  the  introduction  of  the  celebrated  resolutions 
of  Patrick  Henry,  claiming  for  the  local  government  of 
that  Colony  the  exclusive  right  of  taxing  its  inhabitants. 
These  resolutions  were  in  fact  an  expression  of  the  public 
sentiment  throughout  all  the  Colonies,  and  their  publica 
tion  instantly  set  the  country  in  a  flame. 

[Henry's  resolutions  were  as  follows: 

"  i.  Resolved,  That  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of 
this,  his  majesty's  colony  and  dominion,  brought  with 
them  and  transmitted  to  their  posterity,  and  all  other  his 
majesty's  subjects,  since  inhabiting  in  this,  his  maj 
esty's  said  colony,  all  the  privileges,  franchises,  and 
immunities  that  have  at  any  time  been  held,  enjoyed,  and 
possessed,  by  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  by  two  royal  charters,  granted  by 
king  James  the  First,  the  colonists  aforesaid  are  declared 
entitled  to  all  the  privileges,  liberties,  and  immunities  of 
denizens  and  natural  born  subjects,  to  all  intents  and  pur 
poses,  as  if  they  had  been  abiding  and  born  within  the 
realm  of  England. 

"  3.  Resolved,  That  the  taxation  of  the  people  by  them 
selves  or  by  persons  chosen  by  themselves  to  represent 
them,  who  can  only  know  what  taxes  the  people  are  able 
to  bear,  and  the  easiest  mode  of  raising  them,  and  are 
equally  affected  by  such  taxes  themselves,  is  the  distin 
guishing  characteristic  of  British  freedom,  and  without 
which  the  ancient  constitution  cannot  subsist. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  503 

"  4.  Resolved,  That  his  majesty's  liege  people  of  this  most 
ancient  colony  have  uninterruptedly  enjoyed  the  right  of 
being  thus  governed  by  their  own  assembly  in  the  article 
of  their  taxes  and  internal  police,  and  that  the  same  hath 
never  been  forfeited,  or  any  other  way  given  up,  but  hath 
been  constantly  recognized  by  the  kings  and  people  of 
Great  Britain. 

"  5.  Resolved,  therefore,  That  the  general  assembly  of 
this  colony  have  the  only  and  sole  exclusive  right  and 
power  to  lay  taxes  and  impositions  upon  the  inhabitants 
of  this  colony;  and  that  every  attempt  to  vest  such  power 
in  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  other  than  the  gen 
eral  assembly  aforesaid,  has  a  manifest  tendency  to  de 
stroy  British  as  well  as  American  freedom."] 

As  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  it  was  Wash 
ington's  good  fortune  to  witness  the  splendid  and 
momentous  debate  which  followed  the  moving  of  these 
resolutions.  His  position  as  a  wealthy  planter  would 
naturally  have  led  him  to  take  part  with  the  aristocratic 
and  loyal  party  who  opposed  them.  But  his  habits  and 
character  were  such  as  to  produce  an  earnest  sympathy 
with  the  people.  Like  Henry  himself,  he  was  a  born 
patriot,  and  like  him  he  was  what  is  called  a  self-made 
man.  His  opinions  on  the  stamp  act  are  expressed  without 
reserve  in  his  correspondence,  and  though  no  record  of 
his  vote  on  this  occasion  is  preserved,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  it  was  cast  on  the  popular  side.  We  may 
therefore  easily  imagine  what  his  feelings  must  have  been 
in  witnessing  the  debate  which  is  thus  described  by  Mr. 
Wirt  :* 

"By  these  resolutions,"  says  Mr.  Jefferson,  "and  his 
manner  of  supporting  them,  Mr.  Henry  took  the  lead  out  of 
the  hands  of  those  who  had  theretofore  guided  the  pro- 

*  Life  of  Patrick  Henry. 


504  WASHINGTON. 

ceedings  of  the  House  ;  that  is  to  say,  of  Pendleton,  Wythe, 
Bland,  and  Randolph."  It  was  indeed  the  measure  which 
raised  him  to  the  zenith  of  his  glory.  He  had  never  be 
fore  had  a  subject  which  entirely  matched  his  genius,  and 
was  capable  of  drawing  out  all  the  powers  of  his  mind. 
It  was  remarked  of  him;  throughout  his  life  that  his 
talents  never  failed  to  rise  with  the  occasion  and  in  pro 
portion  with  the  resistance  which  he  had  to  encounter. 
The  nicety  of  the  vote  on  his  last  resolution  proves  that 
this  was  not  a  time  to  hold  in  reserve  any  part  of  his 
forces.  It  was  indeed  an  Alpine  passage  under  circum 
stances  even  more  unpropitious  than  those  of  Hannibal, 
for  he  had  not  only  to  fight  hand  to  hand  the  powerful 
party  who  were  already  in  possession  of  the  heights,  but 
at  the  same  instant  to  cheer  and  animate  the  timid  band 
of  followers  that  were  trembling,  fainting,  and  drawing 
back  below  him.  It  was  an  occasion  that  called  forth 
all  his  strength,  and  he  did  put  it  forth  in  such  a  manner 
as  man  never  did  before.  The  cords  of  argument  with 
which  his  adversaries  frequently  flattered  themselves  they 
had  bound  him  fast,  became  packthreads  in  his  hands.  He 
burst  them  with  as  much  ease  as  the  unshorn  Samson 
did  the  bands  of  the  Philistines.  He  seized  the  pillars  of 
the  temple,  shook  them  terribly,  and  seemed  to  threaten 
his  opponents  with  ruin.  It  was  an  incessant  storm  of 
lightning  and  thunder  which  struck  them  aghast.  The 
faint-hearted  gathered  courage  from  his  countenance, 
and  cowards  became  heroes  while  they  gazed  upon  his 
exploits. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  this  magnificent  debate,  while 
he  was  descanting  on  the  tyranny  of  the  obnoxious  act, 
that  he  exclaimed  in  a  voice  of  thunder  and  with  the  look 
of  a  god,  "  Caesar  had  his  Brutus  —  Charles  I  his  Crom 
well—and  George  III  "  —  ("  Treason !"  cried  the 


DRAFTING  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 
The  Committee  —  Franklin,  Jefferson,  Adams,  Livingston,  and  Sherman. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  505 

Speaker  —  "  treason !  treason !  "  echoed  from  every  part 
of  the  House. —  It  was  one  of  those  trying  moments  which 
is  decisive  of  character. —  Henry  faltered  not  an  instant, 
but  rising  to  a  loftier  attitude  and  fixing  on  the  Speaker 
an  eye  of  the  most  determined  fire,  he  finished  his  sen 
tence  with  the  firmest  emphasis)  —  "  may  profit  by  their  ex 
ample!  If  this  be  treason,  make  the  most  of  it." 

[It  is  of  importance  to  understand  the  relation  of  Pat 
rick  Henry  at  this  time  to  the  situation  in  Virginia.  Many 
of  the  gentlemen  of  the  Colony  had  become  involved  in 
a  state  of  indebtedness  which  later  ended  in  a  general 
crash  of  their  fortunes.  The  Speaker  of  the  Assembly, 
Mr.  John  Robinson,  who  had  long  been  at  the  head  of  the 
citizenship  of  Virginia,  was  also  the  Colony  Treasurer. 
A  man  of  the  highest  character,  of  great  estate,  wide 
acquaintance,  and  liberal  disposition,  he  had  been  drawn 
in  to  lend  on  his  own  account  great  sums  of  money  to 
planters,  especially  those  who  were  members  of  the  As 
sembly.  He  used  freely  for  this  purpose  the  public  money, 
confiding  for  its  replacement  in  his  own  means  together 
with  the  securities  he  had  taken  on  these  loans.  The 
time  had  come  however  when  it  became  manifest  to  him 
and  to  his  friends  whom  he  had  accommodated,  that  his 
deficit  had  become  far  too  large  to  be  dealt  with  in  the 
ordinary  way,  and  that  a  painful  disclosure  of  the  use  that 
had  been  made  of  public  money  was  inevitable.  To  meet 
the  situation  in  a  way  to  escape  this,  Mr.  Robinson  with 
his  involved  friends  proposed  to  carry  through  the  As 
sembly  a  plan  for  a  public  loan  office  from  which  moneys 
could  be  lent  on  public  account  and  on  good  landed  se 
curity  to  individuals.  An  account  of  the  proposed  plan 
was  published  on  the  I7th  of  May,  1765,  and  between  that 
date  and  the  3Oth,  the  date  of  Mr.  Henry's  resolutions 
on  the  stamp  act,  the  motion  for  a  loan  office  was 


506  WASHINGTON. 

brought  forward  in  the  House  of  Burgesses.  It  was 
urged  in  support  of  the  plan  that  in  consequence  of  un 
fortunate  circumstances  in  the  Colony,  men  of  substantial 
property  had  contracted  debts,  which  must  ruin  them  and 
their  families  unless  time  could  be  given  them  to  suffi 
ciently  recover  their  fortunes  and  meet  their  obligations. 
Mr.  Henry  was  not  of  the  aristocratic  clique,  he  was  in 
fact  from  the  common  people  by  an  election  which  had 
just  introduced  him  into  the  Assembly,  and  his  appear 
ance  is  said  by  Wirt  to  have  been  that  of  "  an  obscure  and 
unpolished  rustic."  Nevertheless  new  as  he  was  to  the 
position,  with  the  impulsive  courage  and  energy  charac 
teristic  of  his  genius,  and  in  fact  ignorant  of  the  situation 
of  Robinson  and  his  friends,  Henry  vigorously  attacked 
the  loan  office  scheme  on  sufficiently  just  general 
grounds,  and  for  a  climax  of  the  eloquence  which  speedily 
made  him  famous,  electrified  his  hearers  by  exclaiming: 
"  What,  sir !  Is  it  proposed  then  to  reclaim  the  spend 
thrift  from  his  dissipation  and  extravagance  by  filling 
his  pockets  with  money?"  The  pith  and  point  of 
Henry's  attack  on  the  loan  office  proposition,  his  ex 
position  of  the  spirit  of  favoritism  on  which  the  proposi 
tion  was  founded,  and  the  abuses  to  which  it  would  lead, 
so  far  won  the  suffrages  of  the  Assembly  as  to  leave  the 
needy  aristocracy  of  the  Colony  in  a  hopeless  minority. 
Wirt  strongly  pictures  the  mortification  and  anger  of  the 
colonial  gentlemen,  the  envy  and  terror  with  which  they 
looked  upon  him,  scornful  of  his  rustic  coarseness  and  yet 
forced  to  praise  his  genius,  and  in  contrast  with  this  aris 
tocratic  disfavor  the  extraordinary  popular  favor  into 
which  he  had  sprung  upon  his  first  appearance  in  the 
Assembly.  It  was  in  this  wholly  accidental  state  of  things 
that  Mr.  Henry  when  the  session  was  within  three  days 
of  its  expected  close  and  there  seemed  no  prospect  of  any 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  507 

step  being  taken  on  the  aristocratic  and  conservative  side 
of  the  House,  brought  forward  his  resolutions  on  the 
stamp  act.  On  the  back  of  Henry's  own  paper  con 
taining  the  resolutions,  he  himself  wrote  as  follows : 
"  The  within  resolutions  passed  the  House  of  Burgesses 
in  May,  1765.  They  formed  the  first  opposition  to  the 
stamp  act,  and  the  scheme  of  taxing  America  by  the 
British  Parliament.  All  the  Colonies,  either  through  fear 
or  want  of  opportunity  to  form  an  opposition,  or  from 
influence  of  some  kind  or  other,  had  remained  silent.  I 
had  been  for  the  first  time  elected  a  burgess  a  few  days 
before,  was  young,  inexperienced,  unacquainted  with  the 
forms  of  the  House  and  the  members  that  composed  it. 
Finding  the  men  of  weight  averse  to  opposition,  and  the 
commencement  of  the  tax  at  hand,  and  that  no  person 
was  likely  to  step  forth  I  determined  to  venture,  and 
alone,  unadvised,  and  unassisted,  on  a  blank  leaf  of  an 
old  law-book  wrote  the  within.  Upon  offering  them  to  the 
House  violent  debates  ensued.  Many  threats  were  ut 
tered  and  much  abuse  cast  on  me  by  the  party  for  sub 
mission.  After  a  long  and  warm  contest  the  resolutions 
passed  by  a  very  small  majority,  perhaps  of  one  or  two 
only.  The  alarm  spread  throughout  America  with  aston 
ishing  quickness  and  the  ministerial  party  were  over 
whelmed.  The  great  point  of  resistance  to  British  taxa 
tion  was  universally  established  in  the  Colonies.  This 
brought  on  the  war  which  finally  separated  the  two 
countries  and  gave  independence  to  ours." 

Two  members  only  were  shown  the  resolutions  before 
they  were  offered  to  the  Assembly:  John  Fleming,  a 
member  for  Cumberland  county,  and  George  Johnston, 
for  Fairfax.  Of  the  five  resolutions  as  given  in  Henry's 
own  copy,  the  first  four  did  little  more  than  to  reaffirm 
the  principles  advanced  in  the  address,  memorial,  and 


508  WASHINGTON. 

remonstrance  of  the  preceding  year,  asserting  the  exclu 
sive  right  of  the  Colony  to  tax  itself,  but  the  stamp  act 
having  been  meanwhile  passed,  they  necessarily  became 
not  a  plea  against  contemplated  wrong  but  bold  con 
demnation  of  it  already  accomplished,  while  the  fifth  and 
last  resolution,  declaring  that  the  action  taken  by  the 
British  Parliament  had  "  a  manifest  tendency  to  destroy 
British  as  well  as  American  freedom,"  amounted  to  a 
direct  charge  of  tyranny  and  despotism  against  the  gov 
ernment  of  King  George.  Action  so  broad  and  bold  went 
beyond  what  many  ardent  advocates  of  colonial  right,  in 
view  of  the  feeble  and  defenseless  condition  of  the  Colonies, 
hardly  dared  to  take,  and  not  only  the  aristocracy  in  the 
Assembly  but  many  who  later  became  leading  spirits  of 
the  Revolution  resisted  the  adoption  of  the  resolutions. 
Mr.  Jefferson  writing  of  the  matter  from  memory  said : 
"  Mr.  Henry  moved  and  Mr.  Johnston  seconded  these 
resolutions  successively.  They  were  opposed  by  Messrs. 
Randolph,  Bland,  Pendleton,  Wythe,  and  all  the  old  mem* 
bers  whose  influence  in  the  House  had  till  then  been  un 
broken.  They  did  it  not  from  any  question  of  our  rights, 
but  on  the  ground  that  the  same  sentiments  had  been  at 
their  preceding  session  expressed  in  a  more  conciliatory 
form  to  which  the  answers  were  not  yet  received.  But 
torrents  of  sublime  eloquence  from  Henry,  backed  by  the 
solid  reasoning  of  Johnston,  prevailed.  The  last,  however, 
and  strongest  resolution  was  carried  but  by  a  single  vote, 
and  I  well  remember  that  after  the  numbers  on  the  divi 
sion  were  told  and  declared  from  the  chair,  Peyton  Ran 
dolph,  the  Attorney-General,  came  out  at  the  door  where 
I  was  standing  and  said  as  he  entered  the  lobby :  *  By 
G — d,  I  would  have  given  500  guineas  for  a  single  vote;' 
for  one  vote  would  have  divided  the  House,  and  Robinson 
was  in  the  chair,  who,  he  knew,  would  have  negatived  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  509 

resolution."  Jefferson  was  at  this  time  only  an  onlooker, 
a  young  man  22  years  of  age,  with  no  such  early  maturity 
as  Washington's.] 

The  importance  of  this  debate  and  of  the  vote  by  which 
the  resolutions  were  passed  was  shown  by  their  effects. 
They  were  forthwith  "  adopted  everywhere  with  progress 
ive  variations."  The  spirit  of  resistance  became  stronger 
and  stronger,  and  by  the  ist  of  November,  when  the  stamp 
act  was,  according  to  its  provisions,  to  have  taken  effect", 
its  execution  had  become  utterly  impracticable. 

[Two  other  resolutions  went  out  with  Patrick  Henry's 
as  the  utterance  of  Virginia.  They  were  offered,  but  not 
by  Henry,  nor  were  they  acted  on.  Henry's  fifth  resolu 
tion  was  rescinded  the  next  day  after  he  had  gone  home. 
The  vote  had  been  20  to  19,  and  Speaker  Robinson  against 
them.  In  Henry's  absence,  the  next  day,  a  motion  to  re 
scind  was  made  but  succeeded  with  only  the  fifth.  All 
the  same  the  five  resolutions  went  everywhere  together, 
and  with  them  the  two  which  had  been  offered,  but  on 
which  no  action  had  been  taken.  They  were  as  follows : 

"  Resolved,  That  his  majesty's  liege  people,  the  inhabi 
tants  of  this  colony,  are  not  bound  to  yield  obedience  to 
any  law  or  ordinance  whatever,  designed  to  impose  any 
taxation  whatsoever  upon  them,  other  than  the  laws  or 
ordinances  of  the  general  assembly  aforesaid. 

"  Resolved,  That  any  person  who  shall,  by  speaking  or 
writing,  assert  or  maintain  that  any  person  or  persons, 
other  than  the  general  assembly  of  this  colony,  have  any 
right  or  power  to  impose  or  lay  any  taxation  on  the 
people  here,  shall  be  deemed  an  enemy  to  his  majesty's 
colony."] 

Immediately  after  the  passage  of  Mr.  Henry's  resolu 
tions  the  Lieutenant-Governor  (Fauquier)  dissolved  the 
Assembly  and  issued  writs  for  a  new  election.  But  this 


510  WASHINGTON. 

was  only  a  fruitless  opposition  to  the  popular  will  which 
was  bearing  down  all  before  it.  In  point  of  fact,  "  the 
minds  of  the  Americans  underwent  a  total  transformation. 
Instead  of  their  late  peaceable  and  steady  attachment  to 
the  British  nation,  they  were  daily  advancing  to  the  oppo 
site  extreme." 

[At  the  election  for  Fairfax  county,  in  which  Mount 
Vernon  lies,  Washington  was  elected  for  that  county,  July 
16,  1765,  by  201  votes,  to  148  for  the  other  Burgess  elected. 
Washington  wrote  to  a  friend,  August  2,  1765:  "  I  changed 
the  scene  from  Frederick  to  this  county  and  had  an  easy 
and  creditable  pool."  When  Washington  was  first  elected 
to  the  House  of  Burgesses  he  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Virginia  troops  on  the  frontier,  with  headquarters  at  Win 
chester  in  Frederick  county,  and  it  was  the  Winchester 
people  who  first  took  in  hand  to  have  him  elected  a  Bur 
gess,  and  of  course  for  their  own  county.] 

The  historian,  Dr.  Ramsay,  who  was  a  student  at 
Princeton  College  when  the  stamp  act  was  passed,  thus 
records  the  manner  of  its  reception  by  the  colonists: 

A  new  mode  of  displaying  resentment  against  the 
friends  of  the  stamp  act  began  in  Massachusetts  and  was 
followed  by  the  other  Colonies.  A  few  gentlemen  hung 
out  early  in  the  morning  (August  14,  1765),  on  the  limb  of 
a  large  tree  toward  the  entrance  of  Boston,  two  effigies, 
one  designed  for  the  stamp  master,  the  other  for  a  jack 
boot  with  a  head  and  horns  peeping  out  at  the  top.  Great 
numbers,  both  from  town  and  country,  came  to  see  them. 
A  spirit  of  enthusiasm  was  diffused  among  the  spectators. 
In  the  evening  the  whole  was  cut  down  and  carried  in  pro 
cession  by  the  populace,  shouting  "  liberty  and  property 
forever,  no  stamps."  They  next  pulled  down  a  new  build 
ing,  lately  erected  by  Mr.  Oliver,  the  stamp  master.  They 
then  went  to  his  house,  before  which  they  beheaded  his 
effigy  and  at  the  same  time  broke  his  windows. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  511 

Eleven  days  after,  similar  violences  were  repeated.  The 
mob  attacked  the  house  of  Mr.  William  Story,  deputy 
register  of  the  court  of  admiralty,  shattered  his  win 
dows,  broke  into  his  dwelling-house,  and  destroyed  the 
books  and  files  belonging  to  the  said  court,  and  ruined  a 
great  part  of  his  furniture.  They  next  proceeded  to  the 
house  of  Benjamin  Hallowel,  comptroller  of  the  customs, 
and  repeated  similar  excesses  and  drank  and  destroyed  his 
liquors.  They  afterward  proceeded  to  the  house  of  Mr. 
Hutchinson  and  soon  demolished  it.  They  carried  off  his 
plate,  furniture,  and  apparel,  and  scattered  or  destroyed 
manuscripts  and  other  curious  and  useful  papers,  which 
for  thirty  years  he  had  been  collecting.  About  half  a 
dozen  of  the  meanest  of  the  mob  were  soon  after  taken  up 
and  committed,  but  they  either  broke  jail  or  otherwise 
escaped  all  punishment.  The  town  of  Boston  condemned 
these  proceedings,  and  for  some  time  private  gentlemen 
kept  watch  at  night  to  prevent  further  violence. 

Similar  disturbances  broke  out  in  the  adjacent  Colonies 
nearly  about  the  same  time.  On  the  27th  of  August 
(1765),  the  people  of  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island,  exhibited 
three  effigies  intended  for  Messrs.  Howard,  Moffatt,  and 
Johnson,  in  a  cart  with  halters  about  their  necks,  and 
after  hanging  them  on  a  gallows  for  some  time,  cut  them 
down  and  burnt  them  amid  the  acclamations  of  thousands. 
On  the  day  following,  the  people  collected  at  the  house  of 
Mr.  Martin  Howard,  a  lawyer  who  had  written  in  defense 
of  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  the  Americans,  and  de 
molished  everything  that  belonged  to  it.  They  proceeded 
to  Dr.  Moffatt's,  who  in  conversation  had  supported  the 
same  right,  and  made  a  similar  devastation  of  his  property. 

In  Connecticut  they  exhibited  effigies  in  various  places, 
and  afterward  committed  them  to  the  flames. 


512  WASHINGTON. 

In  New  York  the  stamp  master  having  resigned,  the 
stamp  papers  were  taken  into  Fort  George  by  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Golden  (November  I,  1765).  The  people,  dis 
liking  his  political  sentiments,  broke  open  his  stable,  took 
out  his  coach,  and  carried  it  in  triumph  through  the  prin 
cipal  streets  to  the  gallows.  On  one  end  of  this  they  sus 
pended  the  effigy  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  having  in 
the  right  hand  a  stamped  bill  of  lading  and  in  the  other 
a  figure  of  the  devil.  After  some  time  they  carried  the 
apparatus  to  the  gate  of  the  fort  and  from  thence  to  the 
bowling  green,  under  the  muzzles  of  the  guns,  and  burned 
the  whole  amid  the  acclamations  of  many  thousands. 
They  went  thence  to  Major  James's  house,  stripped  it  of 
every  article,  and  consumed  the  whole  because  he  was  a 
friend  to  the  stamp  act. 

The  next  evening  the  mob  reassembled  and  insisted 
upon  the  Lieutenant-Governor  delivering  the  stamped 
papers  into  their  hands,  and  threatened,  in  case  of  a  re 
fusal,  to  take  them  by  force.  After  some  negotiation  it  was 
agreed  that  they  should  be  delivered  to  the  Corporation, 
and  they  were  deposited  in  the  City  Hall.  Ten  boxes  of 
the  same,  which  came  by  another  conveyance,  were  burned. 

The  stamp  act  was  not  less  odious  to  many  of  the  in 
habitants  of  the  British  West  India  Islands  than  to  those 
on  the  continent  of  North  America.  The  people  of  St. 
Kitts  obliged  the  stamp  officer  and  his  deputy  to  resign. 
Barbadoes,  Canada,  and  Halifax  submitted  to  the  act. 

When  the  ship  which  brought  the  stamp  papers  to 
Philadelphia  first  appeared  round  Gloucester  point,  all  the 
vessels  in  the  harbor  hoisted  their  colors  half-mast  high. 
The  bells  were  rung  muffled  till  evening,  and  every  coun 
tenance  added  to  the  appearance  of  sincere  mourning. 
A  large  number  of  people  assembled  and  endeavored  to 
procure  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Hughes,  the  stamp  dis- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  513 

tributor.  He  held  out  long,  but  at  length  found  it  neces 
sary  to  comply. 

As  opportunities  offered,  the  Assemblies  generally 
passed  resolutions  asserting  their  exclusive  right  to  lay 
taxes  on  their  constituents.  The  people  in  their  town 
meetings  instructed  their  representatives  to  oppose  the 
stamp  act. 

The  expediency  of  calling  a  continental  congress,  to  be 
composed  of  deputies  from  each  of  the  provinces,  had 
early  occurred  to  the  people  of  Massachusetts.  The  As 
sembly  of  that  province  (June  6,  1765)  passed  a  resolu 
tion  in  favor  of  that  measure,  and  fixed  on  New  York 
as  the  place  and  the  second  Tuesday  of  October  as  th* 
time  for  holding  the  same.  Soon  after  they  sent  circuU* 
letters  to  the  speakers  of  the  several  Assemblies  request 
ing  their  concurrence.  This  first  advance  toward  con 
tinental  union  was  seconded  in  South  Carolina  before  it 
had  been  agreed  to  by  any  Colony  to  the  southward  of 
New  England.  The  example  of  this  province  had  con 
siderable  influence  in  recommending  the  measure  to 
others  who  were  divided  in  their  opinions  on  the  propriety 
of  it. 

The  Assemblies  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and 
Georgia  wrere  prevented  by  their  Governors  from  sending 
a  deputation  to  this  congress.  Twenty-eight  deputies 
from  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland, 
and  South  Carolina  met  at  New  York,  and  after  mature 
deliberation  agreed  on  a  declaration  of  their  rights  and  on 
a  statement  of  their  grievances  (October  7,  1765).  They 
asserted  in  strong  terms  their  exemption  from  all  taxes 
not  imposed  by  their  own  representatives.  They  also  con 
curred  in  a  petition  to  the  King,  and  memorial  to  the 
House  of  Lords,  and  a  petition  to  the  House  of  Commons. 
33 


514  WASHINGTON. 

The  Colonies  that  were  prevented  from  sending  represen 
tatives  to  this  congress  forwarded  petitions  similar  to 
those  which  were  adopted  by  the  deputies  which  attended. 

While  a  variety  of  legal  and  illegal  methods  were 
adopted  to  oppose  the  stamp  act,  the  1st  of  November 
(1765),  on  which  it  was  to  commence  its  operation,  ap 
proached.  The  day  in  Boston  was  ushered  in  by  a  funeral 
tolling  of  bells.  Many  shops  and  stores  were  shut.  The 
effigies  of  the  planners  and  friends  of  the  stamp  act  were 
carried  about  the  streets  in  public  derision  and  then  torn 
in  pieces  by  the  enraged^  populace.  It  was  remarkable 
that  though  a  large  crowd  was  assembled  there  was  not 
the  least  violence  or  disorder. 

At  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  the  morning  (No 
vember  I,  1765)  was  ushered  in  with  tolling  all  the  bells 
in  town.  In  the  course  of  the  day  notice  was  given  to 
the  friends  of  Liberty  to  attend  her  funeral.  A  coffin 
neatly  ornamented,  inscribed  with  the  word  Liberty  in  large 
letters  was  carried  to  the  grave.  The  funeral  procession 
began  from  the  State  House  attended  with  two  unbraced 
drums.  While  the  inhabitants  who  followed  the  coffin 
were  in  motion,  minute  guns  were  fired  and  continued 
till  the  corpse  arrived  at  the  place  of  interment.  Then 
an  oration  in  favor  of  the  deceased  was  pronounced.  It 
was  scarcely  ended  before  the  corpse  was  taken  up,  it 
having  been  perceived  that  some  remains  of  life  were  left, 
at  which  the  inscription  was  immediately  altered  to 
"  Liberty  revived."  The  bells  immediately  exchanged 
their  melancholy  for  a  more  joyful  sound,  and  satisfaction 
appeared  in  every  countenance.  The  whole  was  conducted 
with  decency  and  without  injury  or  insult  to  any  man's 
person  or  property. 

In  Maryland  the  effigy  of  the  stamp  master,  on  one 
side  of  which  was  written  "  Tyranny,"  on  the  other  "  Op- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  515 

pression,"  was  carried  through  the  streets  from  the  place 
of  confinement  to  the  whipping-post  and  from  thence  to 
the  pillory.  After  suffering  many  indignities,  it  was  first 
hanged  and  then  burnt. 

The  general  aversion  to  the  stamp  act  was  by  similar 
methods  in  a  variety  of  places  demonstrated.  It  is  re 
markable  that  the  proceedings  of  the  populace  on  these 
occasions  were  carried  on  with  decorum  and  regularity. 
They  were  not  ebullitions  of  a  thoughtless  mob,  but  for 
the  most  part  planned  by  leading  men  of  character  and 
influence,  who  were  friends  to  peace  and  order.  These, 
knowing  well  that  the  bulk  of  mankind  are  more  led  by 
their  feelings  than  by  their  reason,  conducted  the  public 
exhibitions  on  that  principle  with  a  view  of  making  the 
Stamp  Act  and  its  friends  both  ridiculous  and  odious. 

Though  the  Stamp  Act  was  to  have  operated  from  the 
ist  of  November  (1765),  yet  legal  proceedings  in  the 
courts  were  carried  on  as  before.  Vessels  entered  and 
departed  without  stamped  papers.  The  printers  boldly 
printed  and  circulated  their  newspapers,  and  found  a 
sufficient  number  of  readers  though  they  used  common 
paper  in  defiance  of  the  act  of  Parliament.  In  most  de 
partments,  by  common  consent,  business  was  carried  on 
as  though  no  Stamp  Act  had  existed.  This  was  accom 
panied  by  spirited  resolutions  to  risk  all  consequences, 
rather  than  submit  to  use  the  paper  required  by  law. 
While  these  matters  were  in  agitation  the  colonists  en 
tered  into  associations  against  importing  British  manufac 
tures  till  the  Stamp  Act  should  be  repealed.  In  this  man 
ner  British  liberty  was  made  to  operate  against  British 
tyranny.  Agreeably  to  the  free  Constitution  of  Great 
Britain,  the  subject  was  at  liberty  to  buy  or  not  to  buy 
as  he  pleased. 

By  suspending  their  future  purchases  on  the  repeal  of 


516  WASHINGTON. 

the  Stamp  Act,  the  colonists  made  it  the  interest  of  mer 
chants  and  manufacturers  to  solicit  for  that  repeal.  They 
had  usually  taken  off  so  great  a  proportion  of  British 
manufactures,  that  the  sudden  stoppage  of  all  their  orders, 
amounting  annually  to  several  millions  sterling,  threw 
some  thousands  in  the  mother  country  out  of  employ 
ment,  and  induced  them,  from  a  regard  to  their  town  in 
terest,  to  advocate  the  measures  wished  for  by  America. 
The  petitions  from  the  Colonies  were  seconded  by  peti 
tions  from  the  merchants  and  manufacturers  of  Great 
Britain.  What  the  former  prayed  for  a^  a  matter  of  right 
and  connected  with  their  liberties,  the  latter  also  solicited 
from  motives  of  immediate  advantage. 

In  order  to  remedy  the  deficiency  of  British  goods, 
the  colonists  betook  themselves  to  a  variety  of  necessary 
domestic  manufactures.  In  a  little  time  large  quantities 
of  coarse  and  common  cloths  were  brought  to  market, 
and  these,  though  dearer  and  of  a  worse  quality,  were 
cheerfully  preferred  to  similar  articles  imported  from 
Britain.  That  wool  might  not  be  wanting,  they  entered 
into  resolutions  to  abstain  from  eating  lamb.  Foreign 
elegancies  were  generally  laid  aside. 

The  women  were  as  exemplary  as  the  men  in  various 
instances  of  self-denial.  With  great  readiness  they  re 
fused  every  article  of  decoration  for  their  persons,  and  of 
luxury  for  their  tables.  These  restrictions  which  the 
colonists  had  voluntarily  imposed  on  themselves  were 
so  well  observed  that  multitudes  of  artificers  in  England 
were  reduced  to  great  distress,  and  some  of  their  most 
flourishing  manufactories  were  in  a  great  measure  at  a 
stand.  An  association  was  entered  into  by  many  of  the 
Sons  of  Liberty,  the  name  given  to  those  who  were  op 
posed  to  the  Stamp  Act,  by  which  they  agreed  "  to  march 
with  the  utmost  expedition,  at  their  own  proper  cost  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  517 

expense,  with  their  whole  force,  to  the  relief  of  those  that 
should  be  in  danger  from  the  Stamp  Act  or  its  promoters 
and  abettors,  or  anything  relative  to  it,  on  account  of  any 
thing  that  may  have  been  done  in  opposition  to  its 
obtaining."  This  was  subscribed  by  so  many  in  New 
York  and  New  England  that  nothing  but  a  repeal  could 
have  prevented  the  immediate  commencement  of  a  civil 
war. 

From  the  decided  opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act  which 
had  been  adopted  by  the  Colonies,  it  became  necessary  for 
Great  Britain  to  enforce  or  to  repeal  it.  Both  methods 
of  proceeding  had  supporters.  The  opposers  of  a  repeal 
urged  arguments  drawn  from  the  dignity  of  the  nation, 
the  danger  of  giving  way  to  the  clamors  of  the  Americans, 
and  the  consequences  of  weakening  parliamentary  author 
ity  over  the  Colonies. 

On  the  other  hand  it  was  evident  from  the  determined 
opposition  of  the  Colonies,  that  it  could  not  be  enforced 
without  a  civil  war  by  which  in  every  event  the  nation 
must  be  a  loser.  In  the  course  of  these  discussions,  Dr. 
Franklin  was  examined  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  and  gave  extensive  information  on  the  state  of 
American  affairs  and  the  impolicy  of  the  Stamp  Act,  which 
contributed  much  to  remove  prejudices  and  to  produce  a 
disposition  that  was  friendly  to  a  repeal. 

Some  speakers  of  great  weight  in  both  Houses  of  Parlia 
ment  denied  their  right  of  taxing  the  Colonies.  The  most 
distinguished  supporters  of  this  opinion  were  Lord  Cam- 
den,  in  the  House  of  Peers,  and  Mr.  Pitt,  in  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  former  in  strong  language  said:  "My 
position  is  this,  I  repeat  it,  I  will  maintain  it  to  my  last 
hour :  Taxation  and  representation  are  inseparable.  This 
position  is  founded  on  the  laws  of  nature.  It  is  more,  it 
is  itself  an  eternal  law  of  nature.  For  whatever  is 


518  WASHINGTON. 

a  man's  own  is  absolutely  his  own.  No  man  has  a  right 
to  take  it  from  him  without  his  consent.  Whoever  at 
tempts  to  do  it  attempts  an  injury,  whoever  does  it  com 
mits  a  robbery." 

Mr.  Pitt,  with  an  original  boldness  of  expression,  justi 
fied  the  colonists  in  opposing  the  Stamp  Act.  "  You  have 
no  right,"  said  he,  "  to  tax  America.  I  rejoice  that 
America  has  resisted.  Three  millions  of  our  fellow  sub 
jects,  so  lost  to  every  sense  of  virtue  as  tamely  to  give  up 
their  liberties,  would  be  fit  .instruments  to  make  slaves 
of  the  rest."  He  concluded  with  giving  his  advice  that 
the  Stamp  Act  be  repealed  absolutely,  totally,  and  imme 
diately —  that  the  reason  for  the  repeal  be  assigned,  that 
it  was  founded  on  an  erroneous  principle.  "At  the  same 
time,"  said  he,  "  let  the  sovereign  authority  of  this  country 
over  the  Colonies  be  asserted  in  as  strong  terms  as  can 
be  devised,  and  be  made  to  extend  to  every  point  of  legis 
lation  whatsoever,  that  we  may  bind  their  trade,  confine 
their  manufactures,  and  exercise  every  power  except  that 
of  taking  their  money  out  of  their  pockets  without  their 
consent." 

The  approbation  of  this  illustrious  statesman,  whose 
distinguished  abilities  had  raised  Great  Britain  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  renown,  inspired  the  Americans  with  ad 
ditional  confidence  in  the  rectitude  of  their  claims  of  ex 
emption  from  parliamentary  taxation,  and  emboldened 
them  to  further  opposition,  when,  at  a  future  day,  as  shall 
be  hereafter  related,  the  project  of  an  American  revenue 
was  resumed. 

After  much  debating  and  two  protests  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  passing  an  act  "  for  securing  the  dependence 
of  America  on  Great  Britain,"  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act  was  finally  carried  (March  18,  1766). 

This  event  gave  great  joy  in  London.    Ships  in  the  river 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  519 

Thames  displayed  their  colors,  and  houses  were  illumi 
nated  in  every  part  of  the  city.  It  was  no  sooner  known 
in  America  than  the  colonists  rescinded  their  resolutions 
and  recommenced  their  mercantile  intercourse  with  the 
mother  country.  They  presented  their  homespun  clothes 
to  the  poor  and  imported  more  largely  than  ever.  The 
churches  resounded  with  thanksgivings,  and  their  public 
and  private  rejoicings  knew  no  bounds.  By  letters,  ad 
dresses,  and  other  means,  almost  all  the  Colonies  showed 
unequivocal  marks  of  acknowledgment  and  gratitude. 

So  sudden  a  calm  recovered  after  so  violent  a  storm  is 
without  a  parallel  in  history.  By  the  judicious  sacrifice 
of  one  law,  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  procured  an 
acquiescence  in  all  that  remained. 

There  were  enlightened  patriots  fully  impressed  with  an 
idea  that  the  immoderate  joy  of  the  colonists  was  dis- 
proportioned  to  the  advantage  they  had  gained. 

The  Stamp  Act,  though  repealed,  was  not  repealed  on 
American  principles.  The  preamble  assigned  as  the  reason 
thereof,  "  That  the  collecting  the  several  duties  and 
revenues,  as  by  the  said  act  was  directed,  would  be  at 
tended  with  many  inconveniences  and  productive  of  con 
sequences  dangerous  to  the  commercial  interests  of  these 
kingdoms." 

Though  this  reason  was  a  good  one  in  England  it  was 
by  no  means  satisfactory  in  America.  At  the  same  time 
that  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  the  absolute,  unlimited 
supremacy  of  Parliament  was,  in  words,  asserted.  The 
opposers  of  the  repeal  contended  for  this  as  essential ;  the 
friends  of  that  measure  acquiesced  in  it  to  strengthen 
their  party  and  make  sure  of  their  object.  Many  of  both 
sides  thought  that  the  dignity  of  Great  Britain  required 
something  of  the  kind  to  counterbalance  the  loss  of  au 
thority  that  might  result  from  her  yielding  to  the  demands 


520  WASHINGTON. 

of  the  colonists.  The  act  for  this  purpose  was  called  the 
Declaratory  Act,  and  was  in  principle  more  hostile  to 
American  rights  than  the  Stamp  Act,  for  it  annulled  those 
resolutions  and  acts  of  the  provincial  assemblies  in  which 
they  had  asserted  their  right  to  exemption  from  all  taxes 
not  imposed  by  their  own  representatives,  and  also  en 
acted:  "That  the  Parliament  had,  and  of  right  ought  to 
have,  power  to  bind  the  Colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 
The  bulk  of  the  Americans,  intoxicated  with  the  advan 
tage  they  had  gained,  overlooked  this  statute  which  in 
one  comprehensive  sentence  not  only  deprived  them  of 
liberty  and  property,  but  of  every  right  incident  to  hu 
manity.  They  considered  it  as  a  salvo  for  the  honor  of 
Parliament,  in  repealing  an  act  which  had  so  lately  received 
their  sanction,  and  flattered  themselves  it  would  remain  a 
dead  letter,  and  that  although  the  right  of  taxation  was 
in  words  retained,  it  would  never  be  exercised.  Unwilling 
to  contend  about  paper  claims  of  ideal  supremacy,  they 
returned  to  their  habits  of  good  humor  with  the  parent 
State. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  REVOLUTIONARY  STORM  INCREASING. 

1766-1768. 

DURING  the  period  which  has  just  been  passed  in 
review,  Washington  was  quietly  residing  with  his 
family  at  Mount  Vernon,  his  pursuits  as  a  planter 
being  varied  by  occasional  visits  to  his  friends  in  the  neigh 
borhood,  and  to  Annapolis,  the  capital  of  Maryland,  as 
well  as  to  Williamsburg,  where  his  attendance  on  the  ses 
sions  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  was  constant  and  as 
siduous.  In  his  visits  to  Annapolis  during  the  season  of 
gayety  he  was  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Washington,  and  both 
enjoyed  in  a  high  degree  the  cultivated  and  refined  society 
of  that  capital. 

Still  Washington  was  by  no  means  an  unobservant  or 
uninterested  spectator  of  what  was  passing  in  the  political 
world  at  this  time.  That  his  views  were  coincident  with/ 
those  of  the  leading  patriots  of  the  time  is  apparent  in  his 
correspondence.  Writing  to  Francis  Dandridge,  London, 
in  September,  1765,  when  the  Stamp  Act  was  the  principal 
topic  in  all  political  circles,  he  says  :*  "  The  Stamp  Act  im 
posed  on  the  Colonies  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
engrosses  the  conversation  of  the  speculative  part  of  the 
colonists,  who  look  upon  this  unconstitutional  method  of 
taxation  as  a  direful  attack  upon  their  liberties  and  loudly 
exclaim  against  the  violation.  What  may  be  the  result  of 

*  Sparks,  "  Writings  of  Washington,"  vol.  II,  p.  343. 

(521) 


522  WASHINGTON. 

this  and  of  some  other  (I  think  I  may  add  ill-judged)  meas 
ures  I  will  not  undertake  to  determine,  but  this  I  may 
venture  to  affirm,  that  the  advantage  accruing  to  the 
mother  country  will  fall  greatly  short  of  the  expectations 
of  the  ministry:  for  certain  it  is  that  our  whole  substance 
in  a  manner  flows  to  Great  Britain,  and  that  whatsoever 
contributes  to  lessen  our  importations  must  be  hurtful  to 
her  manufacturers.  The  eyes  of  the  people  already  begin 
to  be  opened,  and  they  will  perceive  that  many  luxuries 
for  which  we  lavish  our  substance  in  Great  Britain  can 
well  be  dispensed  with,  whilst  the  necessaries  of  life  are 
mostly  to  be  had  within  ourselves.  This  consequently 
will  introduce  frugality,  and  be  a  necessary  incitement  to 
industry.  If  Great  Britain  therefore  loads  her  manufac 
turers  with  heavy  taxes,  will  it  not  facilitate  such  results  ? 
They  will  not  compel  us  I  think  to  give  our  money  for 
their  exports  whether  we  will  or  not,  and  I  am  certain  that 
none  of  the  traders  will  part  with  them  without  a  valuable 
consideration.  Where  then  is  the  utility  of  these  restric 
tions? 

"  As  to  the  Stamp  Act  regarded  in  a  single  view,  one  and 
the  first  bad  consequence  attending  it  is,  that  our  courts 
of  judicature  must  inevitably  be  shut  up,  for  it  is  impossi 
ble  or  next  to  impossible,  under  our  present  circum 
stances,  that  the  act  of  Parliament  can  be  complied  with, 
were  we  ever  so  willing  to  enforce  its  execution.  And  not 
to  say  (which  alone  would  be  sufficient)  that  we  have  not 
money  to  pay  for  the  stamps,  there  are  many  other  cogent 
reasons  which  prove  that  it  would  be  ineffectual.  If  a 
stop  be  put  to  our  judicial  proceedings,  I  fancy  the  mer 
chants  of  Great  Britain  trading  to  the  Colonies  will  not 
be  among  the  last  to  wish  for  a  repeal  of  the  act." 

The  same  opinion  of  the  Stamp  Act  is  expressed  in  a 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  523 

letter  (July  25,  1767)  to  a  London  correspondent  after 
the  repeal :  "  Unseasonable  as  it  may  be  to  take  any  notice 
of  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  at  this  time,  yet  I  cannot 
help  observing  that  a  contrary  measure  would  have  intro 
duced  very  unhappy  consequences.  Those  therefore  who 
wisely  foresaw  such  an  event,  and  were  instrumental  in 
procuring  the  repeal  of  the  act,  are,  in  my  opinion,  de 
servedly  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  the  well-wishers  of 
Britain  and  her  Colonies,  and  must  reflect  with  pleasure 
that  through  their  means  many  scenes  of  confusion  and 
distress  may  have  been  prevented.  Mine  they  accordingly 
have  and  always  shall  have  for  their  opposition  to  any 
act  of  oppression,  and  that  act  could  be  looked  upon  in 
no  other  light,  by  every  person  who  would  view  it  in  its 
proper  colors.  I  could  wish  it  were  in  my  power  to  con 
gratulate  you  on  the  success  of  having  the  commercial 
system  of  these  Colonies  put  upon  a  more  enlarged  and 
extensive  footing  than  it  is,  because  I  am  well  satisfied 
that  it  would  ultimately  redound  to  the  advantage  of  the 
mother  country  so  long  as  the  Colonies  pursue  trade  and 
agriculture,  and  would  be  an  effectual  let  to  manufacturing 
among  them.  The  money  which  they  raise  would  center 
in  Great  Britain  as  certainly  as  the  needle  will  settle  to 
the  pole." 

The  last  passages  of  this  letter  show  that  Washington 
was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  existing  state  of  things. 
He  evinces  a  foreboding  of  trouble  with  respect  to  the 
commerce  of  the  Colonies.  As  usual  his  presentiment  was 
verified.  The  clause  in  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  de 
claring  that  the  King  and  Parliament  had  power  and  au 
thority  to  make  laws  which  should  bind  the  Colonies  and 
people  of  America  in  all  cases  whatever,  was  reduced  to 
practice  in  1767. 

As  early  as  the  month  of  January,  George  Grenville,  the 


524  WASHINGTON. 

foster-father  of  the  Stamp  Act,  had  proposed  "  saddling 
America  with  £400,000  per  annum  for  the  support  of  the 
troops,"  etc.  The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Charles 
Townshend,  in  answering  him,  fully  agreed  as  to  the  prin 
ciple  of  the  Stamp  Act  itself,  only  adding  that  the  heats 
which  had  prevailed  had  made  it  an  improper  time  to  press 
that  tax.  He  treated  the  distinction  between  external  and 
internal  taxation  as  ridiculous  in  the  opinion  of  everybody 
except  the  Americans;  and  he,  in  short,  pledged  himself  to 
the  House  to  find  a  revenue  in  the  Colonies  to  meet  the 
expenses.  Lord  Shelburne, ^like  others,  was  at  a  loss  to 
conceive  what  he  meant.  His  lordship  however  heard 
from  general  conversation  that  Mr.  Townshend  had  a  plan 
for  establishing  a  board  of  customs  in  America,  and  by  a 
new  regulation  of  the  tea  duty  in  England  and  some  other 
alterations,  to  produce  a  revenue  on  imports  in  America. 

"  This,"  added  Lord  Shelburne,  "  in  many  views  appears 
a  matter  that  will  require  the  deepest  consideration,  at  this 
time  especially.  Besides  I  believe  the  speech  I  have  just 
mentioned  is  not  the  way  to  make  anything  go  down  well 
in  North  America." 

In  fact,  at  this  moment,  the  Colonies,  having  had  time 
to  consider  the  Earl  of  Chatham's  declaratory  bill,  were 
still  more  dissatisfied  with  its  extreme  principles  and 
strong  expressions.  Lord  Shelburne  had  letters  from  the 
King's  Governors  inveighing  against  the  insubordinate 
spirit  of  the  people,  and  complaining  of  the  resolutions 
of  the  Houses  of  Assembly  not  to  provide  the  troops  with 
vinegar  and  other  articles,  lest  their  compliance  should  be 
deemed  a  precedent  for  some  new  Tax  Act. 

Chatham,  excited  by  the  communication  of  this  intelli 
gence,  replied  to  Lord  Shelburne  in  a  violent  passion 
against  the  Americans,  and  without  expressing  any  dis 
approbation  of  Townshend's  exasperating  speech  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  525 

avowed  determination  of  a  new  taxation  scheme. 
"  America,"  he  says,  "  affords  a  gloomy  prospect ;  a  spirit 
of  infatuation  has  taken  possession  of  New  York.  *  *  * 
I  foresee  confusion  will  ensue.  *  *  *  What  demon  of 
discord  blows  the  coals  in  that  devoted  province  I  know 
not;  but  they  are  doing  the  work  of  their  worst  enemies 
themselves.  The  torrent  of  indignation  in  Parliament  will, 
I  apprehend,  become  irresistible,  and  they  will  draw  upon 
their  heads  national  resentment  by  their  ingratitude,  and 
ruin,  I  fear,  upon  the  whole  State  by  the  consequences. 
But  I  will  not  run  before  the  event,  as  it  is  possible  your 
lordship  may  receive  an  account  more  favorable." 

Meanwhile  fresh  petitions  and  remonstrances,  and  bit 
ter  complaints  against  a  new  Mutiny  Act  kept  pouring  in 
from  the  Colonies.  Shelburne  found  himself  obliged  to 
speak  of  the  Declaratory  Act  in  a  style  which  could  not 
have  been  very  agreeable  to  the  Earl  of  Chatham : 

*'  That  act,"  says  his  lordship,  "  asserting  the  right  of 
Parliament,  has  certainly  spread  a  most  unfortunate 
jealousy  and  diffidence  of  government  throughout 
America,  and  makes  them  jealous  of  the  least  distinction 
between  this  country  and  that,  lest  the  same  principle 
may  be  extended  to  taxing  them." 

Replying,  from  his  easy-chair  at  Bath,  Chatham  was 
more  irate  than  before  against  the  Americans;  but  he 
seems  to  have  discovered  nothing  wrong  either  in  the 
declaratory  bill  or  in  the  scheme  of  his  colleague  and  nomi 
nee  Townshend.  He  threw  the  whole  blame  upon  George 
Grenville :  "  The  advices  from  America,"  he  says,  "  af 
ford  unpleasing  views.  New  York  has  drunk  the  deepest 
of  the  baneful  cup  of  infatuation ;  but  none  seem  to  be 
quite  sober  and  in  full  possession  of  reason.  It  is  a  literal 
truth  to  say  that  the  Stamp  Act,  of  most  unhappy  memory, 
has  frightened  those  irritable  and  umbrageous  people  out 


526  WASHINGTON. 

of  their  senses.  I  foresee  that  determined  not  to  listen  to 
their  real  friends,  a  little  more  frenzy  and  a  little  more 
time  will  put  them  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies." 

His  friend  Beckford  joined  in  these  sentiments,  and  in 
the  belief,  implied  by  Chatham,  that  the  Americans  in  mak 
ing  any  attempt  at  resistance  would  only  seal  their  ruin, 
Beckford  —  they  all  seem  to  have  regarded  the  matter  in 
a  frenzy  of  passion  —  exclaims,  "  The  devil  has  possessed 
the  minds  of  the  North  Americans.  George  Grenville  and 
his  Stamp  Act  raised  the  fouljiend;  a  prudent  firmness  will 
lay  him,  I  hope,  forever." 

But  there  was  one  public  man  who  took  a  more  correct 
view  of  the  spirit  and  power  of  the  American  people.  He 
calculated  that  there  were  in  the  provinces  at  least  200,000 
men  fit  to  bear  arms,  and  not  only  to  bear  arms,  but  hav 
ing  arms  in  their  possession,  unrestrained  by  any  game 
laws.  :"  In  the  Massachusetts  government  in  particular," 
writes  Gerard  Hamilton*  to  Mr.  Calcraft,  "  there  is  ex 
press  law,  by  which  every  man  is  obliged  to  have  a  musket, 
a  pound  of  powder,  and  a  pound  of  bullets  always  by  him, 
so  there  is  nothing  wanting  but  knapsacks  (or  old  stock 
ings,  which  will  do  as  well),  to  equip  an  army  for  march 
ing,  and  nothing  more  than  a  Sartorius  or  a  Spartacus  at 
their  head  requisite  to  beat  your  troops  and  your  custom 
house  officers  out  of  the  country,  and  set  your  laws  at 
defiance.  There  is  no  saying  what  their  leaders  may  put 
them  upon;  but  if  they  are  active,  clever  people,  and  love 
mischief  as  well  as  I  do  peace  and  quiet,  they  will  furnish 
matter  of  consideration  to  the  wisest  among  you,  and  per 
haps  dictate  their  own  terms  at  last,  as  the  Roman  peo 
ple  formerly  in  their  famous  secession  upon  the  Sacred 
Mount.  For  my  own  part,  I  think  you  have  no  right  to 
tax  them,  and  that  every  measure  built  upon  this  supposed 

*This  is  the  gentleman  known  as  Single   Speech  Hamilton. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

right  stands  upon  a  rotten  foundation,  and  must  conse 
quently  tumble  down,  perhaps  upon  the  heads  of  the 
workmen." 

But  few  Englishmen,  either  in  Parliament  or  out,  felt 
these  convictions;  and  though  Lord  Shelburne  clearly 
foresaw  that  if  the  Americans  should  be  driven  into  in 
surrection  there  was  every  probability  that  France  and 
Spain  would  break  a  peace,  the  days  of  which  they  had 
already  begun  to  count,  Townshend's  bill,  imposing  duties 
on  glass,  paper,  pasteboard,  white  and  red  lead,  painters* 
colors,  and  tea,  payable  upon  the  importation  into  the 
Colonies,  and  to  be  applied  to  the  purposes  specified  in 
the  Stamp  Act,  was  carried  through  both  houses  of  Par 
liament  with  as  much  ease  as  if  it  had  been  a  turnpike  bill. 
And  the  same  facility  attended  another  act  by  which  these 
duties,  and  all  other  customs  and  duties  in  the  American 
Colonies,  were  put  under  the  management  of  the  King's 
resident  commissioners.  Moreover  a  third  bill  was 
passed,  prohibiting  the  Governor,  Council,  and  Assembly 
of  New  York  from  passing  any  legislative  act  for  any 
purposes  whatsoever,  till  satisfaction  should  be  given  as 
to  the  treatment  of  the  commissioners  and  troops,  and 
submission  paid  to  the  Mutiny  Act. 

The  reader  has  seen  how  little  the  Americans  were  satis 
fied  with  the  declaratory  bill  which  accompanied  the  re- 
peai  of  the  Stamp  Act.  "  The  discontents,"  says  a  recent 
writer,  "were  increased  by  the  endeavors  of  government 
to  enforce  what  was  styled  the  Mutiny  Act,  but  what  was 
more  properly  an  act  for  quartering  and  better  providing 
for  the  troops  at  the  expense  of  the  Colonies." 

It  was  an  act  carried  through  in  a  hurry  at  the  fag-end 
of  a  session,  and  yet  blindly  persevered  in. 

Lord  Shelburne  thus  describes  it  in  1767:  "  It  was  first 
suggested  by  the  military,  and  intended  to  give  a  power 


528  WASHINGTON. 

of  billeting  on  private  houses,  as  was  done  in  the  war.  It 
was  altered  by  the  merchants  and  agents,  who  substituted 
empty  houses,  provincial  barracks,  and  barns  in  their 
room,  undertaking  that  the  Assembly  should  supply  them 
with  the  additional  necessaries;  and  it  passed,  I  believe, 
without  that  superintendence  or  attentive  examination  on 
the  part  of  government,  which  is  so  wanting  in  all  cases 
where  necessity  requires  something  different  from  the 
general  principles  of  the  Constitution.  I  am  told  that  it 
was  carried  through  by  Mr.  Ellis  without  the  entire  con 
viction  or  cordial  support  of  Mr.  Grenville,  who  made  it 
a  separate  bill,  lest  it  might  embarrass  the  general  Mutiny 
Act." 

In  depriving  the  Assembly  of  New  York  of  its  legisla 
tive  faculties  for  opposing  this  act,  ministers  threw  fresh 
materials  into  the  black  cauldron;  and  then  came  Charles 
Townshend's  taxes  to  make  it  boil  over;  and  then  again, 
as  fuel  to  keep  up  the  fire  beneath  it,  there  arrived  at  Bos 
ton  the  newly-formed  American  board  of  commissioners 
to  enforce  the  payment  of  the  new  duties,  and  to  put  an 
end  to  all  smuggling. 

Had  the  Americans  admitted  the  propriety  of  raising 
a  parliamentary  revenue  from  the  Colonies,  the  appoint 
ment  of  an  American  board  of  commissioners  among  them 
for  managing  it  would  have  been  a  convenience  rather 
than  an  injury.  But,  regarding  the  tax  itself  as  oppres 
sive  and  illegal,  they  were  offended  at  the  new  mode  of 
collecting  it.  As  it  was  coeval  with  the  new  duties,  they 
considered  it  as  a  certain  evidence  that  the  project  of  an 
extensive  American  revenue,  notwithstanding  the  repeal 
of  the  Stamp  Act,  was  still  in  contemplation.  A  dislike 
to  British  taxation  naturally  produced  a  dislike  to  a  board 
which  was  to  be  instrumental  in  that  business,  and  occa 
sioned  many  insults  to  the  commissioners. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  529 

These  commissioners  could  not  possibly  have  been  sent 
to  a  worse  place  than  Boston.  New  York,  for  many  rea 
sons,  was  preferable;  but  whenever  there  was  a  choice  to 
make  the  Cabinet  committed  a  blunder.  The  colonists 
read  in  the  preamble  to  Charles  Townshend's  act  that  the 
duties  were  laid  for  "  the  better  support  of  government 
and  the  administration  of  the  Colonies;"  and  they  de 
tected  a  clause  in  the  bill  which  seemed  to  enable  the 
King,  by  sign-manual,  to  establish  a  general  civil  list  in 
every  province  in  North  America,  with  salaries,  pensions, 
etc.,  etc.  They  instantly  declared  that  all  this  was  un 
necessary,  unjust,  and  dangerous  to  their  most  important 
rights;  and  they  insisted  that  the  establishment  of  any 
civil  list  in  America,  independent  of  the  Assemblies,  was 
altogether  illegal. 

Charles  Townshend,  who  became  very  conspicuous 
among  the  contemporaries  of  Washington  by  originating 
the  duties  on  tea,  painters'  colors,  etc.,  which  caused  so 
much  trouble,  had  been,  in  June,  1749,  appointed  a  com 
missioner  of  trade  and  plantations;  in  the  following  year, 
a  commissioner  for  executing  the  office  of  lord  high  ad 
miral;  in  1756,  a  member  of  the  privy  council;  in  March, 
1761,  secretary  at  war;  in  February,  1763,  first  lord  of 
trade  and  plantations;  in  June,  1765,  paymaster-general 
and  chancellor  of  the  exchequer;  and  a  lord  of  the  treasury 
in  August,  1766,  from  which  period  he  remained  in  office 
until  his  decease,  which  took  place  on  the  4th  of  Septem 
ber,  1767.  Burke,  in  his  great  speech  on  American  taxa 
tion,  said  of  him:  "  Perhaps  there  never  arose  in  this 
country,  nor  in  any  country,  a  man  of  more  pointed  and 
finished  wit,  and  (where  his  passions  were  not  concerned) 
of  a  more  refined,  exquisite,  and  penetrating  judgment. 
If  he  had  not  so  great  a  stock,  as  some  have  had  who 
flourished  formerly,  of  knowledge  long  treasured  up,  he 
34 


530  WASHINGTON. 

knew  better  by  far  than  any  man  I  ever  was  acquainted 
with,  how  to  bring  together,  within  a  short  time,  all  that 
was  necessary  to  establish,  to  illustrate,  and  to  decorate 
that  side  of  the  question  he  supported.  He  stated  his 
matter  skilfully  and  powerfully;  he  particularly  excelled  in 
a  most  luminous  explanation  and  display  of  his  subject. 
His  style  of  argument  was  neither  trite  and  vulgar,  nor 
subtle  and  abstruse.  He  hit  the  House  just  between  wind 
and  water,  and,  not  being  troubled  with  too  anxious  a 
zeal  for  any  matter  in  question,  he  was  never  more  tedious 
or  more  earnest  than  the  preconceived  opinions  and  pres 
ent  temper  of  his  hearers  required,  with  whom  he  was  al 
ways  in  perfect  unison.  He  conformed  exactly  to  the 
temper  of  the  House,  and  he  seemed  to  guide,  because 
he  was  always  sure  to  follow  it.  He  had  voted  and,  in 
the  year  1765,  had  been  an  advocate  for  the  Stamp  Act. 
He  therefore  attended  at  the  private  meeting  in  which 
resolutions  leading  to  its  repeal  were  settled ;  and  he  would 
have  spoken  for  that  measure  too  if  illness  had  not  pre 
vented  him.  The  very  next  session,  as  the  fashion  of  this 
world  passeth  away,  the  repeal  began  to  be  in  as  bad  odor 
as  the  Stamp  Act  had  been  before.  To  conform  to  the 
temper  which  began  to  prevail,  and  to  prevail  mostly 
among  those  most  in  power,  he  declared  that  revenue  must 
be  had  out  of  America.  Instantly  he  was  tied  down  to 
his  engagements  —  and  the  whole  body  of  courtiers  drove 
him  onward.  Here  this  extraordinary  man,  then  Chan 
cellor  of  the  Exchequer,  found  himself  in  great  straits : 
to  please  universally  was  the  object  of  his  life;  but  to  tax 
and  to  please,  no  more  than  to  love  and  be  wise,  is  not 
given  to  men.  However  he  attempted  it." 

On  the  28th  of  October,  1767,  a  few  gentlemen  met  at 
a  private  club  in  Boston,  the  great  center  of  discontent 
and  pivot  of  resistance,  and  arranged  plans  for  making 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  531 

real  and  effectual  the  nonimportation  agreements  which 
had  been  before  suggested.  They  drew  up  a  bond  or 
subscription  paper,  whereby  the  parties  signing  engaged 
to  encourage  the  use  and  consumption  of  native  manu 
factures  only,  and  to  cease  importing,  buying,  or  selling 
anything  from  Great  Britain  except  a  few  named  indis 
pensable  articles;  and  they  appointed  a  committee  to  ob 
tain  subscriptions  to  this  agreement.  In  this  they  were 
successful;  but  in  some  instances  they  found  it  necessary 
to  employ  means  for  obtaining  subscriptions  which  were 
decidedly  coercive. 

In  the  meantime  various  individuals  took  up  the  pen 
and  employed  the  press  to  demonstrate  the  iniquity  of 
the  taxing  acts  and  the  little  that  the  American  people 
had  to  expect  from  a  corrupt  and  subservient  British  Par 
liament.  The.  foremost  of  these  writers  was  Mr.  John 
Dickinson,*  whose  "  Letters  from  a  Farmer  in  Pennsyl 
vania  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British  Colonies  "  made 
a  deep  and  lasting  impression.  Dickinson  however  rec- 

*  Dickinson  was  a  Pennsylvania  representative  of  hesitation  to 
follow  in  the  steps  of  Patrick  Henry. 

In  June,  1776,  he  opposed  openly,  and  upon  principle,  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  when  the  motion  was  considered  by 
Congress.  His  arguments  were  answered  by  John  Adams,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  and  others,  who  advocated  a  separation 
from  Great  Britain.  The  part  which  Mr.  Dickinson  took  in  this 
debate  occasioned  his  recall  from  Congress,  as  his  constituents 
did  not  coincide  with  him  in  political  views,  and  he  was  absent  sev 
eral  years.  Perceiving,  at  length,  that  his  countrymen  were  unal 
terably  fixed  in  their  system  of  independence,  he  fell  in  with  it,  and 
was  as  zealous  in  supporting  it  in  Congress,  about  the  year  1780, 
as  any  of  the  members.  He  was  President  of  Pennsylvania  from 
November,  1782,  to  October,  1785,  and  was  succeeded  in  this 
office  by  Dr.  Franklin.  Soon  after  1785,  it  is  believed,  he  removed 
to  Delaware,  by  which  State  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the 
old  Congress,  and  of  which  State  he  was  President. 


532  WASHINGTON. 

ommended  his  countrymen  still  to  have  recourse  to  peti 
tions  to  the  Crown  and  Parliament,  and  to  strong  in 
structions  to  their  agents  in  England,  which,  in  his  opin 
ion,  would  have  the  same  effect  now  as  they  had  at  the 
time  of  the  Stamp  Act.  Other  writers  suggested  more 
violent  measures,  but  not  one  of  them  ventured  to  hint 
at  the  disseverance  of  the  Colonies  from  the  mother 
country. 

On  the  1 5th  of  February,  1768,  the  Assembly  of  Massa 
chusetts  addressed  a  circular  letter  to  all  the  other  Col 
onies,  inviting  them  to  combine  in  taking  measures  to  de 
feat  the  obnoxious  act.  The  Speaker  of  the  New  Hamp 
shire  Assembly  immediately  replied,  by  order  of  his  House, 
that  the  sentiments  contained  in  the  circular  letter  were 
highly  approved  of;  but  that,  as  the  time  of  that  House's 
existence  was  near  expiring,  they  could  not  engage  for 
their  successors.  But  other  Colonies  readily  adopted 
the  sentiments  and  the  plan  contained  in  the  letter,  and 
passed  votes  of  thanks  to  the  authors  of  it. 

In  the  month  of  April  (1768),  Lord  Hillsborough  in 
structed  Bernard,  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  to  re 
quire  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  the  King's  name, 
to  rescind  the  resolution  which  gave  birth  to  the  circular 
letter,  and  to  declare  their  disapprobation  of  that  rash  and 
hasty  proceeding.  The  House  refused  compliance,  and 
sent  this  answer  to  the  Governor :  "  If  the  votes  of  this 
House  are  to  be  controlled  by  the  direction  of  a  minister, 
we  have  left  us  but  a  vain  semblance  of  liberty.  We  have 
now  only  to  inform  you  that  this  House  has  voted  not  to 
rescind,  and  that  on  a  division  of  the  question  there  were 
ninety-two  nays  and  seventeen  yeas." 

The  very  next  day,  Governor  Bernard,  in  pursuance  of 
Lord  Hillsborough's  positive  instructions,  dissolved  the 
Assembly.  By  this  time  associations  and  committees 
were  formed  in  most  of  the  provinces. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  533 

In  the  month  of  June  (1768),  the  sloop  Liberty  arrived 
at  Boston  with  a  cargo  of  choice  Madeira.  The  com 
missioners  sent  an  excise  officer  on  board,  but  the  skipper 
and  his  crew  confined  the  man  below  deck,  and  smuggled 
the  wine  on  shore,  without  entering  at  the  custom-house 
or  any  other  formula.  The  officer  was  then  liberated; 
and  the  following  morning  the  skipper  of  the  sloop  en 
tered  at  the  custom-house  four  or  five  pipes,  swearing 
that  that  was  all  his  cargo.  But  the  commissioners,  aware 
of  the  truth,  ordered  a  comptroller  to  seize  the  sloop 
and  clap  the  King's  broad  arrow  upon  her.  As  a  crowd 
assembled  on  the  wharves,  the  comptroller  made  signals 
to  the  Romney  man-of-war,  which  was  lying  at  anchor 
off  Boston,  and  the  captain  manned  his  boats  and  sent 
them  to  assist  the  excise. 

A  mob  of  people  attempted  to  prevent  the  seizure  of 
the  sloop,  and  pelted  the  exciseman  and  the  sailors  with 
stones  and  dirt;  but  the  man-of-war's  boats  presently  cut 
the  sloop  from  her  moorings  and  carried  her  under  the 
guns  of  the  Romney. 

The  mob  on  shore  continued  their  riot,  beating  and 
nearly  killing  several  of  the  revenue  officers.  The  com 
missioners  applied  to  the  Governor  for  protection ;  but  the 
Governor  told  them  he  had  no  troops,  no  force  of  any 
kind,  and  thereupon  they  fled  on  board  the  Romney.  The 
capture  of  the  sloop  Liberty  was  made  on  a  Friday;  Sat 
urday  was  a  busy  day,  and  Sunday  was  kept  very  strictly 
by  the  New  Englanders ;  but  on  Monday  an  immense  mob 
gathered  in  the  streets  of  Boston,  and  in  the  afternoon 
of  that  day  placards  were  stuck  up  to  call  a  meeting  of 
"  The  Sons  of  Liberty  "  on  Tuesday,  at  10  o'clock.  At 
this  meeting  they  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  upon  the 
Governor,  to  inquire  why  the  sloop  had  been  seized  in  so 
arbitrary  a  manner,  which  they  declared  to  be  an  affront 


534  WASHINGTON. 

to  the  town  of  Boston.  They  declared  that  she  might 
have  been  left  with  perfect  safety  at  the  wharf. 

The  leading  men  of  the  town  expressed  disapprobation 
of  a  riot,  which  not  a  few  of  them  were  suspected  of  hav 
ing  promoted;  but  they  took  care  to  mention,  in  extenua 
tion,  the  extraordinary  circumstances  of  the  said  seizure, 
and  the  violence  and  unprecedentedness  of  that  procedure. 
They  offered  a  reward  for  the  discovery  of  the  ringleaders, 
and  a  few  persons  were  pointed  out,  but  the  grand  jury 
quashed  all  prosecution.  It  was  this  fact  which  seems  to 
have  persuaded  the  British  ministry  that  offenses  in 
America  would  not  be  punished  by  American  juries,  and 
which  seems  to  have  recommended  to  their  attention  the 
Statute  of  Henry  VIII,  by  virtue  of  which  the  offenders 
might  be  removed  to  Great  Britain  and  tried  there. 

The  commissioners,  who  had  left  the  Romney  man-of- 
war  to  take  up  their  quarters  in  Castle  William,  now  ap 
plied  to  General  Gage,  Colonel  Dalrymple,  and  Commo 
dore  Wood  for  troops  to  support  them  in  their  office. 

Previously  however  to  this  application,  and  even  a 
month  or  six  weeks  before  the  news  of  these  Boston  riots 
could  have  reached  London,  ministers  had  resolved  to 
employ  force,  and  Lord  Hillsborough,  in  a  secret  and 
confidential  letter,  had  told  General  Gage  that  it  was  His 
Majesty's  pleasure  that  he  should  forthwith  send  from 
Halifax  one  regiment  or  more  to  Boston,  to  be  quartered 
in  that  town,  to  assist  the  civil  magistrates  and  the  offi 
cers  of  revenue. 

This  letter  was  dated  on  the  8th  of  June  (1758);  and 
on  the  nth  his  lordship  informed  Governor  Bernard 
that  His  Majesty  had  directed  one  regiment  at  least  to 
be  stationed  in  Boston,  and  had  ordered  a  frigate,  two 
sloops,  and  two  armed  cutters  to  repair  to  and  remain 
in  the  harbor  of  Boston,  in  order  to  support  and  assist 
the  officers  of  the  customs. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  535 

Fresh  appeals  were  made  by  those  who  had  put  them 
selves  in  the  van  of  the  movement,  to  the  hopes,  fears, 
and  strongest  passions  of  the  American  people;  and  these 
addresses  usually  concluded  with  the  significant  truism: 
"  United  we  conquer,  divided  we  fall."  They  called  upon 
all  the  Colonies  to  resist  to  the  utmost  the  Mutiny  Act, 
which  granted  power  to  every  officer,  upon  obtaining  a 
warrant  from  any  justice,  to  break  into  any  house  by 
day  or  by  night  in  search  of  deserters.  They  represented 
that,  if  the  colonists  would  only  cordially  agree  as  to  the 
nonimportation,  multitudes  in  Great  Britain,  who  lived 
and  thrived  by  their  trade,  would  be  reduced  to  want,  and 
would  then,  in  their  desperation,  force  from  Parliament 
the  repeal  of  the  acts. 

In  the  month  of  August,  the  merchants  and  traders  of 
Boston  agreed  upon  a  new  subscription  paper  to  this  ef 
fect:  "  We  will  not  send  for,  or  import  from,  Great  Brit 
ain,  either  upon  our  own  account,  or  upon  commission 
this  fall,  any  other  goods  than  what  are  already  ordered 
for  the  fall  supply.  We  will  not  send  for  or  import  any 
kind  of  goods  or  merchandise  from  Great  Britain,  etc., 
from  the  1st  of  January,  1769,  to  the  ist  of  January,  1770, 
except  salt,  coals,  fish-hooks  and  lines,  hemp  and  duck, 
bar-lead  and  shot,  wool-cards,  and  card-wire.  We  will 
not  purchase  of  any  factor  or  others  any  kind  of  goods 
imported  from  Great  Britain,  from  January,  1769,  to  Janu 
ary,  1770.  We  will  not  import  on  our  own  account  or  on 
commission,  or  purchase  of  any  who  shall  import  from 
any  other  Colony  in  America,  from  January,  1769,  to  Janu 
ary,  1770,  any  tea,  paper,  glass,  or  other  goods,  commonly 
imported  from  Great  Britain.  We  will  not,  from  and  after 
the  ist  of  January,  1769,  import  into  this  province  any 
tea,  glass,  paper,  or  painters'  colors,  until  the  act  impos 
ing  duties  on  these  articles  shall  be  absolutely  repealed." 


536  WASHINGTON. 

Although  this  paper  was  generally  subscribed,  several 
respectable  merchants  refused  their  signatures.  In  the 
course  of  the  same  month  the  merchants  of  Connecticut 
and  New  York  made  similar  agreements,  and  in  the  be 
ginning  of  September  (1768)  the  merchants  of  Salem  did 
the  same.  It  appears  that  it  was  not  till  the  beginning 
of  September  that  the  people  of  Boston  became  fully 
aware  of  the  intention  of  government  to  send  troops.  On 
the  I2th  of  that  month  a  meeting  was  called,  and  a  com 
mittee  appointed  to  make  inquiries  of  the  Governor,  and 
to  pray  him  at  the  same  time  to  convene  a  General  As 
sembly. 

Governor  Bernard  said  that  he  had  intelligence,  of  a 
private  nature,  that  a  military  force  was  coming;  and 
that,  as  to  the  calling  of  another  Assembly,  it  was  a  meas 
ure  not  to  be  complied  with  till  he  had  received  the  com 
mands  of  His  Majesty.  It  was  then  resolved,  "  That  the 
freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston 
will,  at  the  peril  of  their  lives  and  fortunes,  take  all  legal 
and  constitutional  measures  to  defend  the  rights,  liberties, 
privileges,  and  immunities  granted  in  their  royal  charter." 

The  inhabitants  further  agreed  that  a  suitable  number 
of  persons  should  now  be  chosen  to  act  for  them  as  a 
committee  in  convention,  and  to  consult  and  to  advise 
with  such  as  might  be  sent  to  join  them  from  the  other 
towns  of  the  province.  They  fixed  a  convention  to  be 
held  at  Faneuil  Hall,  in  Boston,  on  the  22d  of  September 
(1768);  and,  before  breaking  up,  they  voted,  "That  as 
there  is  an  apprehension  in  the  minds  of  many  of  an  ap 
proaching  war  with  France,  those  inhabitants  who  are  not 
provided,  be  requested  to  furnish  themselves  forthwith 
with  arms."  This  was  significant !  The  approaching  war 
with  France  was  nothing  but  an  ingenious  device. 

On  the  22d  of  September,  the  day  appointed,  the  con- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  537 

vention,  consisting  of  deputies  from  eight  districts  and 
ninety-six  towns,  met  at  Faneuil  Hall;  but  the  day  before 
the  men-of-war  and  transports  had  arrived  in  Nantasket 
Roads,  a  few  miles  below  Boston.  The  convention  merely 
conferred  and  consulted,  petitioned  the  Governor,  ex 
pressed  their  aversion  to  standing  armies,  tumults,  and 
disorders  of  all  kinds,  and  then  adjourned. 

Governor  Bernard  then  attempted  to  prevail  upon  the 
town  council  to  provide  quarters  for  the  troops  in  Bos 
ton;  but  they  refused,  and  stated  that  the  troops,  by  act 
of  Parliament,  were  to  be  quartered  in  the  barracks;  that 
there  were  barracks  enough  at  Castle  William  to  hold 
them  all,  and  that  it  was  against  law  to  bring  any  of  them 
into  the  town. 

Colonel  Dalrymple,  who  held  the  command,  had  posi 
tive  orders  to  land  at  least  one  regiment  at  Boston,  and 
he  of  himself  concluded  it  would  be  better  not  to  separate 
his  small  force.  Accordingly,  on  the  last  day  of  Septem 
ber,  he  left  Nantasket  Roads  and  sailed  up  to  Boston. 
The  ships-of-war,  consisting  of  the  Romney  of  sixty  guns, 
the  Luancester  of  forty,  the  Mermaid  of  twenty-eight,  the 
Beaver  of  fourteen,  the  Senegal  of  fourteen,  the  Boreta 
of  ten,  and  several  armed  schooners,  came  to  anchor  with 
springs  on  their  cables,  with  their  guns  ready  shotted, 
and  their  broadsides  covering  the  town. 

Resistance  was  expected,  but  none  offered;  and  on  the 
following  day,  the  ist  of  October,  1768,  Colonel  Dalrymple 
landed  the  two  regiments  he  had  brought  with  him,  the 
Twenty-seventh  and  the  Fourteenth,  who,  with  train  of 
artillery  and  all,  did  not  much  exceed  700  men.  They 
marched  from  the  landing  place  up  to  the  Common,  on 
the  outside  of  Boston,  with  drums  beating,  fifes  playing, 
and  colors  flying. 

In  the  evening  the  town  council  was  again  required  to 


538  WASHINGTON. 

quarter  the  two  regiments  in  the  town,  and  again  they 
refused,  quoting  charters  and  acts  of  Parliament.  One 
of  the  regiments,  who  had  brought  with  them  no  tents  or 
camp  equipage  of  any  kind,  were  permitted,  or,  which  is 
more  probable,  took  permission  themselves,  to  occupy 
Faneuil  Hall;  the  other  regiment  lay  out  all  night  on  the 
cold  Common.  The  following  being  the  Lord's  day,  no 
business  could  be  done;  and  the  puritanical  Bostonians 
were  seriously  annoyed  at  the  desecration  of  the  Sabbath 
day  by  drums  and  fifes — sounds  hitherto  unknown  on 
that  day  in  the  provinces  of  New  England. 

Pressed  by  Colonel  Dalrymple  and  his  officers,  the  Gov 
ernor,  toward  evening,  ordered  the  State  House  to  be 
opened  to  the  regiment  which  was  encamped  on  the  Com 
mon.  The  soldiers  instantly  came  in  and  took  possession 
of  every  part  of  that  public  building  except  the  great  coun 
cil  chamber.  Two  field  pieces  were  placed  in  front  of  the 
edifice,  and  the  main  guard  was  posted  at  a  few  yards' 
distance. 

These  proceedings  excited  deep  resentment  and  caused, 
besides,  many  inconveniences,  for  the  lower  part  of  the 
State  House  had  been  used  by  the  merchants  as  an  ex 
change,  and  the  members  of  the  town  council  could  no 
longer  get  to  their  hall  to  transact  their  business  without 
passing  through  files  of  soldiers.  Having  thus  obtained 
quarters,  the  Governor  and  Colonel  Dalrymple  required 
the  council  to  provide  barrack  provisions,  as  regulated  by 
the  Mutiny  Act.  The  council  resolutely  replied  that  they 
would  furnish  nothing  and  do  nothing  that  might  be  con 
strued  into  a  submission  to  that  obnoxious  law. 

For  the  present  the  Bostonians  and  their  neighbors  sup 
pressed  their  vindictive  feelings,  but  the  tranquillity  was 
every  moment  exposed  to  the  chances  of  sudden  inter 
ruption  and  bloodshed;  every  one  of  them  looked  upon  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  539 

soldiers  as  forcible  intruders,  slavish  instruments  of 
tyranny,  men  without  faith  or  morals;  and  every  soldier 
had  been  taught  to  consider  the  colonists  as  smugglers, 
canting  hypocrites,  and  rebels  to  a  most  gracious  King. 

At  the  same  time,  all  possible  care  was  taken  by  the 
Bostonians  to  impart  a  highly-colored  picture  of  the  in 
juries  and  insults  they  endured  to  every  part  of  British 
America.  Philadelphia,  which  had  hitherto  been  in 
clined  to  moderation  and  compromises,  now  spoke  in  a 
louder  tone;  and  other  towns  which  had  been  violent  from 
the  beginning  now  became  still  more  decided  in  their  oppo 
sition  to  the  acts  of  Parliament. 

Meanwhile  the  storm  thickened  at  Boston.  At  the  end 
of  May  the  Assembly,  being  called  together,  a  committee 
from  the  House  of  Representatives  remonstrated  with  the 
Governor,  complaining  of  an  armament  investing  their 
metropolis,  of  the  military  guard,  of  cannon  pointed  at 
the  door  of  their  State  House,  and  requesting  his  excel 
lency,  as  His  Majesty's  representative,  to  give  effectual 
orders  for  the  removal  of  the  ships  and  troops.  Governor 
Bernard,  who  had  certainly  become  less  courteous  since 
the  arrival  of  the  armament,  replied,  dryly:  "  Gentlemen, 
I  have  no  authority  over  His  Majesty's  ships  in  this  port, 
or  over  his  troops  within  this  town." 

A  few  days  after,  the  House  declared  that  the  use  of 
the  military  power  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the  laws 
was  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of  a  free  Constitution, 
and  that  they  would  not  do  any  business,  surrounded  as 
they  were  with  an  armed  force,  threatening  their  privi 
leges  and  their  personal  security.  The  Governor  thought 
to  remove  the  latter  strong  objection  by  adjourning  the 
Assembly  to  Cambridge,  a  village  situated  at  a  distance 
of  three  miles  from  Boston,  in  which  there  were  no  troops. 
But  they  were  not  likely  to  be  more  compliant  at  Cam- 


540  WASHINGTON. 

bridge  than  they  had  been  at  Boston.  They  voted,  "  That 
the  establishment  of  a  standing  army  in  this  Colony,  in 
time  of  peace,  is  an  invasion  of  natural  rights;  that  a 
standing  army  is  not  known  as  a  part  of  the  British  Con 
stitution;  that  sending  an  armed  force  into  the  Colony, 
under  a  pretence  of  assisting  the  civil  authority,  is  highly 
dangerous  to  the  people,  unprecedented,  and  unconstitu 
tional." 

They  refused  to  make  any  provision  for  the  troops,  and 
they  were  thereupon  prorogued  by  the  Governor,  to  meet 
at  Boston  in  the  month  of  January,  1770. 

The  King,  to  testify  his  approbation,  created  Governor 
Bernard  a  baronet,  and  took  upon  himself  the  whole  ex 
pense  of  passing  the  patent.  Sir  Francis  left  the  Colony 
on  the  ist  of  August,  as  poor  as  when  he  came  there 
eleven  years  before,  and  followed  by  few  regrets.  His 
departure  for  England  was  signalized  in  Boston  by  public 
rejoicings,  the  firing  of  cannon,  bonfires,  ringing  of  bells, 
and  display  of  flags.* 

*  Mr.  Bancroft,  in  his  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  gives 
Governor  Bernard  a  very  bad  character,  charging  him  with 
avarice,  duplicity,  and  bad  faith  toward'  his  own  government  as 
well  as  the  colonists.  His  bad  conduct  in  the  government  was 
ultimately  serviceable  however  by  widening  the  breach  between 
the  colonists,  and  the  mother  country. 


CHAPTER  V. 

WASHINGTON'S  PLAN  OF  ASSOCIATION. 

1769. 

IT  will  have  been  observed  by  the  reader  that  the  prin 
cipal  means  upon  which  the  colonists  relied  for  co 
ercing  the  British  Government  into  a  repeal  of 
Townshend's  oppressive  revenue  bill  was  the  forming  of 
associations,  bound  by  voluntary  engagement,  not  to  im 
port  or  use  the  articles  which  were  loaded  with  the  ob 
noxious  duty.  This  was  more  efficient  than  petitions  and 
remonstrances,  or  even  mobs  and  riots  in  resistance  to  the 
law.  It  was  carrying  the  war  into  the  enemy's  country 
by  bringing  loss  and  distress  on  British  manufacturers 
and  merchants,  and  thus  rendering  the  revenue  laws  un 
popular  in  the  mother  country. 

This  nonimportation  system  was  cordially  approved  by 
Washington,  as  we  shall  presently  see.  He  and  his  friend, 
George  Mason,  were  in  favor  of  going  a  step  farther  and 
establishing  what  would  nearly  have  amounted  to  com 
plete  nonintercourse  with  England,  by  refusing  to  export 
to  that  country  the  commodities  which  they  were  accus 
tomed  to  receive  from  this  country,  and  especially  to 
bacco,  from  which  the  British  Government  derived  an 
immense  revenue. 

Washington,  writing  to  George  Mason  under  date  of 
April  5,  1769,  thus  expressed  himself: 

"At  a  time  when  our  lordly  masters  in  Great  Britain 

(54i) 


543  WASHINGTON. 

will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the  deprivation  of 
American  freedom,  it  seems  highly  necessary  that  some 
thing  should  be  done  to  avert  the  stroke  and  maintain  the 
liberty  which  we  have  derived  from  our  ancestors.  But 
the  manner  of  doing  it,  to  answer  the  purpose  effectually, 
is  the  point  in  question. 

"That  no  man  should  scruple  or  hesitate  a  moment  to 
use  arms  in  defense  of  so  valuable  a  blessing  is  clearly 
my  opinion.  Yet  arms,  I  would  beg  leave  to  add,  should 
be  the  last  resource,  the  dernier  resort.  We  have  already, 
it  is  said,  proved  the  inefncacy  of  addresses  to  the  throne, 
and  remonstrances  to  Parliament.  How  far  then  their 
attention  to  our  rights  and  privileges  is  to  be  awakened 
or  alarmed,  by  starving  their  trade  and  manufacturers, 
remains  to  be  tried. 

"  The  northern  Colonies,  it  appears,  are  endeavoring 
to  adopt  this  scheme.  In  my  opinion  it  is  a  good  one,  and 
must  be  attended  with  salutary  effects,  provided  it  can  be 
carried  pretty  generally  into  execution.  But  to  what  ex 
tent  it  is  practicable  to  do  so  I  will  not  take  upon  me  to 
determine.  That  there  will  be  a  difficulty  attending  the 
execution  of  it  everywhere,  from  clashing  interests,  and 
selfish,  designing  men,  ever  attentive  to  their  own  gain, 
and  watchful  of  every  turn  that  can  assist  their  lucrative 
views,  cannot  be  denied;  and  in  the  tobacco  Colonies, 
where  the  trade  is  so  diffused,  and  in  a  manner  wholly 
conducted  by  factors  for  their  principals  at  home  (in 
England),  these  difficulties  are  certainly  enhanced,  but 
I  think  not  insurmountably  increased,  if  the  gentlemen 
in  their  several  counties  will  be  at  some  pains  to  explain 
matters  to  the  people,  and  stimulate  them  to  cordial  agree- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  543 

ments  to  purchase  none  but  certain  enumerated  articles 
out  of  any  of  the  stores  after  a  definite  period,  and  neither 
import  nor  purchase  any  themselves.  This,  if  it  should 
not  effectually  withdraw  the  factors  from  their  importa 
tions,  would  at  least  make  them  extremely  cautious  in 
doing  it,  as  the  prohibited  goods  could  be  vended  to  none 
but  the  nonassociators,  or  those  who  would  pay  no  regard 
to  their  association;  both  of  whom  ought  to  be  stigmatized 
and  made  the  objects  of  public  reproach. 

"  The  more  I  consider  a  scheme  of  this  sort,  the  more 
ardently  I  wish  success  to  it,  because  I  think  there  are 
private  as  well  as  public  advantages  to  result  from  it  — 
the  former  certain,  however  precarious  the  other  may 
prove.  In  respect  to  the  latter,  I  have  always  thought 
that,  by  virtue  of  the  same  power  which  assumes  the  right 
of  taxation,  the  Parliament  may  attempt,  at  least,  to  re 
strain  our  manufacturers,  especially  those  of  a  public  na 
ture,  the  same  equity  and  justice  prevailing  in  the  one 
case  as  the  other,  it  being  no  greater  hardship  to  forbid 
my  manufacturing  than  it  is  to  order  me  to  buy  goods 
loaded  with  duties,  for  the  express  purpose  of  raising  a 
revenue.  But  as  a  measure  of  this  sort  would  be  an  addi 
tional  exertion  of  arbitrary  power,  we  cannot  be  placed  in 
a  worse  condition,  I  think,  by  putting  it  to  the  test. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  that  the  Colonies  are  considerably 
indebted  to  Great  Britain  is  a  truth  universally  acknowl 
edged.  That  many  families  are  reduced  almost,  if  not 
quite,  to  penury  and  want  by  the  low  ebb  of  their  for 
tunes,  and  that  estates  are  selling  for  the  discharge  of 
debts,  the  public  papers  furnish  too  melancholy  proofs. 
That  a  scheme  of  this  sort  will  contribute  more  effectually 
than  any  other  that  can  be  devised  to  extricate  the  coun 
try  from  the  distress  it  at  present  labors  under,  I  most 
firmly  believe,  if  it  can  be  generally  adopted.  And  I  can 


544  WASHINGTON. 

see  but  one  class  of  people,  the  merchants  excepted,  who 
will  not,  or  ought  not,  to  wish  well  to  the  scheme,  namely, 
they  who  live  genteelly  and  hospitably  on  clear  estates. 
Such  as  these,  were  they  not  to  consider  the  valuable  ob 
ject  in  view  and  the  good  of  others,  might  think  it  hard 
to  be  curtailed  in  their  living  and  enjoyments.  As  to  the 
penurious  man,  he  would  thereby  save  his  money  and  his 
credit,  having  the  best  plea  for  doing  that  which  before 
perhaps  he  had  the  most  violent  struggles  to  refrain  from 
doing.  The  extravagant  and  expensive  man  has  the  same 
good  plea  to  retrench  his-  expenses.  He  would  be  fur 
nished  with  a  pretext  to  live  within  bounds  and  embrace 
it.  Prudence  dictated  economy  before,  but  his  resolution 
was  too  weak  to  put  it  in  practice;  '  For  how  can  I/  says 
he,  '  who  have  lived  in  such  and  such  a  manner,  change 
my  method?  I  am  ashamed  to  do  it,  and  besides  such 
an  alteration  in  the  system  of  my  living  will  create  sus 
picions  of  the  decay  of  my  fortune,  and  such  a  thought 
the  world  must  not  harbor.'  He  continues  his  course  till 
at  last  his  estate  comes  to  an  end,  a  sale  of  it  being  the 
consequence  of  his  perseverance  in  error.  This,  I  am  sat 
isfied,  is  the  way  that  many  who  have  set  out  in  the  wrong 
track  have  reasoned  till  ruin  has  stared  them  in  the  face. 
And  in  respect  to  the  needy  man,  he  is  only  left  in  the 
same  situation  that  he  is  found  in  —  better,  I  may  say, 
because,  as  he  judges  from  comparison,  his  condition  is 
amended  in  proportion  as  it  approaches  nearer  to  those 
above  him. 

"  Upon  the  whole  therefore  I  think  the  scheme  a  good 
one,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  tried  here,  with  such  altera 
tions  as  our  circumstances  render  absolutely  necessary. 
But  in  what  manner  to  begin  the  work  is  a  matter  worthy 
of  consideration.  Whether  it  can  be  attempted  with  pro 
priety  or  efficacy,  further  than  a  communication  of  senti- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  545 

ments  to  one  another  before  May  (1769),  when  the  court 
and  Assembly  will  meet  at  Williamsburg,  and  a  uniform 
plan  can  be  concerted,  and  sent  into  the  different  coun 
ties  to  operate  at  the  same  time  and  in  the  same  manner 
everywhere,  is  a  thing  upon  which  I  am  somewhat  in 
doubt,  and  I  should  be  glad  to  know  your  opinion."* 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  Mr.  Mason's  reply  to 
this  letter,  dated  the  same  day: 

"  I  entirely  agree  with  you  that  no  regular  plan  of  the 
sort  proposed  can  be  entered  into  here,  before  the  meet 
ing  of  the  General  Court  at  least,  if  not  of  the  Assembly. 
In  the  meantime,  it  may  be  necessary  to  publish  some 
thing  preparatory  to  it  in  our  gazettes,  to  warn  the  peo 
ple  of  the  impending  danger  and  induce  them  the  more 
readily  and  cheerfully  to  concur  in  the  proper  measures  to 
avert  it;  and  something  of  this  sort  I  had  begun,  but  am 
unluckily  stopped  by  a  disorder  which  affects  my  head 
and  eyes.  As  soon  as  I  am  able  I  shall  resume  it,  and 
then  write  you  more  fully  or  endeavor  to  see  you.  In 
the  meantime,  pray  commit  to  writing  such  hints  as  may 
occur. 

"  Our  all  is  at  stake,  and  the  little  conveniences  and  com 
forts  of  life,  when  set  in  competition  with  our  liberty, 
ought  to  be  rejected,  not  with  reluctance,  but  with  pleas 
ure.  Yet  it  is  plain  that  in  the  tobacco  Colonies  we  can 
not  at  present  confine  our  importations  within  such  nar 
row  bounds  as  the  northern  Colonies.  A  plan  of  this 
kind,  to  be  practicable,  must  be  adapted  to  our  circum 
stances;  for  if  not  steadily  executed,  it  had  better  have 
remained  unattempted.  We  may  retrench  all  manner  of 
superfluities,  finery  of  all  descriptions,  and  confine  pur- 
selves  to  linens,  woollens,  etc.,  not  exceeding  a  certain 

*  Sparks,  "  Writings  of  Washington,"  vol.  II,  p.  351. 
35 


546  WASHINGTON. 

price.  It  is  amazing  how  much  this  practice,  if  adopted 
in  all  the  Colonies,  would  lessen  the  American  imports 
and  distress  the  various  traders  and  manufacturers  in 
Great  Britain. 

"  This  would  awaken  their  attention.  They  would  see, 
they  would  feel,  the  oppressions  we  groan  under,  and  ex 
ert  themselves  to  procure  us  redress.  This  once  obtained, 
we  should  no  longer  discontinue  our  importations,  con 
fining  ourselves  still  not  to  import  any  article  that  should 
hereafter  be  taxed  by  act  of  Parliament  for  raising  a  rev 
enue  in  America;  for,  however  singular  I  may  be  in  my 
opinion,  I  am  thoroughly  convinced  that,  justice  and  har 
mony  happily  restored,  it  is  not  the  interest  of  these  Col 
onies  to  refuse  British  manufactures.  Our  supplying  our 
mother  country  with  gross  materials  and  taking  her  manu 
factures  in  return  is  the  true  chain  of  connection  between 
us.  These  are  the  bands,  which,  if  not  broken  by  oppres 
sion,  must  long  hold  us  together  by  maintaining  a  con 
stant  reciprocation  of  interest.  Proper  caution  should 
therefore  be  used  in  drawing  up  the  proposed  plan  of 
association.  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  let  the  ministry  un 
derstand  that,  until  we  obtain  a  redress  of  grievances,  we 
will  withhold  from  them  our  commodities,  and  particularly 
refrain  from  making  tobacco,  by  which  the  revenue  would 
lose  fifty  times  more  than  all  their  oppressions  could  raise 
here. 

"  Had  the  hint  which  I  have  given  with  regard  to  taxa 
tion  of  goods  imported  into  America  been  thought  of  by 
our  merchants  before  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  the 
late  American  Revenue  Acts  would  probably  never  have 
been  attempted."* 

Mason  was  not  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses 
*  Sparks,  "  Writings  of  Washington,"  vol.  II,  p.  354,  note. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  547 

at  this  time,  but  Washington  held  a  seat  in  that  Assembly, 
and,  soon  after  expressing  these  opinions,  he  was  to  sup 
port  them  there  by  public  acts.  The  result  of  this  con 
ference  with  Mason  was  a  scheme,  prepared  by  him  to  be 
offered  by  Washington  at  the  coming  session  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses.* 

The  Governor  of  Virginia  at  this  time  was  the  liberal 
and  courteous  Lord  Botetourt.f  Governor  Fauquier,  of 

*  Bancroft,  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  vol.  VI,  p.  273. 

[At  an  election  of  Burgesses  for  Fairfax  county,  December  i,  1768, 
Washington  polled  185  votes,  Col.  John  West,  142,  and  Capt.  John 
Posey,  87;  the  two  former  securing  the  seats. 

George  Mason,  born  in  Fairfax  county  in  1725,  author  of  the 
nonimportation  resolutions  which  Washington  presented  in  the 
Virginia  Assembly,  and  which  were  unanimously  adopted,  was  a 
neighbor  and  intimate  friend  of  Washington.  He  later  wrote  a 
powerful  tract  against  the  claim  of  the  British  Parliament  to  tax 
the  Colonies  without  their  consent.  At  a  Fairfax  county  meeting, 
July  18,  1774,  he  offered  twenty-four  resolutions  reviewing  the 
whole  ground  of  the  controversy  with  Great  Britain;  recommend 
ing  a  general  congress ;  and  urging  the  nonintercourse  policy.  In 
1775  he  was  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Committee  of  Safety,  and 
in  1776  he  drafted  the  Declaration  of  Rights!  and  State  Constitu 
tion  of  Virginia,  unanimous  adoption  of  which  attested  universal 
confidence  in  his  statesmanship.  In  1777  he  was  elected  to  the 
Continental  Congress,  and  in  1787  he  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Virginia  delegation  in  the  convention  which  framed  the  national 
Constitution.  In  that  body  he  opposed  every  measure  which  im 
plied  the  perpetuation  of  negro  slavery.  From  this  point  he,  to 
gether  with  Patrick  Henry  and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  fell  off  from 
the  party  of  the  Constitution  headed  by  Washington,  standing  out 
against  the  proposed  Union,  as  involving  peril  to  State  sover 
eignty;  and  on  this  ground  he  refused  election  as  a  member  of  the 
United  States  Senate.  He  was  older  than  Washington  by  seven 
years,  one  of  the  best  and  strongest  of  Washington's  supporters 
for  twenty  years,  and  one  of  the  great  names  of  the  Virginia  of 
Washington's  time.] 

t  Botetourt,  appointed  Governor  of  Virginia  in  July,  1768,  en- 


548  WASHINGTON. 

whom  we  have  frequently  made  mention,  died  early  in 
1768,  and  Lord  Botetourt  was  his  successor.  He  was 
extremely  anxious  to  promote  a  reconciliation  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies.  He  had  become  the  most 
popular  of  all  the  royal  Governors,  from  not  seeming  to 
make  the  matter  at  present  in  dispute  personal  to  him 
self,  or  losing  his  temper,  or  acting  unwisely  or  unjustly 
toward  the  Colonies.  As  a  servant  of  the  Crown  he  did 
his  duty;  but  always  courteously  and  with  an  honest 
endeavor  to  allay  excitement  and  prevent  those  overt  acts 
which  his  position  would  require  him  to  censure.  We 
shall  presently  see  him  placed  in  circumstances  which 
called  for  the  exercise  of  all  his  good  qualities.  Had  the 

tered  upon  the  position  in  October  of  the  same  year  and  made  a 
popular  Governor  until  his  death,  October  15,  1770. 

In  a  description  of  Williamsburg  in  Howe's  "  Historical  Col 
lections  of  Virginia,"  is  the  following  notice  of  Lord  Botetourt's 
statue  in  that  town: 

"  In  a  beautiful  square  fronting  the  college,  stands  the  statue  of 
Lord  Botetourt,  one  of  the  Colonial  Governors.  It  is  much  muti 
lated,  though  still  presenting  a  specimen  of  elegant  sculpture.  He 
appears  in  the  court  dress  of  that  day,  with  a  short  sword  at  his 
side.  It  was  erected  in  1774,  at  the  expense  of  the  Colony,  and  re 
moved  in  1797,  from  the  old  capitol  to  its  present  situation.  Its 
pedestal  bears  the  following  inscription: 

The  Right  Honorable  Norborne  Berkeley,  Baron  de  Botetourt, 
his  majesty's  late  lieutenant,  and  governor-general  of  the  colony 
and  dominion  of  Virginia. 

[Right  side.]  —  Deeply  impressed  with  the  warmest  sense  of 
gratitude  for  his  Excellency's,  the  Right  Honorable  Lord  Bote 
tourt's,  prudent  and  wise  administration,  and  that  the  remembrance 
of  those  many  public  and  social  virtues  which  so  eminently  adorned 
his  illustrious  character  might  be  transmitted  to  posterity,  the 
General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  on  the  xx.  day  July,  Ann.  Dom., 
M.DCC.LXXI,  resolved,  with  one  united  voice,  to  erect  this  statue 
to  his  lordship's  memory.  Let  wisdom  and  justice  preside  in  any 
country,  the  people  must  and  will  be  happy. 

[Left  side.]  —  America!   behold  your  friend,   who,  leaving  his 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  549 

British  Parliament  adopted  his  policy  toward  the  col 
onists,  the  controversy  might  have  terminated  peacefully. 
But  the  members  of  this  body  seemed  bent  upon  sustain 
ing  their  oppressive  system  by  force. 

In  February,  1769,  both  Houses  of  Parliament  went 
one  step  beyond  all  that  had  preceded.  They  then  con 
curred  in  a  joint  address  to  His  Majesty,  in  which  they 
expressed  their  satisfaction  in  the  measures  His  Majesty 
had  pursued  —  gave  the  strongest  assurances  that  they 
would  effectually  support  him  in  such  further  measures 
as  might  be  found  necessary  to  maintain  the  civil  magis 
trates  in  a  due  execution  of  the  laws  in  Massachusetts 
Bay,  and  besought  him  "  to  direct  the  Governor  to  take 
the  most  effectual  methods  for  procuring  the  fullest  infor 
mation  touching  all  treasons,  or  misprisions  of  treason, 
committed  within  the  government  since  the  3Oth  day  of 
December,  1767;  and  to  transmit  the  same,  together  with 
the  names  of  the  persons  who  were  most  active  in  the 
commission  of  such  offenses,  to  one  of  the  Secretaries  of 
State,  in  order  that  His  Majesty  might  issue  a  special  com 
mission  for  inquiring  of,  hearing,  and  determining  the 
said  offenses  within  the  realm  of  Great  Britain,  pursuant 
to  the  provision  of  the  Statute  of  the  35th  of  King 
Henry  VIII."*  The  latter  part  of  this  address,  which 
proposed  the  bringing  of  delinquents  from  Massachusetts 

native  country,  declined  those  additional  honors  which  were  there 
in  store  for  him,  that  he  might  heal  your  wounds  and  restore 
tranquillity  and  happiness  to  this  extensive  continent.  With  what 
zeal  and  anxiety  he  pursued  these  glorious  objects,  Virginia  thus 
bears  her  grateful  testimony." 

*The  real  object  of  this  proposed  revival  of  the  Act  of  35th 
of  King  Henry  VIII,  was  believed  to  be  the  arrest  of  the  New 
England  leaders,  John  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  James  Otis, 
Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  and  others,  and  their  transportation  to  Eng 
land,  thus  removing  them  effectually  from  the  scene  of  action. 


550  WASHINGTON. 

to  be  tried  at  a  tribunal  in  Great  Britain  for  crimes  com 
mitted  in  America,  underwent  many  severe  animadver 
sions. 

It  was  asserted  to  be  totally  inconsistent  with  the  spirit 
of  the  Constitution;  for  in  England,  a  man  charged  with  a 
crime  had  a  right  to  be  tried  in  the  county  in  which  his 
offense  was  supposed  to  have  been  committed.  "  Justice 
is  regularly  and  impartially  administered  in  our  courts," 
said  the  colonists,  "  and  yet  by  direction  of  Parliament, 
offenders  are  to  be  taken  by  force,  together  with  all  such 
persons  as  may  be  pointed  out  as  witnesses,  and  carried  to 
England,  there  to  be  tried  in  a  distant  land,  by  a  jury  of 
strangers,  and  subject  to  all  the  disadvantages  which  result 
from  want  of  friends,  want  of  witnesses,  and  want  of 
money." 

The  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  met  soon  after 
official  accounts  of  the  joint  address  of  Lords  and  Com 
mons  on  this  subject  reached  America;  and  in  a  few  days 
after  their  meeting,  passed  resolutions*  expressing  "  their 
exclusive  right  to  tax  their  constituents,  and  their  right 
to  petition  their  sovereign  for  redress  of  grievances,  and 
the  lawfulness  of  procuring  the  concurrence  of  the  other 
Colonies  in  praying  for  the  royal  interposition  in  favor 
of  the  violated  rights  of  America;  and  that  all  trials  for 
treason,  or  for  any  crime  whatsoever  committed  in  that 
Colony,  ought  to  be  before  His  Majesty's  courts  within 
the  said  Colony;  and  that  the  seizing  any  person  residing 
in  the  said  Colony,  suspected  of  any  crime  whatsoever, 
committed  therein,  and  sending  such  person  to  places 
beyond  the  sea  to  be  tried,  was  highly  derogatory  of  the 
rights  of  British  subjects."  The  next  day  Lord  Botetourt 
sent  for  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  addressed  them  as 

*  These  resolutions  were  drafted  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  had 
just  been  elected  to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Burgesses. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  551 

follows :  "  Mr.  Speaker,  and  gentlemen  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses,  I  have  heard  of  your  resolves,  and  augur  ill 
of  their  effects.  You  have  made  it  my  duty  to  dissolve 
you,  and  you  are  dissolved  accordingly." 

Not  in  the  least  degree  deterred  from  their  purpose  by 
this  act  of  duty  on  the  part  of  the  Governor,  on  the  very 
next  day  the  Burgesses  repaired  to  the  Raleigh  tavern, 
and  in  a  room  which  bore  the  name  of  Apollo,  they  entered 
into  the  articles  of  agreement  already  referred  to  as  Wash 
ington  and  Mason's  scheme,  by  which  they  pledged  their 
honor  not  to  import  British  merchandise  so  long  as  the 
acts  of  Parliament  for  raising  a  revenue  in  America  re 
mained  unrepealed. 

Among  the  eighty-eight  signatures  to  this  Virginia  asso 
ciation  were  those  of  George  Washington,  Peyton  Ran 
dolph,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Thomas  Jef 
ferson,  and  others,  who  afterward  took  the  lead  in  the 
great  struggle.  On  returning  to  their  respective  counties, 
all  these  Virginia  members  were  re-elected  for  the  next 
Assembly;  and  the  small  minority  who  had  opposed  the 
resolutions  were  rejected  to  a  man. 

The  gentlemen  and  merchants  of  Maryland  and  South 
Carolina  followed  the  example  of  Virginia,  and  adopted 
the  articles  of  association.  Pennsylvania,  through  her 
merchants,  expressed  her  approval.  The  Assembly  of 
Delaware  adopted  the  Virginia  resolves,  "  and  every 
Colony  south  of  Virginia."  says  Bancroft,  "  in  due  time 
followed  the  example." 

Thus  Virginia,  under  the  leading  of  Washington,  had 
nobly  come  forward  to  the  aid  of  the  New  England  Col 
onies,  who  had  recently  borne  the  brunt  of  parliamentary 
indignation.  This  was  done  too,  in  defiance  of  the  recent 
threat  of  military  coercion,  and  extradition  of  offenders 
against  the  Revenue  Acts  for  trial  in  England. 


552  WASHINGTON. 

"  The  nonimportation  agreement,"  says  Ramsay,  "  was 
in  this  manner  forwarded  by  the  very  measures  which 
were  intended  to  curb  the  spirit  of  American  freedom, 
from  which  it  sprung.  Meetings  of  the  associators  were 
regularly  held  in  the  various  provinces.  Committees 
were  appointed  to  examine  all  vessels  arriving  from 
Britain.  Censures  were  freely  passed  on  such  as  refused 
to  concur  in  these  associations,  and  their  names  published 
in  the  newspapers  as  enemies  to  their  country.  The  regu 
lar  acts  of  the  provincial  Assemblies  were  not  so  much 
respected  and  obeyed  as  the  decrees  of  these  committees; 
the  associations  were  in  general,  as  well  observed  as  could 
be  expected;  but  nevertheless  there  were  some  collusions. 
The  fear  of  mobs,  of  public  resentment,  and  contempt, 
co-operating  with  patriotism,  preponderated  over  private 
interest  and  convenience." 

Washington  scrupulously  observed  this  agreement;  and 
enjoined  upon  his  London  factor  to  send  him  none  of  the 
interdicted  goods,  unless  the  offensive  acts  of  Parliament 
should  in  the  meantime  be  repealed. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  DISCONTENTS  PRODUCE  VIOLENCE  AND  BLOODSHED. 

1769-1770. 

WHILE  British  troops  were  menacing  the  Bos- 
tonians  without  effect,  and  Virginia  was  leading 
the  southern  Colonies  on  to  the  support  of  re 
fractory  New  England,  the  British  Government,  still  vacil 
lating  and  uncertain,  was  already  beginning  to  retract 
her  late  proceedings.  It  was  on  the  ist  of  August,  1769, 
that  Sir  Francis  Bernard  was  recalled  from  the  govern 
ment  of  Massachusetts.  A  few  days  before  his  departure 
he  received  letters  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  which,  being 
circular  to  the  several  Governors  of  the  continent,  were 
apparently  intended  to  be  made  public.  One  of  the  last 
acts  of  his  administration  was  his  directing,  or  author 
izing,  the  publication  of  the  assurance  to  the  people  of 
the  Colonies  in  those  letters,  "  that  the  administration  is 
well  disposed  to  relieve  the  Colonies  from  all  '  real ' 
grievances  arising  from  the  late  acts  of  revenue.  And 
through  the  present  ministers  have  concurred  in  the 
opinion  of  the  whole  Legislature,  that  no  measure  ought 
to  be  taken  which  can  derogate  from  the  legislative  au 
thority  of  Great  Britain  over  the  Colonies,  yet  they  have 
declared  that  they  have  at  no  time  entertained  a  design 
to  propose  any  further  taxes  upon  America  for  the  pur 
pose  of  a  revenue ;  and  it  is  their  intention  to  propose,  in 
the  next  session  of  Parliament,  to  take  off  the  duties  upon 

(553) 


554  WASHINGTON. 

glass,  paper,  and  colors,  upon  consideration  of  such  duties 
being  contrary  to  the  true  principles  of  commerce." 

Government  in  England  expected,  by  this  assurance 
of  intended  favor,  to  incline  the  people  to  abate  their 
opposition.  But  it  had  a  very  different  effect.  It  was 
immediately  the  common  language  among  the  candidates 
for  liberty:  "  Repealing  the  act  upon  principles  of  com 
merce  is  a  mere  pretence,  calculated  to  establish  the 
grievance  we  complain  of.  The  true  reason  why  the  duty 
upon  tea  is  to  continue  is  tp  save  the  '  right '  of  taxing. 
Our  acquiescing  in  the  repeal  of  the  rest  will  be  construed 
into  an  acknowledgment  of  this  '  right.'  The  fear  of 
trouble,  from  the  discontent  of  merchants  and  manufac 
turers  upon  our  nonimportation  agreements,  has  brought 
the  ministry  to  consent  to  this  partial  repeal.  A  vigorous 
enforcement  of  these  agreements  will  increase  the  fear, 
and  we  shall  certainly  carry  the  point  we  contend  for,  and 
obtain  a  repeal  of  the  whole." 

A  meeting  of  the  trading  classes  was  called  in  Boston. 
The  repeal  of  only  part  of  the  act  was  unanimously  re 
solved  to  be  a  measure  intended  merely  to  quiet  the  manu 
facturers  in  Great  Britain,  and  to  prevent  the  setting  up 
of  manufactures  in  the  Colonies,  and  one  that  would  by 
no  means  relieve  trade  from  its  difficulties;  it  was  there 
fore  further  resolved,  to  send  for  no  more  goods  from 
Great  Britain,  a  few  specified  articles  excepted,  unless  the 
Revenue  Acts  should  be  repealed. 

A  committee  was  appointed  to  procure  a  written  pledge 
from  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  not  to  purchase  any 
goods  from  persons  who  have  imported  them,  or  who  shall 
import  them,  contrary  to  the  late  agreement;  and  another 
committee  to  inspect  the  manifests  of  the  cargoes  of  all 
vessels  arriving  from  Great  Britain,  and  to  publish  the 
names  of  all  importers,  unless  they  immediately  delivered 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  555 

their  goods  into  the  hands  of  a  committee  appointed  to 
receive  them. 

The  intimations  of  a  relaxation  in  the  British  system  of 
oppression  was  received  in  a  different  spirit  by  the  Vir 
ginians,  who  at  first  were  effectually  deceived  by  the  bland 
professions  of  the  ministry. 

On  the  Qth  of  May,  1769,  the  King  in  his  speech  to 
Parliament  highly  applauded  their  hearty  concurrence,  in 
maintaining  the  execution  of  the  laws  in  every  part  of  his 
dominions.  Five  days  after  this  speech,  Lord  Hills- 
borough,  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  wrote  to 
Lord  Botetourt:  "  I  can  take  upon  me  to  assure  you,  not 
withstanding  informations  to  the  contrary,  from  men  with 
factious  and  seditious  views,  that  His  Majesty's  present 
administration  have  at  no  time  entertained  a  design  to 
propose  to  Parliament,  to  lay  any  further  taxes  upon 
America  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  and  that 
it  is  at  present  their  intention  to  propose  to  the  next  ses 
sion  of  Parliament,  to  take  off  the  duties  upon  glass,  paper, 
and  colors,  upon  consideration  of  such  duties  having  been 
laid  contrary  to  the  true  principles  of  commerce."  The 
Governor  was  also  informed,  that  "  His  Majesty  relied 
upon  his  prudence  and  fidelity  to  make  such  an  explana 
tion  of  His  Majesty's  measures  as  would  tend  to  remove 
prejudices,  and  to  re-establish  mutual  confidence  and 
affection  between  the  mother  country  and  the  Colonies." 
In  the  exact  spirit  of  his  instructions,  Lord  Botetourt  ad 
dressed  the  Virginia  Assembly  as  follows :  "  It  may  pos 
sibly  be  objected,  that  as  His  Majesty's  present  adminis 
tration  are  not  immortal,  their  successors  may  be  inclined 
to  attempt  to  undo  what  the  present  ministers  shall  have 
attempted  to  perform,  and  to  that  objection  I  can  give 
but  this  answer,  that  it  is  my  firm  opinion,  that  the  plan  I 
have  stated  to  you  will  certainly  take  place,  and  that  it 


556  WASHINGTON. 

will  never  be  departed  from;  and  so  determined  am  I 
forever  to  abide  by  it,  that  I  will  be  content  to  be  declared 
infamous,  if  I  do  not  to  the  last  hour  of  my  life,  at  all 
times,  in  all  places,  and  upon  all  occasions,  exert  every 
power  with  which  I  either  am,  or  ever  shall  be,  legally  in 
vested,  in  order  to  obtain  and  maintain  for  the  continent 
of  America  that  satisfaction  which  I  have  been  authorized 
to  promise  this  day,  by  the  confidential  servants  of  our 
gracious  sovereign,  who  to  my  certain  knowledge  rates  his 
honor  so  high  that  he  would  rather  part  with  his  crown 
than  preserve  it  by  deceit." 

These  assurances  were  received  with  transports  of  joy 
by  the  Virginians.  They  viewed  them  as  pledging  His 
Majesty  for  security,  that  the  late  design  for  raising  a  rev 
enue  in  America  was  abandoned,  and  never  more  to  be 
resumed.  The  Assembly  of  Virginia,  in  answer  to  Lord 
Botetourt,  expressed  themselves  thus  (July,  1769):  "We 
are  sure  our  most  gracious  sovereign,  under  whatever 
changes  may  happen  in  his  confidential  servants,  will  re 
main  immutable  in  the  ways  of  truth  and  justice,  and  that 
he  is  incapable  of  deceiving  his  faithful  subjects;  and  we 
esteem  your  lordship's  information  not  only  as  warranted, 
but  even  sanctified  by  the  royal  word." 

How  far  these  promises  made  by  Lord  Hillsborough  to 
the  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  by  the  Governor  to  the 
Assembly,  were  founded  in  sincerity  and  good  faith,  will 
be  demonstrated  by  subsequent  events.  They  were  prob 
ably  made  with  a  design  to  detach  the  Virginians  from 
the  earnest  support  which  they  had  hitherto  given  to  the 
people  of  Massachusetts,  who  were  still  the  most  decided 
opponents  of  the  British  ministry. 

Of  Lord  Hillsborough,  who  as  Colonial  Secretary,  had 
written  to  Lord  Botetourt  in  the  conciliatory  vein,  Dr. 
Franklin  thus  speaks  in  a  letter  to  Samuel  Cooper:  "  His 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  557 

character  is  conceit,  wrong-headedness,  obstinacy,  and 
passion.  Those  who  would  speak  most  favorably  of  him 
allow  all  this;  they  only  add,  that  he  is  an  honest  man, 
and  means  well.  If  that  be  true,  as  perhaps  it  may,  I 
wish  him  a  better  place,  where  only  honesty  and  well- 
meaning  are  required,  and  where  his  other  qualities  can 
do  no  harm.  *  *  *  I  hope  however  that  our  affairs 
will  not  much  longer  be  perplexed  and  embarrassed  by 
his  perverse  and  senseless  management." 

The  policy  of  Lord  Hillsborough  toward  the  Colonies, 
bad  as  it  was,  was  destined  to  be  supported  by  Lord 
North,  who  came  into  the  office  of  Prime  Minister  on  the 
28th  of  January,  1770. 

Having  been  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  in  the  Duke 
of  Grafton's  administration,  on  his  grace's  resignation, 
which  took  place  in  the  end  of  January,  he  succeeded  him 
as  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury,  a  pre-eminence  he  held  till 
the  close  of  the  American  Revolution.  His  administration 
will  ever  be  celebrated  by  the  fact,  that  during  its  ex 
istence  Great  Britain  lost  more  territory  and  acquired 
more  debt  than  in  any  previous  period  of  her  history.  His 
first  measure  was  partially,  and  unhappily,  only  partially, 
of  a  conciliatory  character  —  a  motion  for  the  repeal  of 
the  port  duties  of  1767,  with  the  exception  of  the  duty  on 
tea,  which  his  lordship  expressly  declared  he  desired  to 
keep  on  as  an  assertion  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Parlia 
ment.  In  vain  it  was  contended  that  the  reservation  of 
this  single  article  would  keep  up  the  contention  which  it 
was  so  desirable  to  allay;  that  after  giving  up  the  prospect 
of  a  revenue  from  the  Colonies,  it  was  absurd  and  im 
politic  to  persevere  in  the  assertion  of  an  abstract  claim 
of  right,  which,  if  attempted  in  any  mode  to  be  carried 
into  practice,  would  produce  nothing  but  civil  discord  and 
interminable  opposition;  that  in  short,  if  nothing  more 


558  WASHINGTON. 

was  meant  by  this  omission  of  the  tea  in  the  repeal,  then 
the  mere  declaration  of  Parliamentary  supremacy,  the  law 
already  in  existence  under  the  title  of  the  Declaratory  Act, 
was  abundantly  sufficient  for  this  purpose,  and  that  the 
Americans  had  hitherto  silently  acquiesced  in  that  law. 
To  all  these  arguments  Lord  North  replied:  "Has  the 
repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  taught  the  Americans  obedience? 
Has  our  lenity  inspired  them  with  moderation?  Can  it 
be  proper,  while  they  deny  our  legal  power  to  tax  them, 
to  acquiesce  in  the  argument  of  illegality,  and  by  the  re 
peal  of  the  whole  law,  to  give  up  that  power?  No!  the 
most  proper  time  to  exert  our  right  of  taxation  is  when 
the  right  is  denied.  To  temporize  is  to  yield;  and  the 
authority  of  the  mother  country,  if  it  is  now  unsupported, 
will,  in  reality,  be  relinquished  forever.  A  total  repeal 
cannot  be  thought  of  till  America  is  prostrate  at  our  feet." 
Governor  Pownall,  who  moved  as  an  amendment,  to 
include  the  duty  on  tea,  acknowledged,  that  even  the  total 
repeal  of  the  duties  in  question,  though  it  might  be  ex 
pected  to  do  much,  would  not  restore  satisfaction  to 
America.  "  If,"  said  he,  "  it  be  asked,  whether  it  will  re 
move  the  apprehensions  excited  by  your  resolutions  and 
address  of  the  last  year,  for  bringing  to  trial  in  England, 
persons  accused  of  treason  in  America?  I  answer,  No. 
If  it  be  asked,  if  this  commercial  concession  would  quiet 
the  minds  of  the  Americans  as  to  the  political  doubts  and 
fears  which  have  struck  them  to  the  heart,  throughout  the 
continent?  I  answer,  No.  So  long  as  they  are  left  in 
doubt  whether  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  whether  the  bill  of 
rights,  whether  the  common  law  as  now  existing  in  Eng 
land  have  any  operation  and  effect  in  America,  they  cannot 
be  satisfied.  At  this  hour  they  know  not  whether  the 
civil  Constitutions  be  not  suspended  and  superseded  by 
the  establishment  of  a  military  force.  The  Americans 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  559 

think  that  they  have,  in  return  to  all  their  applications, 
experienced  a  temper  and  disposition  that  is  unfriendly, 
and  that  the  enjoyment  and  exercise  of  the  common  rights 
of  freemen  have  been  refused  to  them.  Never  with  these 
views  will  they  solicit  the  favor  of  this  House ;  never  more 
will  they  wish  to  bring  before  Parliament,  the  grievances 
under  which  they  conceive  themselves  to  labor.  Deeply 
as  they  feel,  they  suffer  and  endure  with  a  determined 
and  alarming  silence;  for  their  liberty,  they  are  under  no 
apprehensions.  It  was  first  planted  under  the  auspicious 
genius  of  the  Constitution;  it  has  grown  up  into  a  verdant 
and  flourishing  tree;  and  should  any  severe  strokes  be 
aimed  at  the  branches,  and  fate  reduce  it  to  the  bare  stock, 
it  would  only  take  deeper  root,  and  spring  out  again  more 
durable  than  before.  They  trust  to  Providence,  and  wait 
with  firmness  and  fortitude  the  issue." 

The  event  proved  that  Mr.  Pownall  knew,  incompar 
ably  better  than  Lord  North,  the  character  and  state  of 
the  Colonies.  During  his  residence  in  America,  while 
successively  Governor  of  two  of  the  provinces,  he  had 
acquired  that  knowledge  which  the  British  ministry  could 
not,  and  some  provincial  Governors  would  not,  acquire. 

It  might  have  been  supposed,  that  the  very  unsatisfac 
tory  result  of  the  previous  half-measures  of  this  kind 
would  have  deterred  any  minister  from  a  repetition  of 
them.  It  displays  as  little  knowledge  of  the  construction 
of  the  human  mind,  as  attention  to  the  history  of  popular 
agitations,  to  intermingle  professions  of  kindness  with 
threats,  or  concessions  with  expressions  of  insult. 

The  Colonies  however  would  probably  have  assumed  a 
less  agitated  aspect  had  not  other  circumstances  existed 
to  ferment  and  perpetuate  feelings  of  hostility.  .Among 
these,  the  continued  presence  of  troops  of  the  line  in  Bos 
ton  was  one  of  the  most  aggravating.  The  inhabitants 


560  WASHINGTON. 

felt  that  their  remaining  stationed  in  the  place  was  designed 
to  overawe  and  control  the  expression  of  their  sentiments, 
and  the  military  appear  to  have  viewed  the  matter  in  the 
same  light.  Under  the  excitement  that  was  thus  occa 
sioned,  affrays  were  frequently  occurring  between  the 
populace  and  the  soldiers;  and  it  would  appear  that,  as 
might  be  expected,  neither  party  conducted  themselves 
with  prudence  or  forbearance.  On  the  one  hand,  the  sol 
diers  are  represented  as  parading  the  town  armed  with 
heavy  clubs,  insulting  and  seeking  occasion  to  quarrel 
with  the  people;*  while  on  the  other,  the  populace  are 
declared  to  be  the  aggressors,  and  the  military  to  have 
acted  on  the  defensive.!  It  was  proposed  by  Samuel 
Adams,  the  most  resolute  and  daring  of  the  Boston  pa 
triots,  that  the  General  Court  should  have  the  soldiers 
removed  to  Castle  William;  but  the  meeting  of  that  body 
appointed  for  the  loth  of  January  (1770),  was  prorogued 
by  Hutchinson  to  the  middle  of  March.  This  was  said  to 
be  done  under  an  arbitrary  instruction  of  Lord  Hills- 
borough. 

A  quarrel  took  place  between  the  merchants  who  had 
signed  the  nonimportation  agreement  and  Hutchinson, 
whose  sons  had  signed  and  broken  it,  by  selling  tea,  in 
which  the  Lieutenant-Governor  was  obliged  to  yield.  This 
was  thought  by  the  British  party  to  furnish  a  good  occa 
sion  for  an  attack  on  the  people  by  the  troops;  and  Colonel 
Dalrymple  prepared  his  men  for  the  purpose.  But  al 
though  repeated  assemblages  took  place  among  the  mer 
chants  and  the  people,  Hutchinson  was  afraid  to  order  an 
attack  on  them. 

Intelligence  received  from  New  York  of  repeated  affrays 
between  the  people  and  the  soldiers  stationed  there  served 

*  Bradford,  "  History  of  Massachusetts,"  p.  205. 
t  Hutchison,  p.  270. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  561 

to  increase  the  ferment  in  Boston.  The  soldiers  in  the 
latter  place  were  more  licentious,  and  under  less  restraint 
from  their  officers,  than  they  had  ever  been  before;  and 
the  boys  and  idlers  exasperated  them  by  calling  them 
rascals,  bloody  backs,  and  lobster  scoundrels.  Matters 
were  rapidly  drawing  to  a  crisis. 

On  the  2d  of  March  (1770),  a  private  soldier  of  the 
Twentieth  regiment,  applying  for  employment  at  Gray's 
rope-walk,  was  refused  in  an  insulting  manner,  which  led 
to  a  boxing-match  with  one  of  the  ropemakers,  in  which 
the  soldier  was  beaten  and  driven  away.  He  returned  with 
other  soldiers.  A  riot  ensued,  in  which  clubs  and  cutlasses 
were  employed,  which  was  terminated  by  the  interference 
of  Mr.  Gray  and  others.  This  trifling  affair  undoubtedly 
had  an  influence  in  producing  the  more  serious  collision 
which  took  place  a  few  days  afterward.  In  the  meantime, 
the  people  of  the  surrounding  country  sympathized  deeply 
with  the  Bostonians,  and  were  ready  to  support  them 
against  the  soldiers.  A  great  part  of  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts  had  been  engaged  in  military  service  in  the  colo 
nial  wars. 

Early  in  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  the  inhabitants 
were  observed  to  assemble  in  different  quarters  of  the 
town;  parties  of  soldiers  were  also  driving  about  the 
streets,  as  if  both  the  one  and  the  other  had  something 
more  than  ordinary  upon  their  minds.  About  8  o'clock, 
one  of  the  bells  of  the  town  was  rung  in  such  a  manner  as 
if  for  an  alarm  of  fire.  This  called  the  people  into  the 
streets.  A  large  number  assembled  in  the  market  place, 
not  far  from  King  street,  armed  with  bludgeons  or  clubs. 

A  small  affray  between  some  of  the  inhabitants  and  the 

soldiers  arose  at  or  near  the  barracks,  at  the  west  part  of 

the  town,  but  it  was  of  little  importance  and  was  soon 

over.     A  sentinel  who  was  posted  at  the  custom-house, 

36 


562  WASHINGTON. 

not  far  from  the  main  guard,  was  next  insulted,  and  pelted 
with  ice  and  other  missiles,  which  caused  him  to  call  to 
the  main  guard  to  protect  him. 

Notice  was  soon  given  to  Captain  Preston,  whose  com 
pany  was  then  on  guard,  and  a  sergeant  with  six  men  was 
sent  to  protect  the  sentinel;  but  the  captain,  to  prevent 
any  precipitate  action,  followed  them  himself.  There 
seem  to  have  been  but  few  people  collected  when  the  as 
sault  was  first  made  on  the  sentinel;  but  the  sergeant's 
guard  drew  a  greater  number  together,  and  they  were 
more  insulted  than  the  sentinel  had  been,  and  received  fre 
quent  blows  from  snowballs  and  lumps  of  ice.  Captain 
Preston  thereupon  ordered  them  to  charge;  but  this  was 
no  discouragement  to  the  assailants,  who  continued  to 
pelt  the  guard,  daring  them  to  fire.  Some  of  the  people 
who  were  behind  the  soldiers,  and  observed  the  abuse  of 
them,  called  on  them  to  do  so.  At  length  one  received  a 
blow  with  a  club,  which  brought  him  to  the  ground;  but 
rising  again  he  immediately  fired,  killing  a  mulatto  named 
Crispus  Attucks ;  all  the  rest  of  the  soldiers  fired,  except  one. 

This  seems,  from  the  evidence  on  the  trials,  and  the 
observation  of  persons  present,  to  have  been  the  course  of 
the  material  facts.  Three  men  were  killed,  two  mortally 
wounded,  who  died  soon  after,  and  several  slightly 
wounded.  The  soldiers  immediately  withdrew  to  the  main 
guard,  which  was  strengthened  by  additional  companies. 
Two  or  three  of  the  persons  who  had  seen  the  action  ran 
to  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  (Hutchinson's)  house,* 

*  Hutchison,  as  Lieutenant-Governor,  had  succeeded  Sir  Fran 
cis  Bernard  in  the  administration  of  affairs  in  Massachusetts.  He 
was  subsequently  appointed  Governor.  Although  an  American 
by  birth  he  was  a  bitter  Tory;  and  excelled  even  the  Earl  of 
Strafford  himself  in  tyranny  and  duplicity.  His  character  is  well 
described  by  Mr.  Bancroft  in  his  "  History  of  the  United  States," 
vol.  VI,  pp.  303-306. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  563 

which  was  about  half  a  mile  distant,  and  begged  he  would 
go  to  King  street,*  where  they  feared  a  general  action 
would  come  on  between  the  troops  and  the  inhabitants. 
He  went  immediately;  and  to  satisfy  the  people,  called  for 
Captain  Preston,  and  inquired  why  he  had  fired  upon  the 
inhabitants  without  the  direction  of  a  civil  magistrate. 
The  noise  was  so  great  that  his  answer  could  not  be  under 
stood;  and  some  persons,  who  were  apprehensive  of  the 
Lieutenant-Governor's  danger  from  the  general  confusion 
called  out:  "The  town-house!  The  town-house!"  when, 
with  irresistible  violence,  he  was  forced  up  by  the  crowd 
into  the  council  chamber. 

There  demand  was  immediately  made  of  him  to  order  the 
troops  to  withdraw  from  the  town-house  into  their  bar 
racks.  He  refused;  but  calling  from  the  balcony  to  the 
great  body  of  people  who  remained  in  the  street,  he  ex 
pressed  his  great  concern  at  the  unhappy  event;  assured 
them  he  would  do  everything  in  his  power  to  obtain  a 
full  and  impartial  inquiry,  that  the  law  might  have  its 
course;  and  advised  them)  to  go  peaceably  to  their  homes. 
Upon  this  there  was  a  cry,  "  Home,  home! "  and  a  great 
part  separated  and  went  home.  He  then  signified  his 
opinion  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Carr,  that  if  the  companies 
in  arms  were  ordered  to  their  barracks  the  streets  would 
be  cleared,  and  the  town  in  quiet  for  that  night.  Upon 
their  retiring,  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  except  those  in 
the  council  chamber,  retired  also. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Dalrymple,  at  the  desire  of  the  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor,  came  to  the  council  chamber,  where 
several  justices  were  examining  persons  who  were  present 
at  the  transaction  of  the  evening.  From  the  evidence,  it 
was  apparent  that  the  justices  would  commit  Captain 
Preston,  if  taken.  Several  hours  passed  before  he  could 
*Now  called  State  street. 


564  WASHINGTON. 

be  found,  and  the  people  suspected  that  he  would  not  run 
the  hazard  of  a  trial;  but  at  length  he  surrendered  himself 
to  a  warrant  for  apprehending  him,  and  having  been  ex 
amined,  was  committed  to  prison.  The  next  morning,  the 
soldiers  who  were  upon  guard  surrendered  also,  and  were 
committed. 

This  was  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  people,  and  early 
in  the  forenoon  they  were  in  motion  again.  The  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor  caused  his  council  to  be  summoned,  and 
desired  the  two  lieutenant-colonels  of  the  regiments  to  be 
present.  The  selectmen  of  Boston  were  waiting  for  the 
Lieutenant-Governor's  coming  to  council,  and  being  ad 
mitted,  made  their  representation,  that  from  the  conten 
tions  arising  from  the  troops  quartered  in  Boston,  and 
above  all,  from  the  tragedy  of  the  last  night,  the  minds  of 
the  inhabitants  were  exceedingly  disturbed;  that  they 
would  presently  be  assembled  in  a  town  meeting;  and  that 
unless  the  troops  should  be  removed,  the  most  terrible 
consequences  were  to  be  expected. 

The  justices,  also  of  Boston,  and  several  of  the  neigh 
boring  towns,  had  assembled  and  desired  to  signify  their 
opinion,  that  it  would  not  be  possible  to  keep  the  people 
under  restraint  if  the  troops  remained  in  town.  The  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor  acquainted  both  the  selectmen  and  the 
justices,  that  he  had  no  authority  to  alter  the  place  of  desti 
nation  of  the  King's  troops;  but  that  he  had  expected  the 
commanding  officers  of  the  two  regiments,  and  would  let 
them  know  the  applications  which  had  been  made.  Pres 
ently  after  their  coming,  a  large  committee  from  the  town 
meeting  presented  an  address  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor, 
declaring  it  to  be  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  meeting, 
that  nothing  could  rationally  be  expected  to  restore  the 
peace  of  the  town,  "  and  prevent  blood  and  carnage,"  but 
the  immediate  removal  of  the  troops. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  565 

The  committee  withdrew  into  another  room  to  wait  for 
an  answer.  Some  of  the  council  urged  the  necessity  of 
complying  with  the  people's  demand;  but  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor  declared  that  he  would,  upon  no  consideration 
whatever,  give  orders  for  their  removal.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Dalrymple  then  signified,  that  as  the  Twenty-ninth 
regiment  had  originally  been  designed  to  be  placed  at  the 
castle,  and  was  now  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  town,  he 
was  content  that  it  should  be  removed  to  the  castle  until 
the  general's  pleasure  should  be  known. 

The  committee  was  informed  of  this  offer,  and  the  Lieu 
tenant-Governor  rose  from  council,  intending  to  receive 
no  further  application  upon  this  subject;  but  the  council 
prayed  that  he  would  meet  them  again  in  the  afternoon, 
and  Colonel  Dalrymple  desiring  it  also,  he  complied. 

Before  the  council  met  again,  it  had  been  intimated  to 
them,  that  the  "  desire  "  of  the  Governor  and  council  to 
the  commanding  officer  to  remove  the  troops  would  cause 
him  to  do  it,  though  he  should  receive  no*  authoritative 
"  order."  As  soon  as  they  met,  a  committete  from  the  town 
meeting  attended  with  a  second  message,  to  acquaint  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  that  it  was  the  unanimous  voice  of 
the  people  assembled,  consisting  as  they  said,  of  near  three 
thousand  persons,  that  nothing  less  than  a  total  and  im 
mediate  removal  of  the  troops  would  satisfy  them.*  Ulti 
mately  the  scruples  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  were  over 
come,  and  he  expressed  his  desire  that  the  troops  should 
be  wholly  withdrawn  from  the  town  to  the  castle,  which 
was  accordingly  done.  The  funeral  of  the  victims  was  at 
tended  with  extraordinary  pomp.  Most  of  the  shops  were 
closed,  all  the  bells  of  the  town  tolled  on  the  occasion,  and 
the  corpses  were  followed  to  the  grave  by  an  immense  con 
course  of  people,  arranged  six  abreast,  the  procession 
*  Hutchison,  pp.  272-275. 


566  WASHINGTON. 

being  closed  by  a  long  train  of  carriages  belonging  to 
the  principal  gentry  of  the  town.*  Captain  Preston  and 
the  party  of  soldiers  were  afterward  tried.  The  captain 
and  six  of  the  men  were  acquitted,  and  two  were  brought 
in  guilty  of  manslaughter;  a  result  which  reflected  great 
honor  on  John  Adams  and  Josiah  Quincy,  the  counsel  for 
prisoners,  and  on  tHe  jury.f 

The  General  Court  met  in  March  (1770),  soon  after  the 
affair  of  the  Boston  massacre.  Hutchinson  had  appointed 
Cambridge  as  the  place  of  meeting,  and  a  great  part  of 
the  session,  which  lasted  till  November,  was  consumed 
in  altercations  between  him  and  the  members  in  discussions 
on  the  constitutionality  of  his  changing  the  place  where 
the  session  was  to  be  held.  At  length  the  General  Court 
closed  its  session  by  prorogation,  after  having  resolved, 
among  other  things,  to  promote  industry  and  frugality,  and 
to  encourage  the  use  of  domestic  manufactures  through 
out  the  province;  and  having  appointed  a  committee  of 
correspondence  to  communicate  with  the  agents  of  Great 
Britain,  and  with  the  committees  of  the  Colonies.  The 
first  of  these  resolutions  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly, 
namely,  to  discourage  the  use  of  foreign  articles,  had  been 
adopted  in  consequence  of  a  determination7  of  the  mer 
chants  of  Boston,  made  during  the  present  session,  by 
which  they  agreed  to  alter  their  nonimportation  agree 
ment,  and  to  adopt  the  plan,  which  had  been  for  some 
time  followed  in  New  York  and  in  Philadelphia,  of  im 
porting  all  the  usual  articles  of  trade  except  tea,  which  it 
was  unanimously  agreed  should  not  be  brought  into  the 
country  unless  it  could  be  smuggled. 

The  same  month  that  witnessed  the  close  of  this  session 
of  the  Massachusetts  General  Court  was  marked  by  the 

*  Gordon's  "  History,"  vol.  I,  p.  290. 

t  Quincy's  "  Life  of  Josiah  Quincy,"  pp.  31-66. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  567 

decease  of  the  celebrated  George  Grenville,  who  had  made 
himself  so  conspicuous  as  the  originator  of  the  Stamp  Act. 
Lord  Botetourt,  Governor  of  Virginia,  also  died  in  the 
autumn  of  this  year  (October  15).  The  close  of  his  admin 
istration  was  darkened  by  events  which  gave  him  great 
uneasiness.  The  Virginians,  who  had  received  with  so 
much  gratification  the  announcement  made  through  him 
of  the  good  intentions  of  the  ministry  toward  the  Colonists, 
were  deeply  disgusted  with  the  partial  repeal  of  the  revenue 
laws,  and  loudly  expressed  their  discontent.  Lord  Botf 
tourt,  conceiving  himself  to  have  been  deceived  by  the 
ministry,  demanded  his  discharge;  but  before  its  arrival, 
he  fell  sick  of  a  bilious  fever  which  soon  terminated  his 
life.  The  statue  erected  to  his  memory  by  order  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses,  is  still  standing  at  Williamsburg. 

Note. —  Francis  Bernard,  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  frequently 
mentioned  in  this  chapter,  was  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  after 
Governor  Belcher,  in  1758.  He  succeeded  Governor  Pownall,  of 
Massachusetts,  in  1760.  He  governed  the  province  for  nine  years, 
during  one  of  the  most  interesting  periods  of  American  history. 
The  first  part  of  his  administration  was  very  agreeable  to  the 
General  Court,  and  much  harmony  prevailed  for  two  or  three 
years. 

Two  parties  had  long  existed  in  the  province,  the  advocates  of 
the  crown,  and  the  defenders  of  the  rights  of  the  people.  Gov 
ernor  Bernard  was  soon  classed  with  those  who  were  desirous  of 
strengthening  the  royal  authority  in  America;  the  Sons  of  Liberty 
therefore  uniformly  opposed  him.  His  indiscretion  in  appoint 
ing  Mr.  Hutchison  chief  justice,  instead  of  giving  that  office  to 
Colonel  Otis,  of  Barnstable,  to  whom  it  had  been  promised  by 
Shirley,  proved  very  injurious  to  him.  In  consequence  of  this 
appointment  he  lost  the  influence  of  Colonel  Otis,  and  by  yield 
ing  himself  to  Mr.  Hutchison,  drew  upon  himself  the  hostility 
of  James  Otis,  the  son,  a  man  of  great  talents,  who  soon  became 
the  leader  on  the  popular  side. 

The  causes  which  finally  brought  on  the  American  Revolution 


568  WASHINGTON. 

were  then  operating.  Governor  Bernard  possessed  no  talent  for 
conciliation;  he  endeavored  to  accomplish  ministerial  purposes 
by  force;  and  the  spirit  of  freedom  gained  strength  from  the  open 
manner  in  which  he  attempted  to  crush  it.  He  was  the  principal 
means  of  bringing  the  troops  to  Boston,  that  he  might  overawe 
the  people;  and  it  was  owing  to  him  that  they  were  retained  in 
the  town.  He  endeavored  to  obtain  an  alteration  of  the  charter, 
in  order  to  transfer  the  right  of  electing  the  council  from  the 
General  Court  to  the  crown. 

This  attempt,  though  it  drew  upon  him  the  indignation  of  the 
province,  was  so  pleasing  to  the  ministry  that  he  was  created  a 
baronet  in  1769.  One  of  his  last  public  measures  was  the  pro 
roguing  of  the  General  Court,  in  consequence  of  their  refusing 
to  make  provision  for  the  support  of  the  troops.  It  was  found 
necessary  to  recall  him.  He  died  in  England  in  June,  1779. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

WASHINGTON  VISITS  THE  WESTERN  COUNTRY. 

1770. 

IN  the  autumn  of  1770,  Washington  made  a  tour  in  the 
western  country  which  lasted  nine  weeks  (October 
5,  to  December).     His  immediate  object  was  to  in 
spect    certain   lands   which    had    been   designated   to   be 
granted  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  Virginia,  who  had 
served  in  the  French  War. 

An  order  of  council  of  the  i8th  of  February,  1754, 
followed  by  a  proclamation  of  Governor  Dinwiddie, 
promising  some  200,000  acres  of  what  we  now  call  military 
bounty  lands,  had  its  effect  in  inducing  the  enlistment  oi 
soldiers  who  had  subsequently  "  behaved  so  much  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  country,  as  to  be  honored  with  the  most 
public  acknowledgments  of  it  by  the  Assembly."*  The 
claims  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  to  these  lands  had  long 
been  resisted  by  the  British  ministry  and  the  authorities 
in  Virginia;  and  were  now  threatened  with  defeat  by  a 
proposed  grant  of  land  to  a  Mr.  Walpole  (a  British  banker) 
and  others,  which  would  have  comprehended  at  least  four- 
fifths  of  this  very  land,  properly  belonging  to  the  officers 
and  soldiers,  for  the  purchase  and  survey  of  which  the 
government  had  recently  voted  £2,500  sterling.! 

'Washington's  letter  to  Lord  Botetourt,  April  15,  1770.  See 
Sparks,  "  Writings  of  Washington,"  vol.  II,  p.  358. 

t  Washington's  letter  to  Lord  Botetourt,  April  15,  1770.  See 
Sparks,  "  Writings  of  Washington,"  vol.  II,  p.  357. 

(569) 


£70  WASHINGTON. 

Washington  had  used  great  exertions,  and  spent  a 
large  sum  of  money  in  urging  these  claims.  He  had  set 
forth  their  justice  and  equity  in  a  correspondence  with 
Lord  Botetourt,  whose  intercession  with  the  ministry  he 
strongly  solicited;  and  at  a  subsequent  period  (June  15, 
1771),  it  formed  the  subject  of  a  letter  to  Lord  Dunmore, 
in  which  he  requests  to  be  informed  respecting  the  truth 
of  a  report  that  the  "  Walpole  Grant "  had  actually  been 
made. 

Washington's  exertions  in  this  good  cause  were  crowned 
with  success,  and  every  officer  and  soldier  received  his 
proper  share  of  the  land.  "  Even  Vanbraam,"  says  Mr. 
Sparks,*  "who  was  believed  to  have  deceived  him  at  the 
Great  Meadows,  and  who  went  as  a  hostage  to  Canada, 
thence  to  England,  and  never  returned  to  America,  was  not 
forgotten  in  the  distribution.  His  share  was  reserved, 
and  he  was  informed  that  it  was  at  his  disposal." 

It  was  while  this  affair  was  in  progress,  that  Washing 
ton  made  his  tour  to  the  West  for  the  purpose  of  inspect 
ing  the  bounty  lands,  and  selecting  for  the  surveys  such 
tracts  as  were  really  valuable.  It  was  one  of  those  disin 
terested  and  public  spirited  actions,  which  abound  through 
out  his  whole  career. 

In  this  tour  he  was  accompanied  by  his  friend  and 
physician,  Dr.  Craik,  who  had  been  with  him  in  Braddock's 
expedition.  They  were  attended  by  three  negro  servants, 
and  the  whole  party  was  mounted.  They  set  out  on  the 
5th  of  October  (1770),  and  in  twelve  days  arrived  at  Fort 
Pitt  (old  Fort  Duquesne).  The  following  extract  from 
Washington's  journal  of  the  tour  informs  us  how  the  party 
were  entertained  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  in  its  neighborhood 
during  their  stay,  by  the  officers  of  the  garrison  and  Wash- 

*  «  Life  of  Washington." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  571 

ington's  old  acquaintance,  George  Croghan,  now  Colonel 
Croghan,  deputy  agent  to  Sir  William  Johnson  :* 

"  October  i/th.  Dr.  Craik  and  myself,  with  Captain 
Crawford  and  others,  arrived  at  Fort  Pitt,  distant  from  the 
Crossing,  forty-three  and  a  half  measured  miles.  In  riding 
this  distance  we  passed  over  a  great  deal  of  exceedingly 
fine  land,  chiefly  white  oak,  especially  from  Sewickly  Creek 
to  Turtle  Creek;  but  the  whole  broken,  resembling  as  I 
think  all  the  lands  in  this  country  do,  the  Loudoun  lands. 
We  lodged  in  what  is  called  the  town,  distant  about  300 
yards  from  the  fort,  at  one  Mr.  Semple's,  who  keeps  a  very 
good  house  of  public  entertainment.  The  houses,  which 
are  built  of  logs  and  ranged  in  streets,  are  on  the  Monon- 
gahela,  and  I  suppose  may  be  about  twenty  in  number,  and 
inhabited  by  Indian  traders.  The  fort  is  built  on  the  point 
between  the  rivers  Alleghany  and  Monongahela,  but  not 
so  near  the  pitch  of  it  as  Fort  Duquesne  stood.  It  is 
five-sided  and  regular,  two  of  which,  near  the  land,  are  of 
brick;  the  others  stockade.  A  moat  encompasses  it.  The 
garrison  consists  of  two  companies  of  Royal  Irish,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Edmondson. 

"  1 8th.  Dined  in  the  fort  with  Colonel  Croghan  and  the 
officers  of  the  garrison;  supped  there  also,  meeting  with 
great  civility  from  the  gentlemen,  and  engaged  to  dine 
with  Colonel  Croghan  the  next  day  at  his  seat,  about  four 
miles  up  the  Alleghany. 

"  iQth.  Received  a  message  from  Colonel  Croghan,  that 
the  White  Mingo  and  other  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  had 
something  to  say  to  me,  and  desiring  that  I  would  be  at 
his  house  about  u,  where  they  were  to  meet.  I  went 
up  and  received  a  speech,  with  a  string  of  wampum,  from 
the  White  Mingo  to  the  following  effect: 

*  The  "  Journal "  is  given  in  Sparks,  "  Writings  of  Washington," 
vol.  II,  p.  516. 


572  WASHINGTON. 

"  '  That  as  I  was  a  person  whom  some  of  them  remem 
ber  to  have  seen  when  I  was  sent  on  an  embassy  to  the 
French,  and  most  of  them  had  heard  of,  they  were  come  to 
bid  me  welcome  to  this  country,  and  to  desire  that  the  peo 
ple  of  Virginia  would  consider  them  as  friends  and  broth 
ers,  linked  together  in  one  chain ;  that  I  would  inform  the 
Governor,  that  it  was  their  wish  to  live  in  peace  and  har 
mony  with  the  white  people,  and  that  though  there  had 
been  some  unhappy  differences  between  them  and  the 
people  upon  our  frontiers,  they  were  all  made  up,  and  they 
hoped  forgotten;  and  concluded  with  saying,  that  their 
brothers  of  Virginia  did  not  come  among  them  and  trade 
as  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  provinces  did,  from  whence 
they  were  afraid  that  we  did  not  look  upon  them  with  so 
friendly  an  eye  as  they  could  wish/ 

"To  this  I  answered,  after  thanking  them  for  their 
friendly  welcome,  '  that  all  the  injuries  and  affronts  that 
had  passed  on  either  side  were  now  totally  forgotten,  and 
that  I  was  sure  nothing  was  more  wished  and  desired  by 
the  people  of  Virginia,  than  to  live  in  the  strictest  friend 
ship  with  them;  that  the  Virginians  were  a  people  not  so 
much  engaged  in  trade  as  the  Pennsylvanians,  which  was 
the  reason  of  their  not  being  so  frequently  among  them ; 
but  that  it  was  possible  they  might,  for  the  time  to  come, 
have  stricter  connections  with  them,  and  that  I  would  ac 
quaint  the  government  with  their  desires/ 

'After  dining  at  Colonel  Croghan's  we  returned  to  Pitts- 
burg,  Colonel  Croghan  with  us,  who  intended  to  accom 
pany  us  part  of  the  way  down  the  river,  having  engaged  an 
Indian  called  The  Pheasant,  and  one  Joseph  Nicholson,  an 
interpreter,  to  attend  us  the  whole  voyage;  also  a  young 
Indian  warrior." 

The  party  were  now  obliged  to  leave  their  horses,  and 
descend  the  Ohio  some  265  miles  to  the  Great  Kenhawa. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  573 

This  part  of  the  journey  was  through  a  perfect  wilderness. 
There  were  no  settlers  on  the  Ohio  river  below  Pittsburg. 
The  Indians  were  sole  possessors  of  the  country.  A  few 
adventurers  in  search  of  lands  had  been  the  only  visitors 
to  what  is  now  one  of  the  most  cultivated,  rich,  and  beauti 
ful  regions  in  the  United  States. 

As  they  proceeded  down  the  river  in  a  large  open  canoe, 
entirely  unprotected  from  the  inclemency  of  the  autumn 
weather,  they  were  under  the  necessity  of  landing  every 
night,  and  encamping  in  the  woods.  Occasionally  they  left 
the  canoe  in  the  daytime,  for  the  purpose  of  examining 
the  lands  or  for  hunting.  This  thickly  wooded  region  at 
that  early  time  abounded  in  choice  game.  Deer,  buffaloes, 
wild  turkeys,  ducks,  and  geese  were  found  in  plenty;  and 
Washington,  who  delighted  in  hunting,  had  ample  oppor 
tunities  for  enjoying  his  favorite  recreation. 

The  first  two  days  of  the  voyage  down  the  river  are 
thus  noticed  in  the  journal: 

"  October  2Oth  (1770).  We  embarked  in  a  large  canoe, 
with  sufficient  store  of  provision  and  necessaries,  and  the 
following  persons,  besides  Dr.  Craik  and  myself,  to  wit, 
Captain  Crawford,  Joseph  Nicholson,  Robert  Bell,  Wil 
liam  Harrison,  Charles  Morgan,  and  Daniel  Rendon,  a  boy 
of  Captain  Crawford's,  and  the  Indians,  who  were  in  a 
canoe  by  themselves.  From  Fort  Pitt  we  sent  our  horses 
and  boys  back  to  Captain  Crawford's,  with  orders  to  meet 
us  there  again  on  the  I4th  day  of  November.  Colonel 
Croghan,  Lieutenant  Hamilton,  and  Mr.  Magee  set  out 
with  us.  At  2  we  dined  at  Mr.  Magee's,  and  encamped 
ten  miles  below,  and  four  above  Logstown.  We  passed 
several  large  islands  which  appeared  to  be  very  good,  as 
the  bottoms  also  did  on  each  side  of  the  river  alternately; 
the  hills  on  one  side  being  opposite  to  the  bottoms  on 


574  WASHINGTON. 

the  other,  which  seemed  generally  to  be  about  three  or 
four  hundred  yards  wide,  and  so  vice  versa. 

"  2 1  st.  Left  our  encampment  about  6  o'clock  and  break 
fasted  at  Logstown,  where  we  parted  with  Colonel  Cro- 
ghan  and  company  about  9  o'clock.  At  n  we  came  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Big  Beaver  creek,  opposite  to  which  is 
a  good  situation  for  a  house,  and  above  it  on  the  same 
side,  that  is,  the  west,  there  appears  to  be  a  body  of  fine 
land.  About  five  miles  lower  down,  on  the  east  side, 
comes  in  Raccoon  creek,  at  the  mouth  of  which  and  up  it 
appears  to  be  a  body  of  good  land  also.  All  the  land 
between  this  creek  and  the  Monongahela  and  for  fifteen 
miles  back  is  claimed  by  Colonel  Croghan  under  a  pur 
chase  from  the  Indians,  which  sale,  he  says,  is  confirmed 
by  His  Majesty.  On  this  creek,  where  the  branches 
thereof  interlock  with  the  water  of  Shurtees  creek,  there 
is,  according  to  Colonel  Croghan's  account,  a  body  of  fine, 
rich,  level  land.  This  tract  he  wants  to  sell,  and  offers  it 
at  £5  sterling  per  hundred  acres,  with  an  exemption  of 
quit-rents  for  twenty  years;  after  which,  to  be  subject  to 
the  payment  of  45.  and  £2  sterling  per  hundred  acres ;  pro 
vided  he  can  sell  it  in  ten-thousand-acre  lots.  At  present 
the  unsettled  state  of  this  country  renders  any  purchase 
dangerous.  From  Racoon  creek  to  Little  Beaver  creek 
appears  to  me  to  be  little  short  of  ten  miles,  and  about 
three  miles  below  this  we  encamped,  after  hiding  a  barrel 
of  biscuit  in  an  island  to  lighten  our  canoe." 

In  these  extracts  from  the  journal,  as  well  as  in  those 
that  follow,  it  will  be  observed  that  Washington  does  not 
forget  the  main  object  of  the  tour,  the  selection,  namely, 
of  good  lands  for  the  soldiers  of  the  Seven  Years'  War. 
His  usual  prudence  is  apparent  in  the  remark  on  Cro 
ghan's  offer  of  an  opportunity  for  speculating  in  land. 
Washington  was  by  no  means  averse  however  to  invest- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  575 

ing  his  money  in  wild  lands;  and  he  subsequently,  as  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  remark,  bought  large  tracts  and 
became  interested  in  companies  whose  object  it  was  to 
form  settlements  in  the  rich  and  beautiful  region  which 
he  was  now  visiting. 

The  next  extract  from  the  journal  refers  to  the  dan 
gers,  but  the  writer  does  not  complain,  as  travelers  gen 
erally  do,  of  the  discomforts  and  hardships  of  the  voyage. 
It  also  gives  us  a  glimpse  of  the  Indians  and  a  specimen 
of  the  hunting  excursions  of  the  voyagers.  It  also  refers 
to  an  alarm  of  Indian,  hostility,  which  happily  proved 
groundless : 

"  October  22d.  As  it  began  to  snow  about  midnight 
and  continued  pretty  steadily,  it  was  about  7:30  before 
we  left  our  encampment.  At  the  distance  of  about  eight 
miles  we  came  to  the  mouth  of  Yellow  creek,  opposite 
to,  or  rather,  below  which,  appears  to  be  a  long  bottom 
of  very  good  land,  and  the  ascent  to  the  hills  apparently 
gradual.  There  is  another  pretty  large  bottom  of  very 
good  land  about  two  or  three  miles  above  this.  About 
eleven  or  twelve  miles  from  this,  and  just  above  what  is 
called  the  Long  Island  (which,  though  so  distinguished, 
is  not  very  remarkable  for  length,  breadth,  or  goodness), 
comes  in  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  a  small  creek  or 
run,  the  name  of  which  I  could  not  learn;  and  a  mile  or 
two  below  the  island,  on  the  west  side,  comes  in  Big  Stony 
creek  (not  larger  in  appearance  than  the  other),  on  neither 
of  which  does  there  seem  to  be  any  large  bottoms  or 
bodies  of  good  land.  About  seven  miles  from  the  last- 
mentioned  creek,  twenty-eight  from  our  last  encampment, 
and  about  seventy-five  from  Pittsburg,  we  came  to  the 
Mirigo  town,  situate  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  a  little 
above  the  Cross  creeks.  This  place  contains  about  twenty 
cabins  and  seventy  inhabitants  of  the  Six  Nations.  Had 


576  WASHINGTON. 

we  set  off  early  and  kept  constantly  at  it  we  might  have 
reached  lower  than  this  place  to-day,  as  the  water  in  many 
places  ran  pretty  swift,  in  general  more  so  than  yester 
day.  The  river  from  Fort  Pitt  to  Logstown  has  some 
ugly  rifts  and  shoals,  which  we  found  somewhat  difficult 
to  pass,  whether  from  our  inexperience  of  the  channel  or 
not  I  cannot  undertake  to  say.  From  Logstown  to  the 
mouth  of  Little  Beaver  creek  is  much  the  same  kind  of 
water;  that  is,  rapid  in  some  places,  gliding  gently  along 
in  others,  and  quite  still  in  many.  The  water  from  Little 
Beaver  creek  to  the  Mingo  town  in  general  is  swifter 
than  we  found  it  the  preceding  day,  and  without  any  shal 
lows;  there  being  some  one  part  or  another  always  deep, 
which  is  a  natural  consequence,  as  the  river  in  all  the  dis 
tance  from  Fort  Pitt  to  this  town  has  not  widened  at  all, 
nor  do  the  bottoms  appear  to  be  any  larger.  The  hills 
which  come  close  to  the  river  opposite  to  each  bottom 
are  steep,  and  on  the  side  in  view,  in  many  places  rocky 
and  cragged,  but  said  to  abound  in  good  land  on  the  tops. 
These  are  not  a  range  of  hills,  but  broken  and  cut  in  two, 
as  if  there  were  frequent  watercourses  running  through, 
which  however  we  did  not  perceive  to  be  the  case.  The 
river  abounds  in  wild  geese  and  several  kinds  of  ducks, 
but  in  no  great  quantity.  We  killed  five  wild  turkeys  to 
day.  Upon  our  arrival  at  the  Mingo  town  we  received  the 
disagreeable  news  of  two  traders  being  killed  at  a  town 
called  the  Grape-Vine  town,  thirty-eight  miles  below  this, 
which  caused  us  to  hesitate  whether  we  should  proceed 
or  wait  for  further  intelligence." 

The  sequel  of  this  affair  is  thus  noticed  in  the  record 
of  events  on  the  24th  and  25th  of  October: 

"  Two  or  three  miles  below  the  Pipe  creek  is  a  pretty 
large  creek  on  the  west  side,  called  by  Nicholson,  Fox- 
Grape  Vine,  by  others  Captema,  creek,  on  which,  eight 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  577 

miles  up,  is  the  town  called  the  Grape- Vine  town;  and  at 
the  mouth  of  it  is  the  place  where  it  is  said  the  trader  was 
killed.  To  this  place  we  came  about  3  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and  finding  nobody  there  we  agreed  to  encamp, 
that  Nicholson  and  one  of  the  Indians  might  go  up  to  the 
town  and  inquire  into  the  truth  of  the  report  concerning 
the  murder. 

"  25th.  About  7  o'clock  Nicholson  and  the  Indian  re 
turned  ;  they  found  nobody  at  the  town  but  two  old  Indian 
women  (the  men  being  a  hunting) ;  from  these  they  learned 
that  the  trader  was  not  murdered,  but  drowned  hi  at 
tempting  to  cross  the  Ohio;  and  that  only  one  boy,  be 
longing  to  the  traders,  was  in  these  parts;  the  trader,  his 
father,  being  gone  for  horses  to  take  home  their  skins. 
About  half  an  hour  after  7  we  set  out  from  our  encamp 
ment,  around  which  and  up  the  creek  is  a  body  of  fine 
land.  In  our  passage  down  to  this  place  we  saw  innu 
merable  quantities  of  turkeys,  and  many  deer  watering 
and  browsing  on  the  shore  side,  some  of  which  we  killed." 

On  the  next  day,  near  Long  Reach,  the  party  encoun 
tered  traders,  from  whom  they  learn  more  particulars 
about  the  false  alarm: 

"At  the  end  of  this  reach  we  found  Martin  and  Lindsay, 
two  traders,  and  from  them  learnt  that  the  person  drowned 
was  one  Philips,  attempting,  in  company  with  Rogers, 
another  Indian  trader,  to  swim  the  river  with  their  horses 
at  an  improper  place;  Rogers  himself  narrowly  escaping." 

In  the  following  record  of  the  proceedings  on  the  28th 
of  October,  we  find  an  exquisite  picture  of  Indian  life  and 
manners  : 

"  28th.  Left  our  encampment  about  7  o'clock.  Two 
miles  below,  a  small  run  comes  in  on  the  east  side,  through 
a  piece  of  land  that  has  a  very  good  appearance,  the  bot 
tom  beginning  above  our  encampment  and  continuing  in 
27 


578  WASHINGTON. 

appearance  wide  for  four  miles  down,  where  we  found 
Kiashuta  and  his  hunting  party  encamped.  Here  we  were 
under  the  necessity  of  paying  our  compliments,  as  this 
person  was  one  of  the  Six  Nation  chiefs,  and  the  head 
of  those  upon  this  river.  In  the  person  of  Kiashuta  I 
found  an  old  acquaintance,  he  being  one  of  the  Indians 
that  went  with  me  to  the  French  in  1753.  He  expressed 
a  satisfaction  at  seeing  me,  and  treated  us  with  great 
kindness,  giving  us  a  quarter  of  very  fine  buffalo.  He 
insisted  upon  our  spending  ^that  night  with  him,  and,  in 
order  to  retard  us  as  little  as  possible,  moved  his  camp 
down  the  river  just  below  the  mouth  of  a  creek,  the  name 
of  which  I  could  not  learn.  At  this  place  we  all  encamped. 
After  much  counseling  over  night,  they  all  came  to  my 
fire  the  next  morning  with  great  formality,  when  Kia 
shuta,  rehearsing  what  had  passed  between  me  and  the 
sachems  at  Colonel  Croghan's,  thanked  me  for  saying 
that  peace  and  friendship  with  them  were  the  wish  of  the 
people  of  Virginia,  and  for  recommending  it  to  the  traders 
to  deal  with  them  upon  a  fair  and  equitable  footing;  and 
then  again  expressed  their  desire  of  having  a  trade  opened 
with  Virginia,  and  that  the  Governor  thereof  might  not 
only  be  made  acquainted  therewith,  but  with  their  friendly 
disposition  toward  the  white  people.  This  I  promised 
to  do. 

"  29th.  The  tedious  ceremony  which  the  Indians  ob 
serve  in  their  counselings  and  speeches  detained  us  till 
9  o'clock." 

In  the  following  record  of  the  3ist  of  October,  and  the 
two  following  days,  we  find  the  travelers  at  the  farthest 
point  they  had  proposed  to  visit,  the  Great  Kenhawa 
river : 

"  3 1 st.  I  sent  the  canoe  down  about  five  miles  to  the 
junction  of  the  two  rivers,  that  is,  the  Kenhawa  with  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  579 

Ohio,  and  set  out  upon  a  hunting  party  to  view  the  land. 
We  steered  nearly  east  for  about  eight  or  nine  miles,  then 
bore  southwardly  and  westwardly  till  we  came  to  our 
camp  at  the  confluence  of  the  rivers.  The  land  from  the 
rivers  appeared  but  indifferent  and  very  broken;  whether 
these  ridges  may  not  be  those  that  divide  the  waters  of 
the  Ohio  from  the  Kenhawa  is  not  certain,  but  I  believe 
they  are;  if  so,  the  lands  may  yet  be  good;  if  not,  that 
which  lies  beyond  the  river  bottoms  is  worth  little. 

"  November  ist  (1770).  Before  8  o'clock  we  set  off  with 
our  canoe  up  the  river,  to  discover  what  kind  of  lands  lay 
upon  the  Kenhawa.  The  land  on  both  sides  this  river, 
just  at  the  mouth,  is  very  fine,  but  on  the  east  side,  when 
you  get  toward  the  hills,  which  I  judge  to  be  about  600 
or  700  yards  from  the  river,  it  appears  to  be  wet,  and 
better  adapted  for  meadow  than  tillage.  This  bottom 
continues  up  the  east  side  for  about  two  miles;  and  by 
going  up  the  Ohio  a  good  tract  might  be  got  of  bottom 
land,  including  the  old  Shawnee  town,  which  is  about 
three  miles  up  the  Ohio,  just  above  the  mouth  of  a  creek. 
We  judged  we  went  up  the  Kenhawa  about  ten  miles  to 
day.  On  the  east  side  appear  to  be  some  good  bottoms, 
but  small,  neither  long  nor  wide,  and  the  hills  back  of 
them  rather  steep  and  poor. 

"  2d.  We  proceeded  up  the  river  with  the  canoe  about 
four  miles  farther,  and  then  encamped  and  went  a  hunting; 
killed  five  buffaloes  and  wounded  some  others,  three  deer, 
etc.  This  country  abounds  in  buffaloes  and  wild  game 
of  all  kinds,  as  also  in  all  kinds  of  wild  fowl,  there  being 
in  the  bottoms  a  great  many  small,  grassy  ponds  or  lakes, 
which  are  full  of  swans,  geese,  and  ducks  of  different 
kinds." 

The  following  notice  of  the  first  day  on  tihe  return  voy- 


580  WASHINGTON. 

age  is  exceedingly  characteristic  of  Washington's  methodi 
cal  and  business-like  habits: 

"  3d.  We  set  off  down  the  river  on  our  return  home 
ward  and  encamped  at  the  mouth.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  bottom  above  the  junction  of  the  rivers,  and  at  the 
mouth  of  a  branch  on  the  east  side,  I  marked  two  maples, 
an  elm,  and  hoop-wood  tree  as  a  corner  of  the  soldiers' 
land  (if  we  can  get  it),  intending  to  take  all  the  bottom 
from  hence  to  the  rapids  in  the  Great  Bend  into  one 
survey.  I  also  marked  at  the  mouth  of  another  run  lower 
down  on  the  west  side,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  long  bot 
tom,  an  ash  and  hoop-wood  for  the  beginning  of  another 
of  the  soldiers'  survey,  to  extend  up  so  as  to  include  all 
the  bottom  in  a  body  on  the  west  side.  In  coming  from 
our  last  encampment  up  the  Kenhawa,  I  endeavored  to 
take  the  courses  and  distances  of  the  river  by  a  pocket- 
compass  and  by  guessing." 

In  the  following  memorandum  Kiashuta  again  comes 
upon  the  stage: 

"  6th.  We  left  our  encampment  a  little  after  daylight, 
and  after  about  five  miles  we  came  to  Kiashuta's  hunting 
camp,  which  was  now  removed  to  the  mouth  of  that  creek, 
noted  October  2Qth  for  having  fallen  timber  at  the  mouth 
of  it,  in  a  bottom  of  good  land.  By  kindness  and  idle 
ceremony  of  the  Indians,  I  was  detained  at  Kiashuta's 
camp  all  the  remaining  part  of  this  day." 

From  Kiashuta,  Washington,  on  this  occasion,  obtained 
much  valuable  information  respecting  the  topography  of 
that  part  of  the  neighboring  country  which  he  had  not 
seen;  and  this  information  is  entered  in  detail  on  the  jour 
nal  evidently  for  future  reference.  The  portion  of  the 
journal  from  the  Qth  to  the  i7th  of  November  was  so 
much  injured  by  an  accident  that  it  could  not  be  tran 
scribed  for  publication;  but  the  record  for  the  I7th,  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  581 

day  of  their  arrival  at  Mingo  town,  contains  an  extended 
notice  of  the  rivers  and  lands  the  party  had  visited,  as 
well  as  of  the  Indians  and  their  disposition  toward  land 
speculators  and  squatters,  who  had  already  commenced 
operations  on  the  land  lying  between  the  Ohio  river  and 
the  recognized  boundary  of  Virginia. 

At  Mingo  town  the  party  brought  their  boating  excur 
sion  to  an  end.  On  the  i8th  of  November,  Washington 
agreed  with  two  Delaware  Indians  to  take  the  canoe  up 
to  Fort  Pitt,  and  on  the  2Oth,  their  horses  having  been 
brought  to  them,  the  party  set  forward  for  Fort  Pitt, 
where  they  arrived  the  next  day. 

The  record  of  the  22d  mentions  Dr.  Connolly,  after 
ward  distinguished  in  the  history  of  the  western  country 
as  a  large  operator  in  lands  and  in  colonization.  The 
reader  will  notice  that  in  this  and  several  previous  ex 
tracts  Pittsburg  is  mentioned;  this  name,  it  seems,  being 
already  given  to  the  little  cluster  of  log  cabins  just  com 
menced  near  the  site  of  Fort  Pitt  (old  Fort  Duquesne) : 

"  22d.  Stayed  at  Pittsburg  all  day.  Invited  the  officers 
and  some  other  gentlemen  to  dinner  with  me  at  Semple's, 
among  whom  was  one  Dr.  Connolly,  nephew  to  Colonel 
Croghan,  a  very  sensible,  intelligent  man,  who  had  trav 
eled  over  a  good  deal  of  this  western  country  both  by 
land  and  water,  and  who  confirms  Nicholson's  account  of 
the  good  land  on  the  Shawnee  river,  up  which  he  had 
been  near  400  miles.  This  country  (I  mean  on  the  Shaw- 
nee  river),  according  to  Dr.  Connolly's  description,  must 
be  exceedingly  desirable  on  many  accounts.  The  climate 
is  fine,  the  soil  remarkably  good,  the  lands  well  watered 
with  good  streams,  and  level  enough  for  any  kind  of  cul 
tivation.  Besides  these  advantages  from  nature,  it  has 
others  not  less  important  to  a  new  settlement,  particu 
larly  game,  which  is  so  plentiful  as  to  render  the  trans- 


582  WASHINGTON. 

portation  of  provisions  thither,  bread  only  excepted,  alto 
gether  unnecessary.  Dr.  Connolly  is  so  much  delighted 
with  the  lands  and  climate  on  that  river  that  he  wishes  for 
nothing  more  than  to  induce  100  families  to  go  there  and 
live,  that  he  might  be  among  them.  A  new  and  most  de 
sirable  government  might  be  established  there,  to  be 
bounded,  according  to  his  account,  by  the  Ohio  north 
ward  and  westward,  by  the  ridge  that  divides  the  waters 
of  the  Tennessee  or  Cherokee  river  southward  and  west 
ward,  and  a  line  to  be  run  from  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  or 
above,  so  as  to  cross  the  Shawnee  river  above  the  fork 
of  it.  Dr.  Connolly  gives  much  the  same  account  of  the 
land  between  Fort  Chartres,  in  the  Illinois  country,  and 
Post  St.  Vincent  that  Nicholson  does,  except  in  the  article 
of  water,  which  the  doctor  says  is  bad  and  in  the  summer 
scarce,  there  being  little  else  than  stagnant  water  to  be 
met  with." 

On  the  23d  of  November  (1770),  Washington  set  out 
on  his  return  to  Mount  Vernon,  which  he  reached  on  the 
ist  of  December,  after  an  absence  of  nine  weeks  and  one 
day.  The  journal  of  his  tour,  from  which  we  have  made 
such  copious  extracts,  shows  the  laborious  and  fatiguing 
nature  of  traveling  in  the  wilderness;  but  it  was  also  at 
tended  with  a  species  of  danger  still  more  formidable  than 
any  which  he  actually  encountered.  This  was  the  hostility 
of  the  Indians,  who  had  recently  been  engaged  in  war 
with  the  British  colonists,  and  who,  soon  after  this  tour 
of  Washington,  again  attacked  them,  and  a  bloody  war 
ensued,  of  which  the  principal  battle  took  place  on  the 
banks  of  the  Great  Kenhawa,  which  had  so  recently  been 
visited  by  Washington  and  his  party. 

Washington  intended  to  make  another  tour  to  the  West 
shortly  after  his  return,  in  company  with  Lord  Dunmore, 
Governor  of  Virginia,  successor  to  Lord  Botetourt.  But 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  583 

he  was  prevented  by  severe  domestic  affliction  from  ful 
filling  his  purpose.  This  was  occasioned  by  the  death  of 
Miss  Custis,  the  only  daughter  of  Mrs.  Washington. 

"  The  long,  severe,  and  fatal  illness  of  Mrs.  Washing 
ton's  daughter,"  says  Mrs.  Kirkland,*  "  was  the  darkest 
cloud  that  overspread  Mount  Vernon  for  many  years  of 
quiet  time.  The  feeble  child  was  the  darling  of  her  mother; 
and  her  prolonged  suffering  made  large  drafts,  not  only 
upon  the  tender  mother,  but  upon  the  kind  stepfather; 
and  when  at  length  she  died,  Washington,  who  was  just 
setting  out  upon  a  long  journey  of  exploration,  prepara 
tory  to  the  purchase  of  some  tracts  of  land  at  the  West, 
gave  up  the  expedition  and  staid  at  home  to  comfort  and 
cheer  his  wife  under  her  great  affliction.  Mrs.  Lewis, 
granddaughter  of  Mrs.  Washington,  says  that  on  the  occa 
sion  of  this  young  lady's  death,  Washington  exhibited  a 
passionate  excess  of  feeling  —  falling  on  his  knees  at  the 
bedside  and  praying  aloud  and  with  tears  that  she  might 
be  spared,  unconscious  that,  even  as  he  spoke,  life  had 
departed.  We  find  by  his  diary  after  this  time  that  he 
took  Mrs.  Washington  out  every  day,  driving  about  the 
neighborhood  and  calling  on  intimate  friends,  endeavoring 
by  exercise  in  the  open  air  and  by  the  society  of  those  she 
loved  to  turn  her  thoughts  from  the  too  constant  con 
templation  of  her  loss.  She  was  a  woman  of  strong  af 
fections,  very  quiet  and  retiring  in  her  habits,  and  de 
voted  to  her  family;  and  Washington's  sympathy  was 
never  wanting  when  she  suffered  from  loss  or  separation." 
*"  Memoirs  of  Washington/'  p.  202. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

POLITICAL  UNION  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

I77I-I773. 

IN  March,  1771,  Hutchinson  received  his  commission 
as  Governor  of  Massachusetts.     It  was  unfortunate 
for  his  character  that  he  accepted  it,  as  it  was  des 
tined  to  bring  him  nothing  but  disappointment  and  dis 
grace;  but  his  maladministration  was  ultimately  service 
able  to  the  Colonies,  as  it  undoubtedly  served  to  hasten 
the  period  of  open  hostilities  and  of  consequent  independ 
ence.     One  of  the  first  incidents  which  followed  his  ap 
pointment  was  the  announcement  of  a  fresh  attack  on  the 
chartered  rights  of  the  Colony  by  the  ministry. 

He  had  enjoyed  his  commission  as  Governor  but  a  very 
short  time  when  he  acquainted  the  provincial  Assembly 
that  he  no  longer  required  a  salary  from  them,  as  the  King 
had  mad-e  provision  for  his  support.  By  this  measure  the 
British  court  expected  gradually  to  introduce  into  practi 
cal  operation  the  principle  for  which  it  had  already  con 
tended,  of  rendering  the  emoluments,  as  well  as  the  com 
munication  and  endurance,  of  executive  functions  in 
America  wholly  dependent  on  the  pleasure  of  the  Crown; 
and  probably  it  was  supposed  that  the  Americans  would 
give  little  heed  to  the  principle  of  an  innovation  of  which 
the  first  practical  effect  was  to  relieve  them  from  a  con 
siderable  burden. 

But  the  Americans  valued  liberty  more   than  money, 

(584) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  585 

and  justly  accounted  it  the  political  basis  on  which  re 
posed  the  stability  of  every  temporal  advantage.  Hutch- 
inson's  communication  was  deliberately  examined  and  dis 
cussed,  and  a  month  afterward  (July  10,  1771),  the  As 
sembly,  by  a  message,  declared  to  him  that  the  royal  pro 
vision  for  his  support  and  his  own  acceptance  of  it  was 
an  infraction  of  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants  recognized 
by  the  provincial  charter,  an  insult  to  the  Assembly,  and 
an  invasion  of  the  important  trust  which  from  the  founda 
tion  of  their  Commonwealth  they  had  ever  continued  to 
exercise. 

Hutchinson,  who,  like  many  scholars,  entertained  senti 
ments  rather  kindly  than  respectful  of  the  mass  of  man 
kind,  and  never  justly  appreciated  the  fortitude,  resolution, 
and  foresight  of  his  countrymen,  appears  to  have  been 
struck  with  surprise  at  their  conduct  on  this  occasion. 
This,  at  least,  is  the  most  intelligible  explanation  of  his 
behavior,  when,  some  time  after,  they  desired  his  assent 
to  the  usual  provision  they  made  for  the  salaries  of  the 
judges.  Instead  of  frankly  granting  or  withholding  his 
sanction,  he  continued  to  hesitate  and  temporize,  until 
a  remonstrance  from  the  Assembly  elicited  from  him  the 
avowal,  for  which  they  were  quite  prepared,  that  he  could 
no  longer  authorize  a  provincial  provision  for  the  judges, 
as  the  King  had  undertaken  to  provide  for  their  remu 
neration  also. 

The  Assembly  instantly  passed  a  resolution  declaring 
that  this  measure  tended  to  the  subversion  of  justice  and 
equity;  and  that,  while  the  tenure  of  judicial  office  con 
tinued  to  depend  on  the  pleasure  of  the  King,  "  any  of 
the  judges  who  shall  accept  of  and  depend  upon  the  pleas 
ure  of  the  Crown  for  his  support,  independent  of  the 
grants  of  the  Assembly,  will  discover  that  he  is  an  enemy 


586  .    WASHINGTON. 

to  the  Constitution,  and  has  it  in  his  heart  to  promote  the 
establishment  of  arbitrary  power  in  the  province." 

We  shall  here  so  far  overstep  the  march  of  time  and 
order  of  events  as  to  notice  the  issue  of  this  particular 
dispute,  which  did  not  occur  till  the  commencement  of  the 
year  1774,  when  four  of  the  judges  acquainted  the  As 
sembly  that  they  had  received  the  salary  voted  to  them 
by  the  representatives  of  the  people,  and  refused  to  accept 
emolument  from  any  other  quarter;  but  Oliver,  the  Chief 
Justice,  announced  that  he  had  received  the  King's  salary, 
and  without  His  Majesty's  permission  could  not  accept 
any  other  emolument.  The  Assembly  thereupon  tendered 
an  impeachment  against  Oliver  to  the  Governor  and  coun 
cil,  and  as  Hutchinson  refused  to  receive  it,  they  protested 
that  his  refusal  was  occasioned  by  his  own  dependence 
on  the  Crown.  They  had  never  indeed  any  hope  that  it 
would  be  received,  and  were  incited  to  these  measures  by 
the  desire  of  rendering  Hutchinson  and  Oliver  additionr- 
ally  unpopular. 

In  the  close  of  the  present  year  (1772),  Samuel  Adams 
suggested  to  his  countrymen  the  expediency  of  a  meas 
ure  fitted  to  counteract  the  representations  of  Hutchin 
son  and  his  adherents,  who  gave  out  that  the  popular  op 
position  was  more  formidable  in  appearance  than  in  reality 
and  was  at  bottom  merely  an  intrigue  of  a  few  factious 
men;  and  in  conformity  with  his  suggestion, .the  inhab 
itants  of  Boston  (November  22,  1772)  elected  twenty-one 
of  their  fellow-citizens  as  a  committee  empowered  to  cor 
respond  with  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  to 
consider  and  represent  the  common  grievances,  and  to 
publish  to  the  world  an  account  of  their  transactions. 
The  committee  thus  elected  prepared  and  dispersed 
throughout  the  province  a  report  of  all  the  encroachments 
that  had  been  attempted  or  committed  upon  American 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  58? 

liberty,  together  with  a  circular  letter  which  concluded 
in  these  terms:  "  Let  us  consider,  brethren,  that  we  are 
struggling  for  our  best  birthright  and  inheritance,  of  which 
the  infringement  renders  all  other  blessings  precarious 
in  their  enjoyment  and  consequently  trifling  in  their  value. 
We  are  not  afraid  of  poverty,  but  we  disdain  slavery. 
Let  us  disappoint  the  men  who  are  raising  themselves  on 
the  ruin  of  this  country.  Let  us  convince  every  invader 
of  our  freedom  that  we  will  be  as  free  as  the  Constitution 
which  our  fathers  recognized  will  justify." 

The  powerful  influence  of  this  measure  was  not  confined 
to  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  nor  even  to  the  States 
of  New  England.  It  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel  that  it 
was  adopted  by  all  the  Colonies. 

The  following  extract,  from  a  British  writer,  evinces 
how  well  the  importance  of  Samuel  Adams's  invention  of 
committees  of  correspondence  was  understood  in  Eng 
land,  where  it  was  attributed  to  their  "  favorite  aversion," 
Dr.  Franklin: 

"  The  Americans  declared  that  the  design  of  the  British 
Government  was  to  impose  its  own  arbitrary  instruments 
upon  them,  to  destroy  the  very  essence  of  their  charters 
and  liberties,  by  making  the  judges  and  governors  wholly 
independent  of  the  people,  and  wholly  dependent  upon 
the  Crown.  A  series  of  protests,  begun  at  Boston,  where 
the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  had  returned  to  sit,  soon 
ran  through  all  the  Colonies ;  and  a  general  corresponding 
committee  was  established,  with  branches  and  ramifica 
tions  reaching  to  nearly  every  town  and  village  in  the  Col 
onies.  This  committee  of  correspondence  proved  the 
great  lever  of  revolution.  The  invention  of  it  has  been 
attributed  to  Franklin,  but  the  thing  itself,  the  uses  to 
which  it  might  be  applied,  and  its  absolute  necessity  in  a 
country  where  the  population  was  scattered  over  such  im- 


588  WASHINGTON. 

mense  tracts  of  land,  with  mighty  rivers  and  forests,  moun 
tains  and  deserts  intervening,  were  all  so  obvious  that  they 
must  have  struck  the  dullest  apprehension,  and  the  idea 
no  doubt  sprung  up  spontaneously  in  thousands  of  minds 
at  once.  The  effect  was  soon  seen  in  a  general  combina 
tion  of  measures,  a  unanimity  of  language,  and  a  general 
avoidance  or  persecution  of  all  who  presumed  to  side  with 
the  British  Government.  The  words  and  deeds  of  an  in 
dividual  at  Boston  were  made  known  everywhere,  and  the 
Tories,  as  they  were  called,  could  not  travel  or  show  their 
faces  anywhere  without  being  reviled  and  threatened  as 
enemies  to  their  country.  Liberty  has  its  arbitrary  de 
vices  as  well  as  despotism.  Description  of  persons,  like 
the  slgnalemens  on  a  French  passport,  were  scattered  far 
and  wide,  so  that  the  traveling  Tories  found  themselves 
recognized  even  where  they  least  expected  to  be  known." 
During  the  month  (October,  1770)  before  Washington 
commenced  his  journey  to  the  western  country  another 
important  change  had  taken  place  in  the  measures  adopted 
by  the  British  ministry  for  reducing  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts  to  obedience.  While  the  General  Court  were  in 
session  for  the  third  time  at  Cambridge,  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor  (Hutchinson)  had  received  an  order  which  had 
been  adopted  by  the  King  in  council,*  making  the  harbor 
of  Boston  the  rendezvous  of  all  ships  stationed  in  North 
America,  and  the  fortress  (Castle  William),  which  com 
manded  it,  was  to  be  delivered  up  to  such  officer  as  Gen 
eral  Gagef  should  appoint,  to  be  garrisoned  by  regular 
troops  and  put  into  a  respectable  state  of  defense.  Gage 
directed  Hutchinson  to  deliver  up  Castle  William  to  Col 
onel  Dalrymple. 

*  Bancroft.  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  vol.  VI,  p.  369. 
t  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  royal  forces  in  America;  at  this 
time  he  was  in  England. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  589 

This  command  of  the  King,  Hutchinson,  after  one  day's 
hesitation,  carried  into  effect  by  a  sort  of  stratagem,  thus 
violating  the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  which  confided  the 
military  force  of  the  Colony  and  its  forts  to  the  Governor 
alone.  The  civil  power  was  thus  brought  into  subjection 
to  the  military,  and  "  the  act,"  says  Bancroft,  "  was  a  com 
mencement  of  civil  war." 

No  attempt  was  made  by  the  Bostonians  to  displace  the 
royal  troops.  The  people  understood  the  menace,  but 
"bided  their  time."  The  General  Court  protested;  and 
then  proceeded  to  institute  an  inquiry  into  the  state  of  the 
province,  with  a  view  to  the  redress  of  grievances.  Hutch 
inson,  in  the  meantime,  was  secretly  urging  Lord  Hills- 
borough  the  complete  subversion  of  the  charter  of  Massa 
chusetts  and  the  remodeling  of  its  government  on  the 
principles  of  despotism. 

In  June,  1772,  Hutchinson,  for  the  fourth  time,  ordered 
the  General  Court  to  assemble  in  Cambridge.  He  per 
sisted  in  this  course,  so  vexatious  to  the  members,  merely 
as  an  assertion  of  prerogative,  and  it  was  precisely  on 
this  ground  that  the  Legislature  remonstrated  against 
being  exiled  from  the  proper  seat  of  government  for  the 
province.  Weary  of  the  contest,  he  now  put  an  end  to 
discussion  by  adjourning  the  session  to  Boston. 

Soon  after,  the  famous  affair  of  the  schooner  Gaspee 
took  place.  This  vessel  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Dudingston,  who  was  loudly  complained  of  by  the  people 
of  Providence,  R.  I.,  for  obstructing  the  commerce  of 
the  place  without  having  shown  any  evidence  of  his  au 
thority.  Chief  Justice  Hopkins  pronounced  this  conduct 
a  trespass,  if  not  piracy;  but  he  was  sustained  by  the  ad 
miral,  who  threatened  those  persons  who  should  rescue 
a  vessel  from  any  of  the  King's  officers  with  being  hung 
as  pirates.  Thus  supported,  Dudingston  "  insulted  the  in- 


590  WASHINGTON. 

habitants,  plundered  the  island  of  sheep  and  hogs,  cut 
down  trees,  fired  at  market  boats,  detained  vessels  with 
out  a  colorable  pretext,  and  made  illegal  seizures  of  goods, 
of  which  the  recovery  cost  more  than  they  were  worth."* 

On  the  9th  of  June  (1772),  the  Providence  packet  was 
sailing  into  the  harbor  of  Newport,  and  Lieutenant  Dud- 
ingston  thought  proper  to  require  the  captain  to  lower 
his  colors.  This  the  captain  of  the  packet  deemed  repug 
nant  to  his  patriotic  feelings,  and  the  Gaspee  fired  at  the 
packet  to  bring  her  to;  the  American  however  still  per 
sisted  in  holding  on  her  course,  and,  by  keeping  in  shoal 
water,  dexterously  contrived  to  run  the  schooner  aground 
in  the  chase. 

As  the  tide  was  upon  the  ebb,  the  Gaspee  was  set  fast 
for  the  night,  and  afforded  a  tempting  opportunity  for 
retaliation;  and  a  party  of  men  led  by  John  Brown  and 
Joseph  Brown,  of  Providence,  and  Simeon  Potter,  of  Bris 
tol,  being  determined  to  rid  themselves  of  so  uncivil  an 
inspector,  in  the  middle  of  the  night  manned  several  boats 
and  boarded  the  Gaspee.  The  lieutenant  was  wounded 
in  the  affray,  but,  with  everything  belonging  to  him,  he 
was  carefully  conveyed  on  shore,  as  were  all  his  crew. 
The  vessel,  with  her  stores,  was  then  burnt,  and  the  party 
returned  unmolested  to  their  homes.  When  the  Governor 
became  acquainted  with  this  event,  he  offered  a  reward 
of  £500  for  the  discovery  of  the  offenders,  and  the  royal 
pardon  to  those  who  would  confess  their  guilt.  Com 
missioners  were  appointed  also  to  investigate  the  offense 
and  bring  the  perpetrators  to  justice;  but,  after  remain 
ing  some  time  in  session,  they  reported  that  they  could 
obtain  no  evidence,  and  thus  the  affair  terminated;  a  cir 
cumstance  which  forcibly  illustrates  the  inviolable  brother- 

*  Bancroft,  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  vol.  VI,  p.  413. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  591 

hood  which  then  united  the  people  against  the  govern 
ment. 

Governor  Hutchinson  was  anxious  to  have  the  persons 
concerned  in  the  destruction  of  the  Gaspee  sent  to  Eng 
land  for  trial  and  hung  at  Execution  Dock,  under  an  act 
recently  passed  for  the  protection  of  the  King's  dockyards, 
ships,  and  stores;  and  Lord  Sandwich  wished  to  have  the 
charter  of  Rhode  Island  revoked. 

Meantime  the  General  Court  were  examining  the  sub 
ject  of  the  recent  attacks  on  the  charter,  in  the  provision 
for  rendering  civil  officers  independent  of  the  people  by 
making  them  dependent  on  the  Crown  for  their  salaries. 
The  House  declared  "  that  the  innovation  was  an  important 
change  in  the  Constitution,  and  exposed  the  province  to  a 
despotic  administration  of  the  government." 

Lord  Hillsborough,  who  had  been  greatly  influenced 
in  his  despotic  measures  against  the  Colonies  by  the 
letter  of  Hutchinson,  resigned  his  office  of  Secretary  for  the 
Colonies,  and  was  succeeded  by  Lord  Dartmouth,*  an 
amiable  and  candid  man,  sincerely  desirous  of  concilia 
tion  and  peace,  but  like  the  other  members  of  the  British 
ministry,  by  no  means  well  informed  on  the  actual  condi 
tion  of  the  Colonies,  and  the  real  disposition  of  the  people. 

A  personal  animosity  between  Governor  Hutchinson 
and  some  distinguished  patriots  in  Massachusetts  con 
tributed  to  perpetuate  a  flame  of  discontent  in  that 
province,  after  it  had  elsewhere  visibly  abated.  This  was 
worked  up  in  the  year  1773,  to  a  high  pitch  by  a  singular 
combination  of  circumstances.  Some  letters  had  been 
written  in  the  course  of  the  dispute  by  Governor  Hutch 
inson,  Lieutenant-Governor  Oliver,  and  others  in  Boston, 
to  persons  in  power  and  office  in  England,  which  contained 
a  very  unfavorable  representation  of  the  state  of  public 
*  Bancroft,  "History  of  the  United  States." 


592  WASHINGTON. 

affairs,  and  tended  to  show  the  necessity  of  coercive 
measures,  and  of  changing  the  chartered  system  of  gov 
ernment,  to  secure  the  obedience  of  the  province.  These 
letters  fell  into  the  hands  of  Dr.  Franklin,  agent  of  the 
province,  who  transmitted  them  to  Boston.  The  indig 
nation  and  animosity  which  was  excited  on  the  receipt 
of  them  knew  no  bounds.  The  House  of  Assembly 
agreed  on  a  petition  and  remonstrance  to  His  Majesty, 
in  which  they  charged  their  Governor  and  Lieutenant- 
Governor  with  being  betrayers  of  their  trusts,  and  of  the 
people  they  governed,  and  of  giving  private,  partial,  and 
false  information.  They  also  declared  them  enemies  to 
the  Colonies,  and  prayed  for  justice  against  them,  and 
for  their  speedy  removal  from  their  places.  These  charges 
were  carried  through  by  a  majority  of  eighty-two  to 
twelve. 

This  petition  and  remonstrance  being  transmitted  to 
England,  the  merits  of  it  were  discussed  before  His 
Majesty's  privy  council.  After  a  hearing  before  that 
board,  in  which  Dr.  Franklin  represented  the  province 
of  Massachusetts,  the  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor 
were  acquitted.  Mr.  Wedderburne,  who  defended  the 
accused  royal  servants,  in  the  course  of  his  pleadings, 
inveighed  against  Dr.  Franklin  in  the  severest  language, 
as  the  fomenter  of  the  disputes  between  the  two  countries. 
It  was  no  protection  to  this  venerable  sage,  that  being  the 
agent  of  Massachusetts,  he  conceived  it  his  duty  to  inform 
his  constituents  of  letters,  written  on  public  affairs,  calcu 
lated  to  overturn  their  chartered  Constitution.  The  age, 
respectability,  and  high  literary  character  of  the  subject 
of  Mr.  Wedderburne's  philippic,  turned  the  attention  of 
the  p-ublic  on  the  transaction.  The  insult  offered  to  one 
of  their  public  agents,  and  especially  to  one  who  was 
both  the  idol  and  ornament  of  his  native  country,  sunk 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  593 

deep  in  the  minds  of  the  Americans.  That  a  faithful 
servant,  whom  they  loved  and  almost  adored,  should  be 
insulted  for  discharging  his  official  duty  rankled  in  their 
hearts.  Dr.  Franklin  was  also  immediately  dismissed  from 
the  office  of  Postmaster-General,  which  he  held  under  the 
Crown.  It  was  not  only  by  his  transmission  of  these 
letters  that  he  had  given  offense  to  the  British  ministry, 
but  by  his  popular  writings  in  favor  of  America.  Two 
pieces  of  his  in  particular  had  lately  attracted  a  large 
share  of  public  attention,  and  had  an  extensive  influence 
on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  The  one  purported  to  be  an 
edict  from  the  King  of  Prussia,  for  taxing  the  inhabitants 
of  Great  Britain,  as  descendants  of  emigrants  from  his 
dominions;  the  other  was  entitled:  "  Rules  for  reducing 
a  great  empire  to  a  small  one,"  in  both  of  which  he  had 
exposed  the  claims  of  the  mother  country,  and  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  British  ministry,  with  the  severity  of  poig 
nant  satire. 

The  system  of  committees  of  correspondence,  invented 
by  Samuel  Adams,  had  hitherto  been  confined  to  the  towns 
of  Massachusetts.  To  Virginia,  the  credit  is  due  of  having 
extended  it  to  all  the  Colonies.  The  House  of  Burgesses, 
after  being  repeatedly  prorogued  by  proclamations  of 
the  Governor,  Lord  Dunmore,  met  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1773  .  On  the  I2th  of  the  same  month,  the  Assembly 
unanimously  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions,  moved  by 
Dabney  Carr,*  providing  for  the  appointment  of  a  com 
mittee  of  the  Legislature  to  correspond  with  the  Legisla 
tures  of  the  other  Colonies,  and  recommending  the  same 
measure  to  be  adopted  by  them,  "thereby  establishing 
channels  of  intelligence  and  a  bond  of  union,  which  proved 
of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  general  cause.  Washing- 

*  Alexander    H.    Everett,    Life   of    Patrick    Henry,    in    Sparks's 
"American  Biography,"  2d  series,  vol.  I,  p.  280. 
38 


594  WASHINGTON. 

ton  was  present  and  gave  his  hearty  support  to  these 
resolves."*  They  were  also  supported  with  great  eloquence 
by  Patrick  Henry  and  Richard  Henry  Lee.  Among  the 
names  of  the  Virginia  committee  of  correspondence  then 
appointed  are  those  of  Bland,  Lee,  Henry,  Carr,  and  Jef 
ferson,  f 

This  measure,  which  produced  an  important  effect  in 
animating  the  resolution  and  harmonizing  the  proceedings 
of  the  Americans,  was  so  grateful  in  particular  to  the 
citizens  of  Boston,  that  in  ajetter  of  instructions  which 
they  addressed  shortly  after  to  their  representatives  in  the 
Assembly,  they  desired  them  seriously  to  consider  if  the 
salvation  of  American  liberty  and  the  restoration  of  friend 
ship  between  America  and  Britain  did  not  demand  an  im 
mediate  concurrence  with  the  wise  and  salutary  proposal  of 
our  noble  patriotic  sister  Colony  of  Virginia. 

The  recommendation  of  the  citizens  of  Boston  was 
favorably  received  by  the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts, 
which  instantly  appointed  a  committee  of  correspondence 
with  the  other  Colonies.  In  a  circular  letter  published 
shortly  after  by  this  oommittee,  the  prospect  of  a  quarrel 
between  England  and  Spain  was  remarked  in  these  terms: 
"  Should  a  war  take  place,  which  by  many  is  thought  to 
be  probable,  America  will  be  viewed  by  the  administration 
as  important  to  Great  Britain.  Her  aid  will  be  deemed 
necessary;  her  friendship  will  be  courted.  Would  it  not 
then  be  wise  in  the  several  American  governments  to  with 
hold  all  kind  of  aid  in  a  general  war,  till  their  rights  and 
liberties  are  permanently  restored  and  secured?"  "With 
regard  to  the  extent  of  rights,"  they  added,  "which  the 
Colonies  ought  to  insist  upon,  it  is  a  subject  which  requires 
the  greatest  attention  and  deliberation..  This  is  a  strong 
reason  why  it  should  claim  the  earliest  consideration  of 

*  Sparks,  "Life  of  Washington,"  p.  113. 

t  Bancroft,  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  vol.  VI,  p.  453. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  595 

every  comrrittee,  that  we  may  be  prepared,  when  time  and 
circumstances  shall  give  to  our  claim  the  surest  prospect 
of  success.  And  when  we  consider  how  one  great  event 
has  hurried  on  after  another,  such  a  time  may  come  sooner 
than  we  suppose." 

Hutchinson,  about  this  time,  with  a  rash  confidence  in  his 
own  talents  and  an  eager  hope  of  recommending  him 
self  to  the  British  court,  undertook  in  his  speeches  to  the 
Assembly  of  Massachusetts  to  support  by  argument  the 
legislative  supremacy  of  Parliament  —  a  doctrine  which 
we  have  seen  that  his  own  original  opinions  outstripped 
those  of  his  countrymen  in  opposing.  This  misplaced  exer 
tion  of  zeal  was  generally  disapproved,  even  in  England, 
where  it  was  remarked  with  displeasure  that  principles 
solemnly  established  by  the  Crown  and  Parliament  were 
at  once  unhinged  and  degraded  by  the  presumptuous  argu 
mentative  patronage  of  a  provincial  Governor. 

Thomas  Hutchinson,  who  thus  arraigned  himself  on  the 
side  of  the  Crown  and  Parliament  of  England,  had  gradu 
ated  at  Harvard  College  in  1727,  and  had  studied  law  with 
a  view  to  the  public  service. 

For  ten  years  he  was  a  representative  from  Boston  in  the 
General  Court,  and  was  three  times  chosen  speaker.  In 
1752  he  was  appointed  Judge  of  Probate;  was  a  member 
of  the  council  from  1749  to  1766;  Lieutenant-Go vernor 
from  1758  to  1771;  and  in  1760  was  appointed  Chief  Jus 
tice.  At  one  time  he  held  the  offices  of  Councillor,  Judge 
of  Probate,  Chief  Justice,  and  Lieutenant-Governor.  By 
siding  with  the  mother  country  in  her  attempts  to  raise  a 
revenue  from  the  Colonies,  he  became  extremely  obnoxious 
to  the  people.  A  brother-in-law  of  Mr.  Hutchinson  being 
appointed  Distributor  of  Stamps,  the  people,  or  rather  the 
mob,  after  compelling  him  to  resign  his  office,  paid  a  visit 
to  Governor  Hutchinson's  house,  in  consequence  of  a  re 
port  that  he  had  written  letters  in  favor  of  the  Act ;  but  the 


596  WASHINGTON. 

chief  damage  done  on  this  occasion  consisted  in  breaking 
his  windows.  A  few  evenings  subsequently  there  was  a 
more  formidable  assault.  The  merchants  being  displeased 
with  the  officers  of  the  customs  and  the  admiralty,  a  mob 
was  collected  in  the  evening  of  August  26,  1765,  in  King 
street,  and  well  supplied  with  strong  drink.  They  first 
plundered  the  cellar  of  the  Comptroller  of  Customs  of  the 
wine  and  spirits,  and  then  proceeded  with  intoxicated  rage 
to  the  house  of  Mr.  Hutchinson,  where  splitting  the  doors 
to  pieces  with  broad-axes,  they  destroyed  or  cast  into  the 
street  everything  which  was  in  the  house,  retaining  posses 
sion  until  daylight.  The  damage  was  estimated  at  £2,500, 
besides  the  loss  of  a  great  collection  of  public  and  private 
papers.  He  received  a  compensation  for  his  losses.  The 
Governor  was  that  night  at  the  castle.  The  citizens  the 
next  day  passed  a  vote  of  censure  on  the  rioters,  but  no 
person  was  punished;  even  six  or  eight  persons,  who  were 
imprisoned  for  participation  in  the  disturbance,  were  re 
leased  by  another  mob,  who  by  threats  obtained  the  keys 
of  the  prison  from  the  prison  keeper.  In  1768,  the  arrival 
of  the  troops  at  Boston  increased  the  popular  excitement 
against  the  Lieutenant-Governor.  When  Governor  Ber 
nard  left  the  province  in  1769,  the  administration  devolved 
on  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  in  the  next  year,  the 
Boston  massacre,  as  it  was  called,  occurred,  inflaming  the 
public  mind.  He  had  a  long  controversy  with  the  General 
Court,  caused  by  his  prorogation  of  it  to  Cambridge  by 
order  of  the  King.  At  this  period,  in  meditating  on  the 
future,  he  concluded  that  it  would  be  prudent  for  him  to 
remain  in  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  —  and  pass  his  days 
in  peace.  In  the  meantime  however  (March,  1771),  his  com 
mission  as  Governor  was  received.  Unfortunately  for  him 
self,  he  accepted  the  appointment;  for  from  this  time  till 
his  departure  for  England  in  1774,  he  was  in  constant  dis 
pute  with  the  Assembly  and  Council.  The  discovery  of  his 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  597 

confidential  letters  to  the  British  Government,  giving  de 
tails  of  the  position  of  affairs  in  the  Colony,  accompanied 
by  advice  as  to  the  measures  to  be  pursued  for  coercion, 
caused  him  not  a  little  trouble  and  uneasiness.  The  last 
public  difficulty  was  the  affair  of  the  tea,  a  part  of  which 
had  been  consigned  to  two  of  his  sons.  At  this  time  the 
Sons  of  Liberty,  as  they  were  called,  had  nullified  all  the 
powers  of  government.  No  officer  dared  to  issue  or  serve 
a  precept.  February  24,  1774,  the  Governor  informed  the 
Legislature  by  message  that  he  had  obtained  His  Majesty's 
leave  to  return  to  England,  and  that  he  would  soon  avail 
himself  of  it;  accordingly  he  sailed  for  England  June  ist. 
After  the  publication  of  the  letters  in  1773,  the  Council  and 
the  House  voted  an  address  asking  for  the  removal  of  the 
Governor.  A  hearing  was  had  before  the  privy-council 
relative  to  the  subject  of  their  petition,  who  gave  a  decision 
in  favor  of  "  the  honor,  integrity,  and  conduct  of  the  Gov 
ernor,"  which  indorsement  of  his  official  acts  was  approved 
by  the  King.  He  was  deprived  of  all  his  offices  in  America, 
but  received  in  lieu  therefor  a  pension  from  the  British 
Government.  He  died  in  1780,  aged  69.  He  published 
"A  Brief  State  of  the  Claim  of  the  Colonies,  1764; "  "  The 
History  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  from  the  First 
Settlement  Thereof  in  1628,  until  the  year  1750,"  in  2  vols. 
8vo.,  the  first  issued  in  1760,  and  the  second  in  1767;  "A 
Collection  of  Original  Papers  Relative  to  the  History  of  the 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,"  8vo.,  1769.  These  works 
are  highly  esteemed  by  those  who  are  engaged  in  investi- 
Collection  of  Original  Papers  Relative  to  the  History  of  the 
"  History  of  Massachusetts  from  1749  to  1774,"  was  pub 
lished  from  his  manuscripts  by  his  grandson.  London, 
8vo.,  1828. 

Thomas  Gage,  the  last  Governor  of  Massachusetts  ap 
pointed  by  the  King,  had  been  Governor  of  Montreal  in 


598  WASHINGTON. 

1760,  and  in  1763,  at  the  departure  of  Amherst  from 
America,  commissioned  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  British 
forces  in  that  country.  In  1774  he  superseded  Hutchinson 
as  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  arrived  at  Boston,  May 
1 3th.  Several  regiments  soon  followed  him,  and  he  began 
to  repair  the  fortifications  on  Boston  Neck.  As  precau 
tionary  measures,  he  caused  the  powder  in  the  arsenal  at 
Charlestown  to  be  seized,  and  sent  detachments  of  troops 
to  take  possession  of  the  military  stores  deposited  in  Salem 
or  its  vicinity,  and  others  were  directed  to  proceed  to 
Concord.  The  detachment  sent  to  Concord  encountered 
the  Americans  at  Lexington  early  in  the  morning  of  April 
19,  1775,  when  hostilities  commenced,  which  were  renewed 
at  Concord,  and  continued  till  the  British  troops  reached 
their  encampment  at  Charlestown,  toward  evening.  In 
May,  the  Provincial  Congress  declared  Gage  to  be  an  in 
veterate  enemy  of  the  country,  disqualified  to  serve  the 
Colony  as  Governor,  and  unworthy  of  obedience.  It  was 
his  misfortune  to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  his  office  at  a 
time  when  it  became  necessary  for  him,  as  a  faithful  servant 
of  his  King,  to  execute  laws  framed  expressly  for  the  in 
fliction  of  chastisement  upon  the  people  of  the  Colony  over 
which  he  was  placed.  He  possessed  a  naturally  amiable 
disposition,  and  his  benevolence  often  outweighed  his  jus 
tice  in  the  scale  of  duty.  Under  other  circumstances,  his 
name  might  have  been  sweet  in  the  recollection  of  the 
Americans;  now  it  is  identified  with  oppression  and  hatred 
of  freedom.  In  June,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  offering 
pardon  to  all  the  rebels,  excepting  Samuel  Adams  and  John 
Hancock,  and  establishing  martial  law.  An  answer  to  this 
proclamation  was  prepared  by  Congress;  but  before  its 
publication  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  put  an  end  to  the 
paper  war.  In  October,  1775,  he  went  to  England,  where 
he  died  in  April,  1787. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

WASHINGTON  A  POLITICIAN. 

1773-1774. 

WE  have  now  arrived  at  a  period  when  the  spirited 
resistance  of  the  Bostonians  to  the  introduction 
of  tea  into  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  gave  an 
entirely  new  aspect  to  the  American  controversy,  and 
rapidly  brought  affairs  to  the  crisis  which  they  had  fore 
seen,  and  for  which  they  were  prepared.  To  understand 
this  in  its  origin,  it  is  necessary  to  recur  to  the  period 
when  the  solitary  duty  on  tea  was  excepted  from  the  par 
tial  repeal  of  the  Revenue  Act  of  1767.  When  the  duties 
which  had  been  laid  on  glass,  paper,  and  painters'  colors 
were  taken  off,  a  respectable  minority  in  Parliament  con 
tended  that  the  duty  on  tea  should  also  be  removed.  To 
this  it  was  replied:  ''That  as  the  Americans  denied  the 
legality  of  taxing  them,  a  total  repeal  would  be  a  virtual 
acquiescence  in  their  claims;  and  that  in  order  to  preserve 
the  rights  of  the  mother  country  it  was  necessary  to  retain 
the  preamble  and  at  least  one  of  the  taxed  articles."  It 
was  answered  that  a  partial  repeal  would  be  a  source  of 
endless  discontent  —  that  the  tax  on  tea  would  not  defray 
the  expenses  of  collecting  it.  The  motion  in  favor  of  a 
total  repeal  was  thrown  out  by  a  great  majority. 

As  the  Parliament  thought  fit  to  retain  the  tax  on  tea 
for  an  evidence  of  their  right  of  taxation,  the  Americans 
in  like  manner,  to  be  consistent  with  themselves  in  denying 

(599) 


600  WASHINGTON. 

that  right,  discontinued  the  importation  of  that  commo 
dity.  While  there  was  no  attempt  to  introduce  tea  into 
the  Colonies  against  this  declared  sense  of  the  inhabitants, 
these  opposing  claims  were  in  no  danger  of  collision.  In 
that  case  the  mother  country  might  have  solaced  herself 
with  her  ideal  rights,  and  the  Colonies,  with  their  favorite 
opinion  of  a  total  exemption  from  Parliamentary  taxes, 
without  disturbing  the  public  peace.  This  mode  of  com 
promising  the  dispute,  which  seemed  at  first  designed  as  a 
salvo  for  the  honor  and  consistency  of  both  parties,  was 
by  the  interference  of  the  East  India  Company,  in  com 
bination  with  the  British  ministry,  completely  overset. 

The  expected  revenue  from  tea  failed  in  consequence  of 
the  American  association  to  import  none  on  which  a  duty 
was  charged.  This,  though  partially  violated  in  some  of 
the  Colonies,  was  well  observed  in  others,  and  particularly 
in  Pennsylvania,  where  the  duty  was  never  paid  on  more 
than  one  chest  of  that  commodity.  This  proceeded  as 
much  from  the  spirit  of  gain  as  of  patriotism.  The  mer 
chants  found  means  of  supplying  their  countrymen  with 
tea,  smuggled  from  countries  to  which  the  power  of 
Britain  did  not  extend.  They  doubtless  conceived  them 
selves  to  be  supporting  the  rights  of  their  country  by 
refusing  to  purchase  tea  from  Britain,  but  they  also  re 
flected  that  if  they  could  bring  the  same  commodity  to 
market  free  of  duty,  their  profits  would  be  proportion 
ately  greater. 

The  love  of  gain  was  not  peculiar  to  the  American  mer 
chants.  From  the  diminished  exportation  to  the  Colonies, 
the  warehouses  of  the  British  East  India  Company  had  in 
them  about  17,000,000  pounds  of  tea,  for  which  a  market 
could  not  readily  be  procured.  The  ministry  and  the  East 
India  Company,  unwilling  to  lose,  the  one  the  expected  rev 
enue  from  the  sale  of  tea  in  America,  the  other  their  usual 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  601 

commercial  profits,  agreed  on  a  measure  t>y  which  they  sup 
posed  both  would  be  secured. 

The  East  India  Company  were  by  law  authorized  to  ex 
port  their  tea  free  of  duties  to  all  places  whatsoever.  By 
this  regulation,  tea,  though  loaded  with  an  exceptionable 
duty,  would  come  cheaper  to  the  Colonies  than  before  it 
had  been  made  a  source  of  revenue;  for  the  duty  when 
taken  off  it,  when  exported  from  Great  Britain,  was  greater 
than  what  was  to  be  paid  on  its  importation  into  the  Colo 
nies.  Confident  of  success  in  finding  a  market  for  their 
tea,  thus  reduced  in  its  price,  and  also  of  collecting  a  duty 
on  its  importation  and  sale  in  the  Colonies,  the  East  India 
Company  freighted  several  ships  with  teas  for  the  different 
Colonies,  and  appointed  agents  for  the  disposal  thereof. 
This  measure  united  several  interests  in  opposition  to  its 
execution.  The  patriotism  of  the  Americans  was  corrobo 
rated  by  several  auxiliary  aids,  no  way  connected  with 
the  cause  of  liberty. 

The  merchants  in  England  were  alarmed  at  the  losses 
that  must  accrue  to  themselves,  from  the  exportations  of 
the  East  India  Company,  and  from  the  sales  going  through 
the  hands  of  consignees.  Letters  were  written  from  that 
country  to  colonial  patriots,  urging  that  opposition  to 
which  they  of  themselves  were  prone. 

The  smugglers,  who  were  both  numerous  and  powerful, 
could  not  relish  a  scheme  which  by  underselling  them,  and 
taking  a  profitable  branch  of  business  out  of  their  hands, 
threatened  a  diminution  of  their  gains.  The  colonists 
were  too  suspicious  of  the  designs  of  Great  Britain  to  be 
imposed  upon. 

The  cry  of  endangered  liberty  once  more  excited  an 
alarm  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia.  The  first  opposi 
tion  to  the  execution  of  the  scheme  adopted  by  the  East 
India  Company  began  with  the  American  merchants. 


602  WASHINGTON. 

They  saw  a  profitable  branch  of  their  trade 'likely  to  be 
lost,  and  the  benefits  of  it  to  be  transferred  to  people  in 
Great  Britain.  They  felt  for  the  wound  that  would  be  in 
flicted  on  their  country's  claim  of  exemption  from  Parlia 
mentary  taxation,  but  they  felt  with  equal  sensibility  for  the 
losses  they  would  sustain  by  the  diversion  of  the  streams 
of  commerce  into  unusual  channels.  The  great  body  of 
the  people,  from  principles  of  the  purest  patriotism,  were 
brought  over  to  second  their  wishes.  They  considered  the 
whole  scheme  as  calculated  Jo  seduce  them  into  an  ac 
quiescence  with  the  views  of  Parliament,  for  raising  an 
American  revenue.  Much  pains  were  taken  to  enlighten 
the  colonists  on  this  subject,  and  to  convince  them  of  the 
imminent  hazard  to  which  their  liberties  were  exposed. 

The  provincial  patriots  insisted  largely  on  the  perse 
vering  determination  of  the  parent  State  to  establish  her 
claim  of  taxation,  by  compelling  the  sale  of  tea  in  the 
Colonies  against  the  solemn  resolutions  and  declared  sense 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  that  at  a  time  when  the  commer 
cial  intercourse  of  the  two  countries  was  renewed,  and 
their  ancient  harmony  fast  returning.  The  proposed  ven 
ders  of  the  tea  were  represented  as  revenue  officers,  em 
ployed  in  the  collection  of  an  unconstitutional  tax  imposed 
by  Great  Britain.  The  colonists  reasoned  with  them 
selves  that  as  the  duty  and  the  price  of  the  commodity 
were  inseparably  blended,  if  the  tea  was  sold,  every  pur 
chaser  would  pay  a  tax  imposed  by  the  British  Parliament, 
as  part  of  the  purchase  money.  To  obviate  this  evil,  and 
to  prevent  the  liberties  of  a  great  country  from  being  sac 
rificed  by  inconsiderate  purchasers,  sundry  town  meetings 
were  held  in  the  capitals  of  the  different  provinces,  and 
combinations  were  formed  to  obstruct  the  sales  of  the  tea 
sent  by  the  East  India  Company. 

The  resolutions  entered  into  by  the  inhabitants  of  Phila- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  603 

delphia,  on  October  18,  1773,  afford  a  good  specimen  of 
the  whole.     These  were  as  follows: 

"  i.  That  the  disposal  of  their  own  property  is  the  in 
herent  right  of  freemen;  that  there  can  be  no  property  in 
that  which  another  can,  of  right,  take  from  us  without  our 
consent;  that  the  claim  of  Parliament  to  tax  America  is,  in 
other  words,  a  claim  of  right  to  levy  contributions  on  us 
at  pleasure. 

2.  That  the  duty  imposed  by  Parliament  upon  tea  landed 
in  America  is  a  tax  on  the  Americans,  or  levying  contri 
butions  on  them  without  their  consent. 

3.  That  the  express  purpose  for  which  the  tax  is  levied 
on  the  Americans  —  namely,  for  the  support  of  govern 
ment,  administration  of  justice,  and  defense  of  His  Maj 
esty's  dominions   in  America,  has  a   direct  tendency  to 
render  Assemblies  useless,  and  to  introduce  arbitrary  gov 
ernment  and  slavery. 

4.  That  a  virtuous  and  steady  opposition  to  this  minis 
terial  plan  of  governing  America,  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  preserve  even  the  shadow  of  liberty,  and  is  a  duty  which 
every  freeman  in  America  owes  to  his  country,  to  him 
self,  and  to  his  posterity. 

5.  That  the  resolution  lately  entered  into  by  the  East 
India  Company  to  send  out  their  tea  to  America,  subject 
to  the  payment  of  duties  on  its  being  landed  here,  is  an 
open  attempt  to  enforce  this  ministerial  plan,  and  a  violent 
attack  upon  the  liberties  of  America. 

6.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  American  to  oppose  this 
attempt. 

7.  That  whoever  shall  directly  or  indirectly  countenance 
this  attempt,  or  in  any  wise  aid  or  abet  in  unloading,  re 
ceiving,  or  vending  the  tea  sent,  or  to  be  sent  out  by  the 
East  India  Company,  while  it  remains  subject  to  the  pay 
ment  of  a  duty  here,  is  an  enemy  to  his  country. 


604  WASHINGTON. 

8.  That  a  committee  be  immediately  chosen  to  wait  on 
those  gentlemen,  who,  it  is  reported,  are  appointed  by  the 
East  India  Company  to  receive  and  sell  said  tea,  and  re 
quest  them,  from  a  regard  to  their  own  character  and  the 
peace  and  good  order  of  the  city  and  province,  immedi 
ately  to  resign  their  appointment." 

As  the  time  approached  when  the  arrival  of  the  tea 
ships  might  be  soon  expected,  such  measures  were  adopted 
as  seemed  most  likely  to  prevent  the  landing  of  their  car 
goes.  The  tea  consignees  appointed  by  the  East  India 
Company  were,  in  several  places,  compelled  to  relinquish 
their  appointments,  and  no  others  could  be  found  hardy- 
enough  to  act  in  their  stead.  The  pilots  in  the  river 
Delaware  were  warned  not  to  conduct  any  of  the  tea  ships 
into  their  harbor.  In  New  York,  popular  vengeance  was 
denounced  against  all  who  would  contribute,  in  any 
measure,  to  forward  the  views  of  the  East  India  Company. 
The  captains  of  the  New  York  and  Philadelphia  ships, 
being  apprised  of  the  resolution  of  the  people,  and  fearing 
the  consequences  of  landing  a  commodity,  charged  with 
an  odious  duty,  in  violation  of  their  declared  public  senti 
ments,  concluded  to  return  directly  to  Great  Britain,  with 
out  making  any  entry  at  the  custom  house. 

It  was  otherwise  in  Massachusetts.  The  tea  ships  de 
signed  for  the  supply  of  Boston  were  consigned  to  the  sons, 
cousins,  and  particular  friends  of  Governor  Hutchinson. 
When  they  were  called  upon  to  resign,  they  answered 
"  that  it  was  out  of  their  power."  The  collector  refused 
to  give  a  clearance,  unless  the  vessels  were  discharged  of 
dutiable  articles.  The  Governor  refused  to  give  a  pass 
for  the  vessels,  unless  properly  qualified  from  the  custom 
house.  The  Governor  also  requested  Admiral  Montagu 
to  guard  the  passages  out  of  the  harbor,  and  gave  order.s 
to  suffer  no  vessels,  coasters  excepted,  to  pass  the  fortress 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  605 

from  the  town  without  a  pass  signed  by  himself.  From  a 
combination  of  these  circumstances,  the  return  of  the  tea 
vessels  from  Boston  was  rendered  impossible.  The  in 
habitants  then  had  no  option  but  to  prevent  the  landing 
of  the  tea  or  to  suffer  it  to  be  landed,  and  depend  on 
the  unanimity  of  the  people  not  to  purchase  it,  or  to  de 
stroy  the  tea,  or  to  suffer  a  deep-laid  scheme  against  their 
sacred  liberties  to  take  effect.  The  first  would  have  re 
quired  incessant  watching  by  night  as  well  as  by  day  for  a 
period  of  time,  the  duration  of  which  no  one  could  com 
pute.  The  second  would  have  been  visionary  to  childish 
ness,  by  suspending  the  liberties  of  a  growing  country  on 
the  self-denial  and  discretion  of  every  tea  drinker  in  the 
province.  They  viewed  the  tea  as  the  vehicle  of  an  uncon 
stitutional  tax,  and  as  inseparably  associated  with  it.  To 
avoid  the  one,  they  resolved  to  destroy  the  other. 

This  decision  was  not  arrived  at  without  considerable 
delay  and  preparation  on  the  part  of  the  people.  Much 
time  had  already  been  consumed  in  town  meetings,  and 
conferences  of  the  committee  of  correspondence  in  Boston 
with  those  of  the  neighboring  towns.  The  first  of  the  tea 
ships,  the  Dartmouth,  owned  by  Rotch,  a  Quaker  mer 
chant,  had  arrived  on  the  28th  of  November. 

On  the  ist  of  December  (1773),  Captain  James  Bruce, 
in  the  ship  Eleanor,  arrived  with  another  portion  of  the 
tea.  On  the  3d,  he  was  ordered  to  attend  the  next  day 
on  a  committee  of  the  people  in  Faneuil  Hall,  where  he 
was  commanded  by  Samuel  Adams  and  Jonathan  Wil 
liams,  assembled  with  John  Rowe,  John  Hancock,  William 
Phillips,  and  John  Pitts,  Esqrs.,  and  a  great  number  of 
others,  not  to  land  any  of  the  said  tea,  but  to  proceed  to 
Griffin's  wharf  and  there  discharge  the  rest  of  his  cargo. 
Captain  Coffin  arrived  in  the  brig  Beaver  near  the  same 
time,  and  was  ordered  to  pursue  the  same  course. 


606  WASHINGTON. 

It  being  perceived  that  Mr.  Rotch  rather  lingered  in 
his  preparations  to  return  the  Dartmouth  to  London,  and 
the  twenty  days  being  nearly  expired,  after  which  the  col 
lector  might  seize  the  ship  and  cargo,  Mr.  Rotch  was  sum 
moned  before  the  committee  when  he  stated  to  them  that 
it  would  prove  his  entire  ruin  if  he  should  comply  with  the 
resolutions  of  the  29th  and  3Oth  of  November,  and  there 
fore  he  could  not  do  it.  A  meeting  of  the  people  was 
assembled  at  the  Old  South  on  Tuesday,  December  I4th, 
when  Mr.  Rotch  appeared,  and  was  enjoined  forthwith  to 
demand  a  clearance.  It  was  ascertained  that  one  could 
not  be  obtained  till  the  next  day,  and  therefore  the  meeting 
was  adjourned  to  Thursday,  at  the  same  place. 

On  Thursday,  December  16,  1773,  the  meeting  was  im 
mense.  In  addition  to  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  2,000  men 
at  least  were  present  from  the  country.  Samuel  Phillips 
Savage,  Esq.,  of  Weston,  was  appointed  moderator.  Mr. 
Rotch  reported  that  the  collector  would  not  give  him  a 
clearance.  He  was  then  ordered  upon  his  peril  to  get  his 
ship  ready  for  sea  this  day,  enter  a  protest  immediately 
against  the  custom  house,  and  proceed  directly  to  the  Gov 
ernor  (then  at  Milton,  seven  miles  distant),  and  demand  a 
pass  for  his  ship  to  go  by  the  castle.  An  adjournment  to 
3  P.  M.  then  took  place.  At  3,  having  met,  they 
waited  very  patiently  till  5  o'clock,  when  finding  that 
Mr.  Rotch  did  not  return,  they  began  to  be  very  uneasy, 
called  for  a  dissolution  of  the  meeting,  and  obtained  a 
vote  for  it.  But  the  more  judicious,  fearing  what  would 
be  the  consequences,  begged  for  a  reconsideration  of  that 
vote,  for  this  reason,  "  that  they  ought  to  do  everything 
in  their  power  to  send  the  tea  back,  according  to  their 
resolves."  This  touched  the  pride  of  the  assembly,  and  they 
agreed  to  remain  together  one  hour. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  607 

This  interval  was  improved  by  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,*  to 
apprise  his  fellow  citizens  of  the  importance  of  the  crisis, 
and  direct  their  attention  to  the  probable  results  of  this 
controversy.  "  It  is  not,  Mr.  Moderator/'  he  said,  "  the 

*  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  a  distinguished  lawyer,  orator,  and  patriot 
of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  was  born  in  that  city  February  23,  1744. 
He  was  educated  at  Harvard  College,  where  he  was  remarkably 
persevering,  and  graduated  with  unblemished  reputation  in  1763. 
He  early  became  eminent  in  the  practice  of  the  law;  and  the  cir 
cumstances  of  the  time  turning  his  thoughts  to  political  topics,  he 
took  sides  with  the  most  eminent  leaders  in  the  cause  of  free 
dom  against  the  aggressive  policy  of  Britain.  His  boldness  of 
speech  was  remarkable.  As  early  as  1768  he  used  this  language: 
"  Did  the  blood  of  the  ancient  Britons  swell  our  veins,  did  the 
spirit  of  our  forefathers  inhabit  our  breasts,  should  we  hesitate 
a  moment  in  preferring  death  to  a  miserable  existence  in  bond 
age?"  Again,  in  1770,  he  declared:  "  I  wish  to  see  my  country 
men  break  off  —  off  forever!  all  social  intercourse  with  those 
whose  commerce  contaminates,  whose  luxuries  poison,  whose 
avarice  is  insatiable,  and  whose  unnatural  oppressions  are  not  to 
be  borne."  He  was  associated  with  John  Adams  in  the  defense 
of  the  perpetrators  of  the  "  Boston  Massacre,"  and  did  not  by 
that  defense  alienate  the  good  opinion  of  the  people.  In  1771 
he  was  obliged  to  go  south  on  account  of  a  pulmonary  complaint. 
At  Charleston  he  formed  an  acquaintance  with  Pinckney,  Rut- 
ledge,  and  other  patriots;  and,  returning  by  land  conferred  with 
other  leading  Whigs  in  the  several  Colonies.  Continued  ill-health 
and  a  desire  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  English  statesmen 
induced  him  to  make  a  voyage  to  England  in  1774,  where  he  had 
personal  interviews  with  most  of  the  leading  men.  Becoming 
fully  acquainted  with  the  feelings  and  intentions  of  the  King  and 
his  ministers,  and  hopeless  of  reconciliation  Mr.  Quincy  determined 
to  return  and  arouse  his  countrymen  to  action.  He  embarked  for 
Boston  with  declining  health  in  March,  and  on  the  26th  of  April, 
1775,  when  the  vessel  was  in  the  harbor  of  Cape  Ann,  in  sight  of 
land,  he  died.  Mr.  Quincy's  eminent  talents  and  zealous  attach 
ment  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  as  well  as  his  amiable  and  interest 
ing  manners,  made  his  early  death  a  subject  of  universal 
lamentation. 


608  WASHINGTON. 

spirit  that  vapors  within  these  walls  that  must  stand  us  in 
stead.  The  exertions  of  this  day  will  call  forth  events 
which  will  make  a  very  different  spirit  necessary  for  our 
salvation.  Whoever  supposes  that  shouts  and  hosannas 
will  terminate  the  trials  of  this  day  entertains  a  childish 
fancy.  He  must  be  grossly  ignorant  of  the  importance 
and  value  of  the  prize  for  which  we  contend;  we  must  be 
equally  ignorant  of  the  power  of  those  who  have  combined 
against  us;  we  must  be  blind  to  that  malice,  inveteracy, 
and  insatiable  revenge  which  actuate  our  enemies,  public 
and  private,  abroad  and  in  our  bosoms,  to  hope  that  we 
shall  end  this  controversy  without  the  sharpest  conflicts 
—  to  flatter  ourselves  that  popular  resolves,  popular  haran 
gues,  popular  acclamations,  and  popular  vapor  will  van 
quish  our  foes.  Let  us  consider  the  issue.  Let  us  look  to 
the  end.  Let  us  weigh  and  consider  before  we  advance  to 
those  measures  which  must  bring  on  the  most  trying  and 
terrible  struggle  this  country  ever  saw."  He  succeeded  in 
holding  them  in  attentive  silence  till  Mr.  Rotch's  return, 
at  three-quarters  past  5  o'clock.  The  answer  which  he 
brought  from  the  Governor  was,  "  that  for  the  honor  of 
the  laws,  and  from  duty  toward  the  King,  he  could  not 
grant  the  permit  until  the  vessel  was  regularly  cleared." 
A  violent  commotion  immediately  ensued.  A  person  who 
was  in  the  gallery,  disguised  after  the  manner  of  the  In 
dians,  shouted  at  this  juncture  the  cry  of  war;  it  was 
answered  by  about  thirty  persons  disguised  in  like  man 
ner,  at  the  door.  The  meeting  was  dissolved  in  the  twink 
ling  of  an  eye.  The  multitude  rushed  to  Griffin's  wharf. 
The  disguised  Indians  went  on  board  the  ships  laden  with 
the  tea.  In  less  than  two  hours  240  chests  and  100  half 
chests  were  staved  and  emptied  into  the  dock.  The  affair 
was  concluded  without  any  tumult;  no  damage  was  done 
to  the  vessels  or  to  any  other  effects  whatever. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  609 

This  was  executed  in  the  presence  of  several  ships-of- 
war  lying  in  the  harbor,  and  almost  under  the  guns  of  the 
castle,  where  there  was  a  large  body  of  troops  at  the  com 
mand  of  the  commissioners.  We  are  left  to  conjecture  for 
the  reasons  why  no  opposition  was  made  to  this  bold  ad 
venture. 

The  promptness  of  the  Bostonians  in  destroying  the  tea 
as  soon  as  the  meeting  adjourned  was  fortunate  for  the 
cause  of  liberty.  If  they  had  delayed  acting  till  the  next 
day,  the  tea  would  have  been  placed  under  the  protection 
of  the  admiral  at  the  castle.  After  the  work  of  destruction 
was  completed  the  town  became  perfectly  quiet,  and  the 
men  from  the  country  carried  the  news  to  their  homes; 
and  on  the  following  day  the  committee  of  correspondence 
sent  off  an  express,  with  their  own  account  of  what  had 
been  done,  to  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  The  news  was 
also  speedily  conveyed  to  England,  and  we  now  proceed 
to  notice  its  effects  in  that  country. 

The  British  ministry  appear  to  have  been  highly  grati 
fied  that  the  town  of  Boston,  which  they  ever  regarded  as 
the  focus  of  sedition  in  America,  had  rendered  itself,  by 
the  violent  destruction  of  the  property  of  the  East  India 
Company,  obnoxious  to  their  severest  vengeance.  On  the 
7th  of  March  (1774),  Lord  North  presented  a  message 
from  the  King  to  both  houses  of  Parliament,  in  which  it 
was  stated,  that  "  in  consequence  of  the  unwarrantable 
practices  carried  on  in  North  America,  and  particularly  of 
the  violent  and  outrageous  proceedings  at  the  town  and 
port  of  Boston,  with  a  view  of  obstructing  the  commerce 
of  this  kingdom,  and  upon  grounds  and  pretenses  imme 
diately  subversive  of  its  Constitution,  it  was  thought  fit  to 
lay  the  whole  matter  before  Parliament,  recommending  it 
to  their  serious  consideration,  what  further  regulations  or 
39 


610  WASHINGTON. 

permanent  provisions  might  be  necessary  to  be  estab 
lished." 

On  presenting  the  papers,  Lord  North  represented  the 
conduct  of  Boston  in  the  darkest  colors.  He  said,  "  that 
the  utmost  lenity  on  the  part  of  the  Governor,  perhaps  too 
much,  had  been  already  shown;  and  that  this  town,  by  its 
late  proceedings,  had  left  the  government  perfectly  at  lib 
erty  to  adopt  any  measures  they  should  ithink  convenient, 
not  only  for  redressing  the  wrong  sustained  by  the  East  In 
dia  Company,  but  for  inflicting  such  punishment  as  their 
factious  and  criminal  conduct  merited;  and  that  the  aid  of 
Parliament  would  be  resorted  to  for  this  purpose,  and  for 
vindicating  the  honor  of  the  Crown,  so  daringly  and  wan 
tonly  attacked  and  contemned."  In  reply  to  the  royal 
message,  the  House  voted  "  that  an  address  of  thanks 
should  be  presented  to  the  King,  assuring  His  Majesty 
that  they  would  not  fail  to  exert  every  means  in  their 
power  of  effectually  providing  for  the  due  execution  of 
the  laws,  and  securing  the  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon 
the  Crown  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain."  In  a  few  days 
a  bill  was  introduced  "  for  the  immediate  removal  of  the 
officers  concerned  in  the  collection  of  customs  from  Boston, 
and  to  discontinue  the  landing  and  discharging,  lading  and 
shipping  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise  at  Boston,  or 
within  the  harbor  thereof."  The  bill  also  levied  a  fine 
upon  the  town,  as  a  compensation  to  the  East  India  Com 
pany  for  the  destruction  of  their  teas,  and  was  to  continue 
in  force  during  the  pleasure  of  the  King.  The  opposition 
to  this  measure  was  very  slight,  and  it  was  finally  carried 
in  both  houses  without  a  division. 

This  however  was  only  a  part  of  Lord  North's  scheme 
of  coercion.  He  proposed  two  other  bills  which  were  in 
tended  to  strike  terror  into  the  province  of  Massachusetts, 
and  to  deter  the  other  Colonies  from  following  her  exam- 


LIFE  AND   TIMES.  611 

pie.  By  one  of  these,  the  Constitution  and  charter  of  the 
province  were  completely  subverted,  all  power  taken  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  people  and  placed  in  those  of  the  ser 
vants  of  the  Crown.  The  third  scheme  of  Lord  North  was 
the  introduction  of  "  a  bill  for  the  impartial  administration 
of  justice  in  Massachusetts."  By  this  act,  persons  informed 
against  or  indicted  for  any  act  done  in  opposition  to  the 
laws  of  the  revenue,  or  for  the  suppression  of  riots  in 
Massachusetts,  might  by  the  Governor,  with  the  advice  of 
the  council,  be  sent  for  trial  to  any  other  Colony,  or  to 
Great  Britain;  an  enactment  which,  in  effect,  conferred 
impunity  on  the  officers  of  the  Crown,  however  odious 
might  be  their  violations  of  the  law. 

Some  distinguished  statesmen  opposed  these  plans  of 
the  administration  with  great  eloquence  and  zeal.  The 
celebrated  Burke  declared  that  "  it  was  only  oppressive  and 
unjust  laws  which  the  people  had  opposed;  that  it  was  most 
unreasonable  to  condemn  them  without  a  hearing;  and  that 
constitutional  principles  were  not  to  be  settled  by  the  mili 
tary  arm."  Pownall  observed  that  "  it  was  no  longer  a 
matter  of  opinion  with  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts;  that 
things  had  come  to  action;  that  the  Americans  would  re 
sist  all  attempts  to  coerce  them,  and  were  prepared  to  da  it; 
and  that  if  there  should  be  a  rebellion  in  the  province,  the 
question  would  be,  who  caused  it?  " 

The  Duke  of  Richmond,  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham, 
and  other  peers  insisted  that  the  charter  was  a  solemn 
contract,  which  neither  the  King  nor  Parliament  could 
justly  annul  or  alter  without  the  consent  of  the  subjects 
in  Massachusetts,  unless  they  had  forfeited  their  rights  by 
an  infraction  of  its  provisions.  Lord  Chatham  also  opposed 
these  plans  of  the  administration,  with  all  his  former  energy 
and  spirit;  although  at  this  time  he  was  in  such  a  debili 
tated  state  that  he  seldom  took  part  in  the  debates  of 


612  WASHINGTON. 

Parliament.  He  declared  himself  most  decidedly  in  favor 
of  conciliatory  measures;  for  he  was  of  opinion  that  the 
province  had  been  oppressed,  and  the  liberties  of  the  sub 
ject  therein  most  flagrantly  violated.  He  believed  that 
just  measures  on  the  part  of  ministers  would  quiet  the 
Colonies  and  restore  harmony  between  them  and  the  parent 
state.  He  denounced  the  proposed  system  as  unconsti 
tutional  and  tyrannical,  and  predicted  that  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  would  never  submit  to  such  palpable  and 
repeated  violations  of  their  political  rights. 

Colonel  Barre  also  addressed  the  ministry  on  the  last 
bill  in  the  following  bold  and  energetic  language :  "  You 
have  changed  your  ground.  You  are  become  the  aggres 
sors,  and  offering  the  last  of  human  outrages  to  the  people 
of  America,  by  subjecting  them  to  military  execution. 
Instead  of  sending  them  the  olive-branch,  you  have  sent 
the  naked  sword.  By  the  olive-branch  I  mean  a  repeal 
of  all  the  late  laws,  fruitless  to  you  and  oppressive  to  them. 
Ask  their  aid  in  a  constitutional  manner,  and  they  will 
give  it  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability.  They  never  yet 
refused  it  when  properly  required.  Your  journals  bear  the 
recorded  acknowledgments  of  the  zeal  with  which  they 
have  contributed  to  the  general  necessities  of  the  state. 
What  madness  is  it  that  prompts  you  to  attempt  obtaining 
that  by  force,  which  you  may  more  certainly  procure  by 
requisition?  They  may  be  flattered  into  anything,  but 
they  are  too  much  like  yourselves  to  be  driven.  Have 
some  indulgence  for  your  own  likeness;  respect  their 
sturdy  English  virtue;  retract  your  odious  exertions  of  au 
thority;  and  remember  that  the  first  step  toward  making 
them  contribute  to  your  wants  is  to  reconcile  them  to  your 
government." 

These  measures  of  the  British  ministers  originated  partly 
in  mistaken  views  of  the  opinions  and  temper  of  the  people. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  613 

Great  misrepresentation  had  been  made  for  several  years 
to  the  administration  in  England  respecting  the  state  of 
the  Colonies.  It  was  declared  by  the  officers  of  the  Crown 
and  some  other  individuals,  that  it  was  only  a  few  ambi 
tious  persons  who  objected  to  the  policy  of  the  parent 
state,  while  the  friends  and  agents  of  the  people  were  not 
permitted  to  be  heard  in  their  attempts  to  show  the  gen 
eral  dissatisfaction. 

It  is  also  true  that  Lord  North  and  several  other  mem 
bers  of  the  British  cabinet  at  this  period  possessed  high 
notions  of  the  supremacy  of  Parliament,  and  of  the  sover 
eign  power  of  the  King;  the  more  correct  and  just  prin 
ciples  of  civil  liberty,  recognized  in  1689,  and  still  received 
by  many  eminent  statesmen  in  England,  were  not  in  fashion 
with  the  court  party. 

Assuming  the  doctrine  of  the  supreme  and  unlimited 
authority  of  Parliament  over  all  parts  of  the  empire  (which, 
in  a  certain  sense,  restricted  and  qualified,  however,  by 
great  constitutional  principles,  had  been  generally  admitted 
in  the  Colonies),  ministers  insisted  that  the  power  of  the 
parent  government  was  entirely  without  control;  and  con 
tended  for  the  legitimacy  of  measures  which  the  patriots 
in  both  countries  considered  most  arbitrary,  and  wholly 
destructive  of  the  liberties  of  the  subject. 

With  these  views  of  government,  they  maintained  that 
any  measures  were  justifiable  for  supporting  the  authority 
of  the  King  and  Parliament;  and  they  calculated  upon 
bringing  the  refractory  and  disaffected  to  ready  submission 
by  severity  and  force.  It  will  soon  be  apparent  however, 
that  it  was  not  a  faction  in  Boston  by  which  opposition  was 
kept  alive  in  America;  and  that  throughout  this  and  other 
provinces  but  one  sentiment  prevailed  as  to  the  oppressive 
and  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  parent  government,  and  one 


614  WASHINGTON. 

determination  to  oppose  and  prevent  the  continuance  of 
such  a  system  of  policy. 

Notwithstanding  these  successive  measures,  from  which 
such  important  results  were  professedly  expected,  it  is 
evident  that  the  government  entertained  serious  appre 
hensions  that  an  appeal  to  arms  was  by  no  means  improb 
able.  The  English  cabinet  sought  therefore  to  ingratiate 
themselves  with  the  newly  acquired  provinces  of  Canada, 
and  the  proceedings  they  adopted  with  this  view  appear 
to  have  been  the  only  measures  which  were  characterized 
by  the  slightest  indications  of  wisdom. 

The  Canadian  noblesse  had  enjoyed  great  authority 
under  the  dominion  of  their  native  country,  and  they  had 
recently  been  complaining  of  the  abridgement  of  their 
privileges,  while  the  inhabitants,  who  were  chiefly  Catholic, 
had  been  viewing  with  jealousy  the  superior  privileges  of 
the  Protestants;  Lord  North  therefore  did  not  suffer  the 
session  to  close  without  introducing  a  bill  calculated  to 
insure  the  affections  of  the  Canadians.  It  erected  a  Legis 
lative  council,  nominated  by  the  Crown,  on  whom  very  ex 
tensive  powers  were  conferred,  which  was  very  gratifying 
to  the  Canadian  nobility;  the  Catholic  clergy  were  estab 
lished  in  their  privileges,  and  a  perfect  equality  between 
their  religion  and  that  of  the  Protestants  was  established; 
the  French  laws  were  confirmed,  and  trial  without  jury 
permitted  in  all  except  criminal  cases.  To  afford  a  wider 
field  for  ministerial  maneuvers,  the  limits  of  the  province 
of  Quebec  were  extended  to  the  river  Ohio. 

To  these  prudent  concessions  to  the  sentiments  of  the 
Canadians  may  be  attributed,  in  a  great  measure,  the  sin 
gular  fact  of  their  remaining  attached  to  the  British  Gov 
ernment  during  the  Revolutionary  contest,  when  it  might 
not  unreasonably  have  been  anticipated  that  they  would 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  615 

have  been  the  first  to  throw  off  a  foreign  yoke,  and  declare 
their  independence. 

As  a  measure  indicative  of  a  determination  to  conduct  the 
proceedings  against  the  refractory  colonists  with  the 
utmost  vigor,  General  Gage  was  appointed,  with  powers 
of  the  most  unlimited  extent,  to  supersede  Governor 
Hutchinson.  The  offices  of  governor  of  the  province  of 
Massachusetts  and  commander  of  His  Majesty's  forces 
in  America  were  united  in  his  person.  The  intelligence 
of  the  passing  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill  had  preceded  Gen 
eral  Gage  a  few  days.  The  new  Governor,  though  it 
appeared  that  he  entertained  serious  apprehensions  of 
some  disorderly  or  disrespectful  conduct  on  the  part  of  the 
people,  was  received  by  them  with  every  mark  of  civility. 
He  had  soon  occasion  to  perceive  however  that  their 
politeness  to  him  did  not  proceed  from  any  fear  of  his  au 
thority,  or  from  any  relaxation  in  their  purposes  of  re 
sistance.  On  the  day  after  his  arrival  (1774),  the  General 
Court  having  been  dissolved  by  the  late  Governor,  a  town 
meeting  was  convened  and  very  numerously  attended. 
They  declared  and  resolved,  "  that  the  impolicy,  injustice, 
inhumanity,  and  cruelty  of  the  act  exceed  all  their  powers 
of  expression;  and  therefore,"  they  said,  "  we  leave  it  to 
the  censure  of  others,  and  appeal  to  God  and  the  world." 

They  also  declared  it  as  their  opinion,  that  "  if  the  other 
Colonies  came  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all  importa 
tions  from,  and  exportations  to,  Great  Britain  and  every 
part  of  the  West  Indies,  till  the  act  be  repealed,  the  same 
would  prove  the  salvation  of  North  America,  and  her 
liberties." 

The  idea  was  probably  entertained  by  the  British  min 
istry  that  the  other  Colonies  would  be  inclined  rather  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  commercial  advantages  which  the 
closing  of  one  of  the  chief  seaports  would  open  to  them 


616  WASHINGTON. 

than  to  make  common  cause  with  Boston  at  the  hazard 
of  incurring  a  similar  penalty.  In  this  instance,  as  in 
most  others,  the  government  made  a  great  miscalculation 
of  the  American  character.  The  several  Colonies  lost  no 
time  in  expressing  the  deepest  sympathy  for  the  suffer 
ings  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  and  in  contributing  to 
their  pecuniary  necessities,  as  well  as  in  affording  them 
moral  countenance. 

The  House  of  Burgesses  in  Virginia  was  in  session 
when  the  bill  for  closing  the^port  of  Boston  arrived.  On 
May  24,  1774,  they  passed  the  following  order:  "This 
House,  being  deeply  impressed  with  apprehension  of  the 
great  dangers  to  be  derived  to  British  America  from  the 
hostile  invasion  of  the  city  of  Boston,  in  our  sister  Colony 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  whose  commerce  and  harbor  are, 
on  the  ist  day  of  June  next,  to  be  stopped  by  an  armed 
force,  deem  it  highly  necessary  that  the  said  ist  day  of 
June  next  be  set  apart  by  the  members  of  this  House  as 
a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and  prayer,  devoutly  to  im 
plore  the  Divine  interposition  for  averting  the  heavy 
calamity  which  threatens  destruction  to  our  civil  rights, 
and  the  evils  of  civil  war;  to  give  us  one  heart  and  one 
mind  firmly  to  oppose,  by  all  just  and  proper  means, 
every  injury  to  American  rights;  and  that  the  minds  of 
His  Majesty  and  his  Parliament  may  be  inspired  from 
above  with  wisdom,  moderation,  and  justice  to  remove 
from  the  loyal  people  of  America  all  cause  of  danger  from 
a  continued  pursuit  of  measures  pregnant  with  their  ruin. 
Ordered,  therefore,  that  the  members  of  this  House  do 
attend  in  their  places,  at  the  hour  of  10  in  the  forenoon, 
on  the  said  ist  day  of  June  next,  in  order  to  proceed  with 
Speaker  and  the  mace  to  the  church  in  this  city,  for  the 
purposes  aforesaid;  and  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Price  be  ap- 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  HAMILTON. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  C17 

pointed  to  read  prayers  and  to  preach  a  sermon  suitable 
to  the  occasion." 

The  next  day  (May  25th)  the  House,  for  this  independ 
ent  conduct,  was  dissolved  by  the  Governor,  Lord  Dun- 
more.  Thereupon  the  members,  eighty-nine  in  number, 
immediately  repaired  to  the  Raleigh  Tavern,  and,  forming 
themselves  into  a  vigilance  committee,  adopted  a  spirited 
declaration  of  their  views,  denouncing  the  Boston  Port 
Bill  as  a  most  dangerous  attempt  to  destroy  the  constitu 
tional  liberty  and  rights  of  all  North  America;  recom 
mending  their  countrymen  to  desist  from  the  use,  not 
merely  of  tea,  but  of  all  kinds  of  East  Indian  commodities; 
pronouncing  an  attack  on  one  of  the  Colonies  to  enforce 
arbitrary  taxes  an  attack  on  all;  and  ordering  the  com 
mittee  of  correspondence  to  communicate  with  the  other 
corresponding  committees  on  the  expediency  of  appointing 
deputies  from  the  several  Colonies  of  British  America,  to 
meet  annually  in  General  Congress,  at  such  place  as  might 
be  deemed  expedient,  to  deliberate  on  such  measures  as 
the  united  interests  of  the  Colonies  might  require. 

This  was  the  first  recommendation  of  a  General  Con 
gress  by  any  public  assembly,  though  it  had  been  pre 
viously  proposed  in  town  meetings  at  New  York  and 
Boston.  A  resolution  to  the  same  effect  was  passed  in  the 
Assembly  of  Massachusetts  before  it  was  aware  of  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Virginia  Legislature.  The  measure  rec 
ommended  met  with  prompt  and  general  concurrence 
throughout  the  Colonies,  and  the  $th  day  of  September 
next  ensuing  was  fixed  upon  for  the  first  Congress,  which 
was  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia. 

Washington,  at  his  post  as  a  member  of  the  House, 
took  a  full  share  in  its  patriotic  proceedings,  and  proved 
himself  no  idle  spectator  of  this  important  progress  of 
events.  His  whole  soul  was  deeply  interested  in  the  mo- 


618 

mentous  questions  at  issue;  and,  although  on  intimate 
terms  with  Lord  Dunmore,  he  was  prepared  to  join  his 
countrymen  with  all  his  energies  in  resisting  the  tyran 
nous  course  of  Parliament.* 

Before  all  the  members  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  left 
Williamsburg,  news  came  from  Boston  of  a  town  meet 
ing  in  that  place,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  invite  the 
people  of  all  the  Colonies  to  unite  in  an  agreement  to 
hold  no  further  commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Brit 
ain,  either  by  imports  or  exports.  Washington  was  one 
of  the  twenty-five  delegates  still  at  the  seat  of  government. 
As  there  was  some  difference  of  opinion  among  them  as 
to  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued,  they  went  no  farther 
than  to  issue  a  circular  letter,  recommending  a  meeting 
of  delegates  at  Williamsburg  on  the  ist  of  August,  to 
deliberate  on  the  subject.  This  circular  was  printed  and 
distributed  throughout  Virginia. f 

The  difference  of  opinion  among  the  delegates  was  in 
relation  to  the  withholding  of  exports  to  Great  Britain. 
To  the  nonimportation  agreement  they  were  already  com 
mitted,  and  all  were  willing  to  adhere  strictly  to  it.  But 
the  withholding  of  exports  would  involve  the  practical 
repudiation  of  large  debts  to  merchants  in  England,  which 

*  [Washington  had  dined  with  Lord  Dunmore  May  i6th,  at  Wil 
liamsburg,  then  a  gay,  aristocratic  capital,  where  social  pretension 
was  at  its  best,  and  none  more  distinguished  than  himself.  It  was 
for  the  opening  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  that  he  had  come.  On 
the  24th  of  May,  three  days  before  the  date  on  which  a  splendid 
ball  was  appointed  to  be  given  in  honor  of  Lady  Dunmore,  news 
of  the  closing  of  the  port  of  Boston  was  received,  and  energetic 
action  taken,  as  stated  above.  Washington  dined  again  at  Lord 
Dunmore's  and  spent  the  evening  on  the  25th ;  he  rode  out  with 
him  to  his  farm  and  breakfasted  there  with  him  on  the  26th; 
and  on  the  27th  he  attended  the  ball  in  honor  of  her  ladyship. 
But  these  courtesies  had  no  effect  to  give  pause  to  his  patriotism.] 

t  Sparks,  "Life  of  Washington,"  p.  115. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  619 

could  only  be  paid  by  sending  out  the  productions  of  the 
country,  particularly  the  staple  of  Virginia  —  tobacco. 

On  this  head,  Washington,  in  strict  consistency  with 
his  uniform  character  for  honor  and  integrity,  took  a 
decisive  stand.  Writing  to  his  friend,  Bryan  Fairfax,  July  4, 
1774,  he  says:  ["As  to  your  political  sentiments,  I  would 
heartily  join  you  in  them,  so  far  as  relates  to  a  humble 
and  dutiful  petition  to  the  throne,  provided  there  was 
the  most  distant  hope  of  success.  But  have  we  not  tried 
this  already?  Have  we  not  addressed  the  Lords,  and  re 
monstrated  to  the  Commons?  And  to  what  end?  Did 
they  deign  to  look  at  our  petitions?  Does  it  not  appear 
as  clear  as  the  sun  in  its  meridian  brightness,  that  there 
is  a  regular,  systematic  plan  formed  to  fix  the  right  and 
practice  of  taxation  upon  us?  Does  not  the  uniform  con 
duct  of  Parliament  for  some  years  past  confirm  this?  Do 
not  all  the  debates,  especially  those  just  brought  to  us, 
in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  side  of  the  government, 
expressly  declare  that  America  must  be  taxed  in  aid  of 
British  funds,  and  that  she  has  no  longer  resources  within 
herself?  Is  there  anything  to  be  expected  from  petition 
ing  after  this?  Is  not  the  attack  upon  the  liberty  and 
property  of  the  people  of  Boston,  before  restitution  of  the 
loss  to  the  India  Company  was  demanded,  a  plain  and 
self-evident  proof  of  what  they  are  aiming  at?  Do  not 
the  subsequent  bills  (now  I  dare  say  acts),  for  depriving 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  of  its  charter,  and  for  transport 
ing  offenders  into  other  colonies  or  to  Great  Britain  for 
trial,  where  it  is  impossible  from  the  nature  of  the  thing 
that  justice  can  be  obtained,  convince  us  that  the  admin 
istration  is  determined  to  stick  at  nothing  to  carry  its  point? 

"  Ought  we  not  then,  to  put  our  virtue  and  fortitude  to 
the  severest  test?] 

"With    you    I    think    it    folly    to    attempt   more   than 


620  WASHINGTON. 

we  can  execute,  as  that  will  not  only  bring  disgrace  upon 
us,  but  weaken  our  cause;  yet  I  think  we  may  do  more 
than  is  generally  believed,  in  respect  to  the  nonimporta 
tion  scheme.  As  to  the  withholding  of  our  remittances, 
that  is  another  point  in  which  I  own  I  have  my  doubts 
on  several  accounts,  but  principally  on  that  of  justice;  for 
I  think,  whilst  we  are  accusing  others  of  injustice,  we 
should  be  just  ourselves;  and  how  this  can  be,  whilst  we 
owe  a  considerable  debt,  and  refuse  payment  of  it,  to 
Great  Britain,  is  to  me  inconceivable.  Nothing  but  the 
last  extremity,  I  think,  can  justify  it.  Whether  this  is 
now  come  is  the  question." 

[To  this  Bryan  Fairfax  replied  by  a  letter  of  July  17, 
1774.  Meanwhile,  or  before  this  letter  was  delivered,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  county  had  met,  first  on  the  5th  of  July, 
and  again  on  the  i8th;  had  appointed  a  committee,  of 
which  Washington  was  chairman,  as  well  as  moderator  of 
the  meetings  held,  to  prepare  resolutions;  and  these  reso 
lutions,  "  revised,  altered,  and  corrected  in  the  committee," 
were  being  adopted.  The  letter  of  Bryan  Fairfax,  a  long 
one,  particularly  objecting  to  any  denial  of  the  authority 
of  Parliament,  came  to  Washington  when  the  resolutions 
were  before  the  meeting  over  which  he  was  presiding. 
Hastily  looking  it  through,  he  "  handed  it  round  to  the 
gentlemen  on  the  bench,*  of  which  there  were  many," 
"  the  first  people  in  the  country,"  and  found  it  so  little 
acceptable  as  to  make  it  inadvisable  to  have  it  read,  as 
Mr.  B.  Fairfax  requested.]  In  reply  to  it  Washington 
wrote,  July  20,  1774: 

"  That  I  differ  very  widely  from  you,"  said  he,  "  in  re 
spect  to  the  mode  of  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  acts  so  much 

*[The  terms  used  here  show  how  the  English  custom  of  a  bench 
of  magistrates,  at  the  courthouse,  was  the  usage  of  Virginia,  as 
it  was  the  usage  of  New  England.] 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  621 

and  so  justly  complained  of,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  ac 
knowledge;  and  that  this  difference  in  opinion  probably 
proceeds  from  the  different  constructions  we  put  upon 
the  conduct  and  intentions  of  the  ministry  may  also  be 
true;  but,  as  I  see  nothing,  on  the  one  hand,  to  induce  a 
belief  that  the  Parliament  would  embrace  a  favorable 
opportunity  for  repealing  acts  which  they  go  on  with 
great  rapidity  to  pass,  in  order  to  enforce  their  tyrannical 
system;  and,  on  the  other,  I  observe,  or  think  I  observe, 
that  government  is  pursuing  a  regular  plan,  at  the  ex 
pense  of  law  and  justice,  to  overthrow  our  constitutional 
rights  and  liberties,  how  can  I  expect  any  redress  from 
a  measure  which  has  been  ineffectually  tried  already? 
For,  sir,  what  is  it  we  are  contending  against?  Is  it 
against  paying  the  duty  of  three  pence  per  pound  on  tea 
because  burdensome?  No,  it  is  the  right  only  that  we 
have  all  along  disputed;  and  to  this  end  we  have  already 
petitioned  His  Majesty  in  as  humble  and  dutiful  a  man 
ner  as  subjects  could  do.  Nay,  more,  we  applied  to  the 
House  of  Lords  and  House  of  Commons,  in  their  differ 
ent  legislative  capacities,  setting  forth  that,  as  English 
men,  we  could  not  be  deprived  of  this  essential  and  valu 
able  part  of  our  Constitution.  If,  then,  as  the  fact  really 
is,  it  is  against  the  right  of  taxation  that  we  now  do,  and, 
as  I  before  said,  all  along  have  contended,  why  should 
they  suppose  an  exertion  of  this  power  would  be  less  ob 
noxious  now  than  formerly?  And  what  reason  have  we 
to  believe  that  they  would  make  a  second  attempt,  whilst 
the  same  sentiments  fill  the  breast  of  every  American,  if 
they  did  not  intend  to  enforce  it  if  possible? 

["  The  conduct  of  the  Boston  people  could  not  justify  the 
rigor  of  their  measures,  unless  there  had  been  a  requisi 
tion  of  payment  and  refusal  of  it;  nor  did  that  measure 
require  an  act  to  deprive  the  government  of  Massachu- 


WASHINGTON. 

setts  Bay  of  their  charter,  or  to  exempt  offenders  from 
trial  in  the  place  where  offences  were  committed,  as  there 
could  not  be  a  single  instance  produced  to  manifest 
the  necessity  of  it.  Are  not  all  these  things  self  evident 
proofs  of  a  fixed  and  uniform  plan  to  tax  us?  If  we  want 
further  proofs,  do  not  all  the  debates  in  the  House  of 
Commons  serve  to  confirm  this?  And  has  not  General 
Gage's  conduct  since  his  arrival  (in  stopping  the  address 
of  his  Council,  and  publishing  a  proclamation  more  be 
coming  a  Turkish  bashaw  than  an  English  Governor,  de 
claring  it  treason  to  associate  in  any  manner  by  which 
the  commerce  of  Great  Britain  is  to  be  affected,)  exhibited 
an  unexampled  testimony  of  the  most  despotic  system  of 
tyranny  that  ever  was  practiced  in  a  free  government? 

"  In  short,  what  further  proofs  are  wanting  to  satisfy 
any  one  of  the  designs  of  the  ministry  than  their  own  acts, 
which  are  uniform  and  plainly  tending  to  the  same  point, 
nay,  if  I  mistake  not,  avowedly  to  fix  the  right  of  taxation? 
What  hope  have  we  then  fiom  petitioning,  when  they  tell 
us  that  now  or  never  is  the  time  to  fix  the  matter?  Shall 
we,  after  this,  whine  and  cry  for  relief,  when  we  have 
already  tried  it  in  vain?  Or  shall  we  supinely  sit  and  see 
one  province  after  another  fall  a  sacrifice  to  despotism? 

"  If  I  were  in  any  doubt  as  to  the  right  which  the  Par 
liament  of  Great  Britain  had  to  tax  us  without  our  con 
sent,  I  should  most  heartily  coincide  with  you  in  opinion 
that  to  petition,  and  petition  only,  is  the  proper  method 
to  apply  for  relief;  because  we  should  then  be  asking  a 
favor,  and  not  claiming  a  right,  which,  by  the  law  of  na 
ture  and  by  our  Constitution,  we  are,  in  my  opinion,  in 
dubitably  entitled  to.  I  should  even  think  it  criminal  to 
go  further  than  this  under  such  an  idea ;  but  I  have  none 
such.  I  think  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  have  no 
more  right  to  put  their  hands  into  my  pocket  without  my 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  62J 

consent  than  I  have  to  put  my  hands  into  yours;  and,  this 
being  already  urged  to  them  in  a  firm  but  decent  manner, 
by  all  the  Colonies,  what  reason  is  there  to  expect  any 
thing  from  their  justice?" 

"  As  to  the  resolution  for  addressing  the  throne,  I  own 
to  you,  Sir,  I  think  the  whole  might  as  well  have  been 
expunged.  I  expect  nothing  from  the  measure,  nor  should 
my  voice  have  accompanied  it,  if  the  non-importation 
scheme  was  intended  to  be  retarded  by  it;  for  I  am  con 
vinced,  as  much  as  I  am  of  my  existence,  that  there  is  no 
relief  for  us  but  in  their  distress;  and  I  think,  at  least  I 
hope,  that  there  is  public  virtue  enough  left  among  us  to 
deny  ourselves  everything  but  the  bare  necessaries  of  life 
to  accomplish  this  end.  This  we  have  a  right  to  do,  and 
no  power  upon  earth  can  compel  us  to  do  otherwise  till 
it  has  first  reduced  us  to  the  most  abject  state  of  slavery. 
The  stopping  of  our  exports  would,  no  doubt,  be  a  shorter 
method  than  the  other  to  effect  this  purpose;  but,  if  we 
owe  money  to  Great  Britain,  nothing  but  the  last  neces 
sity  can  justify  the  nonpayment  of  it;  and  therefore  I  have 
great  doubts  upon  this  head,  and  wish  to  see  the  other 
method  first  tried,  which  is  legal  and  will  facilitate  these 
payments. 

"  I  cannot  conclude  without  expressing  some  concern 
that  I  should  differ  so  widely  in  sentiment  from  you,  in 
a  matter  of  such  great  moment  and  general  import;  and 
should  much  distrust  my  own  judgment  upon  the  occasion, 
if  my  nature  did  not  recoil  at  the  thought  of  submitting 
to  measures  which  I  think  subversive  of  everything  that  I 
ought  to  hold  dear  and  valuable,  and  did  I  not  find  at  the 
same  time,  that  the  voice  of  mankind  is  with  me." 

Mr.  B.  Fairfax  replied  to  the  above,  and  Washington 
wrote  further,  August  24,  1774: 

"  I  can  only  in  general  add  that  an  innate  spirit  of  free- 


624  WASHINGTON. 

dom  first  told  me  that  the  measures  which  [the  King's] 
administration  hath  for  some  time  been  and  now  are  most 
violently  pursuing,  are  repugnant  to  every  principle  of 
natural  justice;  whilst  much  abler  heads  than  my  own  have 
fully  convinced  me,  that  it  is  not  only  repugnant  to  natu 
ral  right;  but  subversive  of  the  laws  and  constitution  of 
Great  Britain  itself,  in  the  establishment  of  which  some 
of  the  best  blood  in  the  kingdom  hath  been  spilt.  Satis 
fied,  then,  that  the  acts  of  a  British  Parliament  are  no 
longer  governed  by  the  principles  of  justice;  that  it  is 
trampling  upon  the  valuable  rights  of  Americans  con 
firmed  to  them  by  charter,  and  by  the  constitution  they 
themselves  boast  of;  and  convinced  beyond  the  smallest 
doubt,  that  these  measures  are  the  result  of  deliberation, 
and  attempted  to  be  carried  into  execution  by  the  hand 
of  power,  is  it  a  time  to  trifle,  or  risk  our  cause  upon 
petitions,  which  with  difficulty  obtain  access,  and  after 
wards  are  thrown  by  with  the  utmost  contempt?  Or 
should  we,  because  heretofore  unsuspicious  of  design,  and 
then  unwilling  to  enter  into  disputes  with  the  mother  coun 
try*  g°  on  to  bear  more,  and  forbear  to  enumerate  our 
just  causes  of  complaint? 

"  For  my  own  part,  I  shall  not  undertake  to  say  where 
the  line  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  should  be 
drawn,  but  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  one  ought  to  be 
drawn  and  our  rights  clearly  ascertained.  I  could  wish, 
I  own,  that  the  dispute  had  been  left  for  posterity  to  de 
termine,  but  the  crisis  is  arrived  when  we  must  assert  our 
rights  or  submit  to  every  imposition  that  can  be  heaped 
upon  us,  till  custom  shall  make  us  as  tame  and  abject 
slaves  as  the  blacks  we  rule  over  with  such  arbitrary  sway. 

"  If  you  disavow  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  us,  (un 
represented  as  we  are),  we  only  differ  in  respect  to  the 
mode  of  opposition,  and  this  difference  principally  arises 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  625 

from  your  belief  that  they  —  the  Parliament  —  want  a  de 
cent  opportunity  to  repeal  the  acts;  whilst  I  am  as  fully 
convinced,  as  I  am  of  my  own  existence,  that  there  has 
been  a  regular  systematic  plan  formed  to  enforce  them, 
and  that  nothing  but  unanimity  in  the  colonies  (a  stroke 
they  did  not  expect)  and  firmness,  can  prevent  it.  It  seems 
from  the  best  advices  from  Boston,  that  General  Gage 
is  exceedingly  disconcerted  at  the  quiet  and  steady  conduct 
of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  at  the  measures 
pursuing  by  the  other  governments;  as  I  dare  say  he  ex 
pected  to  have  forced  those  oppressed  people  into  compli 
ance,  or  irritated  them  to  acts  of  violence,  before  this,  for 
a  more  colorable  pretense  of  ruling  that  and  the  other 
colonies  with  a  high  hand.  But  I  am  done. 

"  I  shall  set  off  on  Wednesday  next  for  Philadelphia."] 
Lord  Chatham,  in  his  celebrated  speech  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  on  the  2Oth  of  January,  1775,  on  the  motion  for 
removing  the  troops  from  Boston,  uttered  the  following 
sentiments,  which  seem  like  an  echo  of  those  expressed 
by  Washington  in  the  letter  above  quoted: 

"  This  glorious  spirit  of  whiggism  animates  three  mil 
lions  in  America,  who  prefer  poverty  with  liberty  to  gilded 
chains  and  sordid  affluence;  and  who  will  die  in  defense 
of  their  rights  as  men,  as  freemen.  What  shall  oppose 
this  spirit,  aided  by  the  congenial  flame  glowing  in  the 
breast  of  every  Whig  in  England,  to  the  amount,  I  hope, 
of  double  the  American  numbers?  Ireland  they  have  to 
a  man.  In  that  country,  joined  as  it  is  with  the  cause  of 
Colonies,  and  placed  at  their  head,  the  distinction  I  con 
tend  for  is  and  must  be  observed.  This  country  superin 
tends  and  controls  their  trade  and  navigation;  but  they 
tax  themselves.  And  this  distinction  between  external 
and  internal  control  is  sacred  and  insurmountable;  it  is 
involved  in  the  abstract  nature  of  things.  Property  is 
40 


626  WASHINGTON. 

private,  individual,  absolute.  Trade  is  an  extended  and 
complicated  consideration;  it  reaches  as  far  as  ships  can 
sail,  or  winds  can  blow;  it  is  a  great  and  various  machine. 
To  regulate  the  numberless  movements  of  its  several 
parts  and  combine  them  into  effect,  for  the  good  of  the 
whole,  requires  the  superintending  wisdom  and  energy 
of  the  supreme  power  in  the  empire.  But  this  supreme 
power  has  no  effect  toward  internal  taxation;  for  it  does 
not  exist  in  that  relation;  there  is  no  such  thing,  no  such 
idea  in  this  Constitution,  as  a  supreme  power  operating 
upon  property.  Let  this  distinction  then  remain  forever 
ascertained;  taxation  is  theirs,  commercial  regulation  is 
ours.  As  an  American,  I  would  recognize  to  England 
her  supreme  right  of  regulating  commerce  and  naviga 
tion;  as  an  Englishman  by  birth  and  principle,  I  recognize 
to  the  Americans  their  supreme  inalienable  right  in  their 
property;  a  right  which  they  are  justified  in  the  defense 
of  to  the  last  extremity.  To  maintain  this  principle  is  the 
common  cause  of  the  Whigs  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic  and  on  this.  '  Tis  liberty  to  liberty  engaged/ 
that  they  will  defend  themselves,  their  families,  and  their 
country.  In  this  great  cause  they  are  immovably  allied; 
it  is  the  alliance  of  God  and  nature  —  immutable,  eternal, 
fixed  as  the  firmament  of  heaven. 

"To  such  united  force,  what  force  shall  be  opposed? 
What,  my  lords!  A  few  regiments  in  America  and  17,000 
or  18,000  men  at  home !  The  idea  is  too  ridiculous  to 
take  up  a  moment  of  your  lordships'  time.  Nor  can  such 
a  national  and  principled  union  be  resisted  by  the  tricks 
of  office,  or  ministerial  maneuver.  Laying  of  papers  on 
your  table,  or  counting  numbers  on  a  division,  will  not 
avert  or  postpone  the  hour  of  danger.  It  must  arrive, 
my  lords,  unless  these  fatal  acts  are  done  away;  it  must 
arrive  in  all  its  horrors,  and  then  these  boastful  ministers, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  627 

spite  of  all  their  confidence  and  all  their  maneuvers,  shall 
be  forced  to  hide  their  heads.  They  shall  be  forced  to  a 
disgraceful  abandonment  of  their  present  measures  and 
principles  which  they  avow,  but  cannot  defend;  measures 
which  they  presume  to  attempt,  but  cannot  hope  to  ef 
fectuate.  They  cannot,  my  lords,  they  cannot  stir  a  step; 
they  have  not  a  move  left;  they  are  checkmated. 

"  But  it  is  not  repealing  this  act  of  Parliament,  it  is  not 
repealing  a  piece  of  parchment,  that  can  restore  America 
to  our  bosom.  You  must  repeal  her  fears  and  her  re 
sentments,  and  you  may  then  hope  for  her  love  and  grati 
tude.  But  now,  insulted  with  an  armed  force  posted  at 
Boston,  irritated  with  a  hostile  array  before  her  eyes,  her 
concessions,  if  you  could  force  them,  would  be  suspicious 
and  insecure;  they  will  be  irato  animo;  they  will  not  be  the 
sound,  honorable  passions  of  freemen;  they  will  be  the 
dictates  of  fear  and  extortions  of  force.  But  it  is  more 
than  evident  that  you  cannot  force  them,  united  as  they 
are,  to  your  unworthy  terms  of  submission;  it  is  impossi 
ble.  And  when  I  hear  General  Gage  censured  for  inac 
tivity,  I  must  retort  with  indignation  on  those  whose 
intemperate  measures  and  improvident  councils  have  be 
trayed  him  into  his  present  situation." 

Washington  was  present  in  the  convention  at  Williams- 
burg  as  a  member  from  Fairfax  county,  which  met  on 
the  ist  of  August  (1774),  and  presented  the  elaborate  reso 
lutions  prepared  by  Mason.  His  speech  in  support  of 
them  was  spoken  of  at  the  time  as  remarkably  eloquent. 
The  importance  of  the  crisis  no  doubt  awakened  all  his 
powers  of  oratory.  In  the  height  of  his  enthusiasm  he 
even  expressed  a  willingness  to  raise  1,000  men  and  march 
at  their  head  to  the  relief  of  Boston. 

The  resolutions  thus  presented  remained  among  Wash 
ington's  papers.  Their  substance  was  as  follows: 


628  WASHINGTON. 

"At  a  general  meeting  of  the  freeholders  and  inhab 
itants  of  the  county  of  Fairfax,  on  Monday,  the  i8th  day 
of  July,  1774,  at  the  courthouse,  George  Washington, 
chairman,  and  Robert  Harrison,  clerk,  of  the  said  meeting: 

"  1st.  Resolved,  That  this  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Vir 
ginia  cannot  be  considered  as  a  conquered  country;  and 
if  it  was,  that  the  present  inhabitants  are  the  descendants, 
not  of  the  conquered,  but  of  the  conquerors.  That  the  same 
was  not  settled  at  the  national  expense  of  England,  but 
at  the  private  expense  of  the^  adventurers,  our  ancestors. 
by  solemn  compact  with,  and  under  the  auspices  and  pro 
tection  of,  the  British  Crown;  upon  which  we  are,  in  every 
respect,  as  dependent  as  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and 
in  the  same  manner  subject  to  all  His  Majesty's  just,  legalj 
and  constitutional  prerogatives.  That  our  ancestors, 
when  they  left  their  native  land  and  settled  in  America, 
brought  with  them  (even  if  the  same  had  not  been  con 
fined  by  charters)  the  civil  Constitution  and  form  of  gov 
ernment  of  the  country  they  came  from;  and  were,  by  the 
laws  of  nature  and  nations,  entitled  to  all  its  privileges, 
immunities,  and  advantages,  which  have  descended  to  us, 
their  posterity,  and  ought  of  right  to  be  as  fully  enjoyed 
as  if  we  had  still  continued  within  the  realm  of  England. 

"  2d.  Resolved,  That  the  most  important  and  valuable 
part  of  the  British  Constitution,  upon  which  its  very  exist 
ence  depends,  is  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  people's 
being  governed  by  no  laws  to  which  they  have  not  given 
their  consent  by  representatives  freely  chosen  by  them 
selves;  who  are  affected  by  the  laws  they  enact  equally 
with  their  constituents;  to  whom  they  are  accountable, 
and  whose  burdens  they  share. 

"  3d.  Resolved,  Therefore,  as  the  inhabitants  of  the 
American  Colonies  are  not,  and,  from  their  situation,  can 
not  be  represented  in  the  British  Parliament,  that  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  629 

legislative  power  here  can  of  right  be  exercised  only  by 
our  own  provincial  assemblies  or  parliaments,  subject  to 
the  assent  or  negative  of  the  British  Crown,  to  be  declared 
within  some  proper  limited  time.  But  as  it  was  thought 
just  and  reasonable  that  the  people  of  Great  Britain  should 
reap  advantages  from  these  Colonies  adequate  to  the  pro 
tection  they  afforded  them,  the  British  Parliament  have 
claimed  and  exercised  the  power  of  regulating  our  trade 
and  commerce,  so  as  to  restrain  our  importing  from  for 
eign  countries  such  articles  as  they  could  furnish  us  with 
of  their  own  growth  or  manufacture;  or  exporting  to  for 
eign  countries  such  articles  and  portions  of  our  produce 
as  Great  Britain  stood  in  need  of  for  her  own  consumption 
or  manufactures.  Such  a  power,  directed  with  wisdom 
and  moderation,  seems  necessary  for  the  general  good  of 
that  great  body  politic,  of  which  we  are  a  part;  although 
in  some  degree  repugnant  to  the  principles  of  the  Consti 
tution.  Under  this  idea  our  ancestors  submitted  to  it;  the 
experience  of  more  than  a  century  during  the  government 
of  His  Majesty's  royal  predecessors  has  proved  its  utility, 
and  the  reciprocal  benefits  flowing  from  it  produced  mu 
tual  uninterrupted  harmony  and  good-will  between  the  in 
habitants  of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies,  who,  during 
that  long  period,  always  considered  themselves  as  one  and 
the  same  people. 

"  4th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  these  Colonies  on 
all  emergencies  to  contribute,  in  proportion  to  their  abili 
ties,  situation,  and  circumstances,  to  the  necessary  charge 
of  supporting  and  defending  the  British  Empire,  of  which 
they  are  a  part. 

"  5th.  Resolved,  That  the  claim  lately  assumed  and  exer 
cised  by  the  British  Parliament,  of  making  all  such  laws 
as  they  think  fit  to  govern  the  people  of  these  Colonies, 
and  to  extort  from  us  our  money  without  our  consent,  is 


630  WASHINGTON. 

not  only  diametrically  contrary  to  the  first  principles  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  original  compacts  by  which  we 
are  dependent  upon  the  British  Crown  and  Government, 
but  is  totally  incompatible  with  the  privileges  of  a  free 
people  and  the  natural  rights  of  mankind. 

"  6th.  Resolved,  That  taxation  and  representation  are  in 
their  nature  inseparable. 

"  7th.  Resolved,  That  the  powers  over  the  people  of 
America,  now  claimed  by  the  British  House  of  Commons, 
in  whose  election  we  have  no  share,  on  whose  determina 
tions  we  can  have  no  influence,  whose  information  must 
be  always  defective  and  often  false,  who  in  many  instances 
may  have  a  separate,  and  in  some  an  opposite,  interest  to 
ours,  and  who  are  removed  from  those  impressions  of 
tenderness  and  compassion  arising  from  personal  inter 
course  and  connection,  which  soften  the  rigors  of  the 
most  despotic  governments,  must,  if  continued,  establish 
the  most  grievous  and  intolerable  species  of  tyranny  and 
oppression  that  ever  was  inflicted  upon  mankind. 

"  8th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  our  greatest  wish  and  inclina 
tion,  as  well  as  interest,  to  continue  our  connection  with 
and  dependence  upon  the  British  Government ;  but  though 
we  are  its  subjects,  we  will  use  every  means  which  heaven 
hath  given  us  to  prevent  our  becoming  its  slaves. 

"  Qth.  Resolved,  That  there  is  a  premeditated  design  and 
system  formed  and  pursued  by  the  British  ministry  to 
introduce  an  arbitrary  government  into  His  Majesty's 
American  dominions 

"  loth.  Resolved,  That  the  several  acts  of  Parliament  for 
raising  a  revenue  upon  the  people  of  America  without 
their  consent,  the  creating  new  and  dangerous  jurisdic 
tions  here,  the  taking  our  trials  by  jury,  the  ordering  per 
sons,  upon  criminal  accusations,  to  be  tried  in  another 
country  than  that  in  which  the  act  is  charged  to  have 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  631 

been  committed,  the  act  inflicting  ministerial  vengeance 
upon  the  town  of  Boston,  and  the  two  bills  lately  brought 
into  Parliament  for  abrogating  the  charter  of  the  province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  for  the  protection  and  en 
couragement  of  murderers  in  said  province,  are  part  of  the 
above-mentioned  iniquitous  system. 

"  nth.  Resolved,  That  we  will  cordially  join  with  our 
friends  and  brethren  of  this  and  the  other  Colonies  in  such 
measures  as  shall  be  judged  most  effectual  for  procuring 
redress  of  our  grievances,  and  that  upon  obtaining  such 
redress,  if  the  destruction  of  the  tea  at  Boston  be  regarded 
as  an  invasion  of  private  property,  we  shall  be  willing  to 
contribute  toward  paying  the  East  India  Company  the 
value. 

"  1 2th.  Resolved,  That  nothing  will  so  much  contribute 
to  defeat  the  pernicious  designs  of  the  common  enemies 
of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies  as  a  firm  union  of  the 
latter,  who  ought  to  regard  every  act  of  violence  or  op 
pression  inflicted  upon  any  one  of  them  as  aimed  at  all; 
and  to  effect  this  desirable  purpose,  that  a  Congress  should 
be  appointed,  to  consist  of  deputies  from  all  the  Colonies, 
to  concert  a  general  and  uniform  plan  for  the  defense  and 
preservation  of  our  common  rights,  and  continuing  the 
connection  and  dependence  of  the  said  Colonies  upon 
Great  Britain,  under  a  just,  lenient,  permanent,  and  con 
stitutional  form  of  government. 

"  1 3th.  Resolved,  That  our  most  sincere  and  cordial 
thanks  be  given  to  the  patrons  and  friends  of  liberty  in 
Great  Britain  for  their  spirited  and  patriotic  conduct  in 
support  of  our  constitutional  rights  and  privileges,  and 
iheir  generous  efforts  to  prevent  the  present  distress  and 
calamity  of  America. 

"  I4th.  Resolved,  That  every  little  jarring  interest  and 
dispute  which  has  ever  happened  between  these  Colonies 


632  WASHINGTON. 

should  be  buried  in  eternal  oblivion;  that  all  manner  of 
luxury  and  extravagance  ought  immediately  to  be  laid 
aside  as  totally  inconsistent  with  the  threatening  and 
gloomy  prospect  before  us;  that  it  is  the  indispensable 
duty  of  all  the  gentlemen  and  men  of  fortune  to  set  exam 
ples  of  temperance,  frugality,  and  industry,  and  give  every 
encouragement  in  their  power,  particularly  by  subscrip 
tions  and  premiums,  to  the  improvement  of  arts  and  manu 
factures  in  America;  that  great  care  and  attention  should 
be  had  to  the  cultivation  of  flax,  cotton,  and  other  ma 
terials  for  manufactures;  and  we  recommend  it  to  such 
of  the  inhabitants  as  have  large  stocks  of  sheep  to  sell  to 
their  neighbors  at  a  moderate  price,  as  the  most  certain 
means  of  speedily  increasing  our  breed  of  sheep  and  quan 
tity  of  wool. 

"  1 5th.  Resolved,  That  until  American  grievances  be  re 
dressed,  by  restoration  of  our  just  rights  and  privileges, 
no  goods  or  merchandise  whatever  ought  to  be  imported 
into  this  Colony,  which  shall  be  shipped  from  Great  Brit 
ain  or  Ireland  after  the  ist  day  of  September  next,  except 
linens  not  exceeding  fifteen  pence  per  yard,  coarse 
woollen  cloth  not  exceeding  two  shillings  sterling  per 
yard,  nails,  wire  and  wire  cards,  needles  and  pins,  paper, 
saltpetre,  and  medicines,  which  may  be  imported  until 
the  ist  day  of  September,  1776. 

"  :6th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  the  merchants  and  vendors  of  goods  and  merchandise 
within  this  Colony  should  take  an  oath  not  to  sell  or  dis 
pose  of  any  goods  or  merchandise  whatsoever,  which  may 
be  shipped  from  Great  Britain  after  the  ist  day  of  Sep 
tember  next,  as  aforesaid,  except  the  articles  before  ex- 
cepted. 

"  1 7th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  during  our  present  difficulties  and  distress  no  slaves 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  633 

ought  to  be  imported  into  any  of  the  British  Colonies  on 
this  continent;  and  we  take  this  opportunity  of  declaring  our 
most  earnest  ivishes  to  see  an  entire  stop  forever  put  to  such 
a  wicked,  cruel,  and  unnatural  trade. 

"  1 8th.  Resolved,  That  no  kind  of  lumber  should  be  ex 
ported  from  this  Colony  to  the  West  Indies  until  America 
be  restored  to  her  constitutional  rights  and  liberties,  if 
the  other  Colonies  will  accede  to  a  like  resolution. 

"  iQth.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
if  American  grievances  be  not  redressed  before  the  ist 
day  of  November,  1775,  that  all  exports  of  produce  from 
the  several  Colonies  to  Great  Britain  should  cease;  and 
to  carry  the  said  resolution  more  effectually  into  execu 
tion,  that  we  will  not  plant  or  cultivate  any  tobacco  after 
the  crop  now  growing. 

"  2oth.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  a  solemn  covenant  and  association  should  be  entered 
into  by  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  Colonies  upon  oath,  that 
they  will  not,  after  the  times  which  shall  be  respectively 
agreed  on  at  the  General  Congress,  export  any  manner 
of  lumber  to  the  West  Indies,  nor  any  of  their  produce  to 
Great  Britain,  or  sell  or  dispose  of  the  same  to  any  per 
son  who  shall  not  have  entered  into  the  said  covenant 
and  association;  and  also,  that  they  will  not  import  or  re 
ceive  any  goods  or  merchandise  which  shall  be  shipped 
from  Great  Britain  after  the  ist  day  of  September  next, 
other  than  the  before-enumerated  articles,  nor  buy  or  pur 
chase  any  goods,  except  as  before  excepted,  of  any  person 
whatsoever,  who  shall  not  have  taken  the  oath  hereinbe 
fore  recommended  to  be  taken  by  the  merchants  and  ven 
ders  of  goods,  nor  buy  or  purchase  any  slaves  hereafter 
imported  into  any  part  of  this  continent,  until  a  free  ex 
portation  and  importation  be  again  resolved  on  by  a  ma 
jority  of  the  representatives  or  deputies  of  the  Colonies. 


634  WASHINGTON. 

And  that  the  respective  committees  of  the  counties  in  each 
Colony,  so  soon  as  the  covenant  and  association  becomes 
general,  publish  by  advertisements  in  their  several  coun 
ties,  a  list  of  the  names  of  those  (if  any  such  there  be)  who 
will  not  accede  thereto;  that  such  traitors  to  their  country 
may  be  publicly  knozvn  and  detested. 

"  2 1 st.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  this  and  the  other  associating  Colonies  should  break 
off  all  trade,  intercourse,  and  dealings  with  that  Colony, 
province,  or  town  which  shaH  decline  or  refuse  to  agree 
to  the  plan  which  shall  be  adopted  by  the  General  Con 
gress. 

"  22d.  Resolved,  That  should  the  town  of  Boston  be 
forced  to  submit  to  the  late  cruel  and  oppressive  meas 
ures  of  government,  that  we  should  not  hold  the  same  to 
be  binding  upon  us,  but  will,  notwithstanding,  religiously 
maintain  and  inviolably  adhere  to  such  measures  as  shall 
be  concerted  by  the  General  Congress  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  our  lives,  liberties,  and  fortunes. 

"  23d.  Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  depu 
ties  of  the  General  Congress  to  draw  up  and  transmit  an 
humble  and  dutiful  petition  and  remonstrance  to  His  Ma 
jesty,  asserting  with  decent  firmness  our  just  and  consti 
tutional  rights  and  privileges;  lamenting  the  fatal  neces 
sity  of  being  compelled  to  enter  into  measures  disgusting 
to  His  Majesty  and  to  his  Parliament,  or  injurious  to  our 
fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain;  declaring,  in  the  strong 
est  terms,  our  duty  and  affection  to  His  Majesty's  person, 
family,  and  government,  and  our  desire  to  continue  our 
dependence  upon  Great  Britain;  and  most  humbly  con 
juring  and  beseeching  His  Majesty  not  to  reduce  his  faith 
ful  subjects  of  America  to  a  state  of  desperation,  and  to 
reflect  that  from  our  sovereign  there  can  be  but  one  appeal. 
And  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  after  such  peti- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  635 

tion  and  remonstrance  shall  have  been  presented  to  His 
Majesty,  the  same  should  be  printed  in  the  public  papers 
in  all  the  principal  towns  in  Great  Britain. 

"  24th.  Resolved,  That  George  Washington  and  Charles 
Broadwater,  lately  elected  our  representatives  to  serve  in 
the  General  Assembly,  be  appointed  to  attend  the  con 
vention  at  Williamsburg,  on  the  ist  day  of  August  next, 
and  present  these  resolves,  as  the  sense  of  the  people  of 
this  county,  upon  the  measures  proper  to  be  taken  in  the 
present  alarming  and  dangerous  situation  in  America." 

The  convention  adopted  a  new  association,  in  which  a 
middle  course  was  taken  in  the  matter  of  exports,  which 
had  been  so  much  discussed  in  Virginia,  certain  times 
being  fixed  when  all  intercourse  with  the  mother  country, 
both  by  imports  and  exports,  should  be  suspended  unless 
the  obnoxious  acts  of  Parliament  should  be  previously 
repealed. 

The  convention  remained  in  session  six  days,  passed 
resolutions  breathing  the  same  spirit  as  that  of  the  Fair 
fax  county  resolves,  and  appointed  and  gave  instructions 
to  the  following  gentlemen  as  delegates  to  the  General 
Congress:  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George 
Washington,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin 
Harrison,  Edward  Pendleton. 

[The  earliest  reputation  of  Jefferson  as  a  writer  was 
made  by  his  "A  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British 
America:  Set  forth  in  some  Resolutions  intended  for  the 
inspection  of  the  present  Delegates  of  the  People  of  Vir 
ginia  now  in  Convention."  Jefferson  had  been  elected  a 
member  of  the  convention,  and  prepared  the  "  Resolu 
tions  "  for  submission  to  the  delegates  in  connection  with 
their  election  of  Virginia  delegates  to  the  First  Continental 
Congress.  An  accidental  illness  rendered  him  unable  to 
be  present  at  the  convention,  and  he  sent  copies  of  his 


636  WASHINGTON. 

document  to  Patrick  Henry  and  Peyton  Randolph.  The 
latter  laid  the  document  before  the  convention,  which 
however  preferred  adopting  a  statement  less  sharply  and 
sternly  critical  of  British  treatment  of  the  Colonies. 
Knowing  however  that  Jefferson's  resolutions  more  ex 
actly  fitted  the  case  than  those  of  the  convention,  his 
friends  immediately  printed  the  document,  with  the  frank 
admission  that  but  for  motives  of  policy,  on  the  part  of 
the  more  moderate  and  conservative  members  of  the  con 
vention,  it  would  have  been  accepted,  on  the  ground  that 
"  In  it  the  sources  of  our  unhappy  differences  are  traced 
with  such  faithful  accuracy,  and  the  opinions  entertained 
by  every  free  American  expressed  with  such  manly  firm 
ness,  that  it  must  be  pleasing  to  the  present  and  may  be 
useful  to  future  ages."  Edmund  Randolph  relates  that 
he  distinctly  recollected  the  applause  bestowed  on  the 
greater  number  of  Jefferson's  resolutions  by  a  large  com 
pany  to  whom  they  were  read  at  the  house  of  Peyton 
Randolph,  although  others  were  not  equally  approved. 
Randolph  explains  that  Dickinson,  in  the  celebrated 
"  Pennsylvania  Farmer  "  letters,  had  urged  some  measure 
of  concession  to  British  taxation  of  the  Colonies,  and  that 
while  the  younger  men  were  with  Jefferson,  the  older  were 
with  Dickinson.  Jefferson's  resolutions  boldly  proposed 
that  the  deputies  to  be  sent  to  a  Continental  Congress 
should  present  to  the  English  King  "  their  joint  address, 
penned  in  the  language  of  truth,  and  divested  of  those  ex 
pressions  of  civility  which  would  persuade  His  Majesty 
that  we  are  asking  favors  and  not  rights."  After  reviewing 
those  less  alarming  violations  of  American  right  which 
had  been  repeated  at  more  distant  intervals  through  the 
reigns  which  preceded  His  Majesty's,  and  having  re 
marked  on  the  "  Rapid  and  Bold  Succession  of  Injuries  " 
of  the  King's  own  time,  characterizing  it  as  "A  Series  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  637 

Oppressions,  begun  at  a  distinguished  period,  and  pur 
sued  unalterable  through  every  change  of  ministers,  too 
plainly  proving  a  deliberate  and  systematical  plan  of  re 
ducing  us  to  slavery/'  Jefferson's  summary  of  sugges 
tions  for  an  address  went  on  to  say: 

"  Not  only  the  principles  of  common  sense,  but  the  com 
mon  feelings  of  human  nature,  must  be  surrendered  up 
before  His  Majesty's  subjects  here  can  be  persuaded  to 
believe  that  they  hold  their  political  existence  at  the  will 
of  a  British  Parliament."  Having  indicated,  in  thus  scor 
ing  the  King's  ministry,  that  he  looked  through  ministers 
and  ministerial  acts  to  the  monarch  himself  for  the  au 
thorship  of  "A  Series  of  Oppressions,"  dating  from  his 
accession,  Jefferson's  document  next  proceeded  to  con 
sider  the  conduct  of  His  Majesty.  Speaking  of  the  veto 
power,  and  pronouncing  without  excuse  "  the  wanton  ex 
ercise  of  this  power  which  we  have  seen  His  Majesty  prac 
tice  on  the  laws  of  the  American  Legislatures,"  the  com 
plaint  went  on  to  say:  "For  the  most  trifling  reasons, 
and  sometimes  for  no  conceivable  reason  at  all,  His  Ma 
jesty  has  rejected  laws  of  the  most  salutary  tendency.  The 
abolition  of  domestic  slavery  is  the  great  object  of  desire  in 
those  Colonies  ivhere  it  zvas  unhappily  introduced  in  their  in 
fant  state.  But,  previous  to  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
slaves  we  have,  it  is  necessary  to  exclude  all  further  im 
portations  from  Africa;  yet  our  repeated  attempts  to  ef 
fect  this  by  prohibitions,  and  by  imposing  duties  which 
might  amount  to  a  prohibition,  have  been  hitherto  de 
feated  by  His  Majesty's  negative,  thus  preferring  the  im 
mediate  advantages  of  a  few  African  corsairs  to  the  lasting 
interest  of  the  American  States,  and  to  the  right  of  human 
nature,  deeply  wounded  by  this  infamous  practice."  Con 
cluding  his  recital  of  grievances,  Jefferson  said,  in  respect 
to  the  freedom  of  language  and  sentiment  used  in  it :  "  Let 


638  WASHINGTON. 

those  flatter  who  fear;  it  is  not  an  American  art.  To  give 
praise  which  is  not  due  might  be  well  from  the  venal,  but 
would  ill  beseem  those  who  are  asserting  the  rights  of 
human  nature.  They  know,  and  will  therefore  say,  that 
Kings  are  the  servants  not  the  proprietors  of  the  people. 
Open  your  breast,  Sire,  to  liberal  and  expanding  thought. 
Let  not  the  name  of  George  III  be  a  blot  in  the  page  of  history. 
You  are  surrounded  by  British  counsellors,  but  remember 
that  they  are  partisans.  You  have  no  ministers  for  Ameri 
can  affairs,  because  you  hav£  none  taken  from  among  us, 
nor  amenable  to  the  laws  on  which  they  are  to  give  you 
advice.  It  behooves  you  therefore  to  think  and  act  for 
yourself  and  your  people.  The  great  principles  of  right 
and  wrong  are  legible  to  every  reader;  to  pursue  them 
requires  not  the  aid  of  many  counsellors.  The  whole  art 
of  government  consists  in  the  art  of  being  honest.  Only 
aim  to  do  your  duty,  and  mankind  will  give  you  credit 
where  you  fail.  No  longer  persevere  in  sacrificing  the 
rights  of  one  part  of  the  empire  to  the  inordinate  desires 
of  another;  but  deal  out  to  all  equal  and  impartial  right. 
Let  no  act  be  passed  by  any  one  Legislature  which  may 
infringe  on  the  rights  and  liberties  of  another.  This  is 
the  important  post  in  which  fortune  has  placed  you,  hold 
ing  the  balance  of  a  great,  if  a  well-poised,  empire.  This, 
Sire,  is  the  advice  of  your  great  American  council,  on  the 
observance  of  which  may  perhaps  depend  you  felicity  and 
future  fame,  and  the  preservation  of  that  harmony  which 
alone  can  continue  both  to  Great  Britain  and  America 
the  reciprocal  advantages  of  their  connection.  It  is 
neither  our  wish  nor  our  interest  to  separate  from  her. 
We  are  willing,  on  our  part,  to  sacrifice  everything  which 
reason  can  ask  to  the  restoration  of  that  tranquillity  for 
which  all  must  wish.  On  their  part,  let  them  be  ready  to 
establish  union  and  a  generous  plan.  Let  them  name 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  639 

their  terms,  but  let  them  be  just.  Accept  of  every  com 
mercial  preference  it  is  in  our  power  to  give  for  such  things 
as  we  can  raise  for  their  use,  or  they  make  for  ours.  But 
let  them  not  think  to  exclude  us  from  going  to  other  mar 
kets  to  dispose  of  those  commodities  which  they  cannot 
use,  or  to  supply  those  wants  which  they  cannot  supply. 
Still  less,  let  it  be  proposed  that  our  properties  within  our 
own  territories  shall  be  taxed  or  regulated  by  any  power 
on  earth  but  our  own.  The  God  who  gave  us  life  gave 
us  liberty  at  the  same  time;  the  hand  of  force  may  destroy, 
but  cannot  disjoin  them.  This,  Sire,  is  our  last,  our  de 
termined  resolution."] 

Virginia  was  not  alone  in  her  sympathy  for  the  inhab 
itants  of  Boston,  nor  in  active  measures  for  sustaining 
the  noble  cause  in  which  she  was  engaged.  The  news  of 
the  passage  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill  was  received  in  that 
town  on  the  loth  of  May  (1774),  and  its  operation  was  to 
commence  on  the  first  of  the  next  month.  We  have  al 
ready  noticed  the  resolutions  of  the  Boston  town  meeting 
of  May  I3th  and  its  effect  on  the  House  of  Burgesses  of 
Virginia. 

On  their  reception  in  South  Carolina,  a  number  of  the 
leading  citizens  of  Charleston  unanimously  agreed  to  call 
a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  province. 

That  this  might  be  as  general  as  possible,  letters  were 
sent  to  every  parish  and  district,  and  the  people  were  in 
vited  to  attend,  either  personally  or  by  their  representa 
tives,  at  a  general  meeting.  A  large  number  assembled, 
in  which  were  some  from  almost  every  part  of  the  province. 
The  proceedings  of  Parliament  against  Massachusetts 
were  distinctly  related  to  this  convention. 

Without  one  dissenting  voice  they  passed  sundry  reso 
lutions  expressive  of  their  rights  and  of  their  sympathy 
with  the  people  "of  Boston.  They  also  chose  five  dele- 


640  WASHINGTON. 

gates  to  represent  them  in  a  Continental  Congress,  and 
invested  them  "  with  full  powers  and  authority,  in  behalf 
of  them  and  their  constituents,  to  concert,  agree  to,  and 
effectually  to  prosecute  such  legal  measures  as  in  their 
opinion,  and  the  opinion  of  the  other  members,  would  be 
most  likely  to  obtain  a  redress  of  American  grievances." 

The  events  of  this  time,  says  Ramsay,  may  be  transmit 
ted  to  posterity,  but  the  agitation  of  the  public  mind  can 
never  be  fully  comprehended,  but  by  those  who  were  wit 
nesses  of  it. 

In  the  counties  and  towns  of  the  several  provinces,  as 
well  as  in  the  cities,  the  people  assembled  and  passed  reso 
lutions  expressive  of  their  rights  and  of  their  detestation 
of  the  late  American  acts  of  Parliament.  These  had  an  in 
stantaneous  effect  on  the  minds  of  thousands.  Not  only  the 
young  and  impetuous,  but  the  aged  and  temperate,  joined 
in  pronouncing  them  to  be  unconstitutional  and  oppres 
sive.  They  viewed  them  as  deadly  weapons  aimed  at  the 
vitals  of  that  liberty  which  they  adored;  as  rendering  abor 
tive  the  generous  pains  taken  by  their  forefathers  to  pro 
cure  for  them,  in  a  new  world,  the  quiet  enjoyment  of 
their  rights.  They  were  the  subjects  of  their  meditation 
when  alone,  and  of  their  conversation  when  in  company. 

Within  little  more  than  a  month,  after  the  news  of  the 
Boston  Port  Bill  reached  America,  it  was  communicated 
from  State  to  State,  and  a  flame  was  kindled  in  almost 
every  breast  through  the  widely-extended  provinces.  The 
committees  of  correspondence  were  at  work  in  every  part 
of  the  country.  Every  political  act  of  one  province  be 
came  speedily  known  to  every  other. 

In  the  first  three  months  which  followed  the  shutting 
up  of  the  port  of  Boston,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Colonies, 
in  hundreds  of  small  circles,  as  well  as  in  their  provincial 
assemblies  and  congresses,  expressed  their  abhorrence  of 
the  late  proceedings  of  the  British  Parliament  against 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  641 

Massachusetts  —  their  concurrence  in  the  proposed  meas 
ure  of  appointing  deputies  for  a  general  congress,  and 
their  willingness  to  do  and  suffer  whatever  should  be 
judged  conducive  to  the  establishment  of  their  liberties. 

A  patriotic  flame,  created  and  diffused  by  the  contagion 
of  sympathy,  was  communicated  to  so  many  breasts  and 
reflected  from  such  a  variety  of  objects  as  to  become  too 
intense  to  be  resisted. 

While  the  combination  of  the  other  Colonies  to  sup 
port  Boston  was  gaining  strength,  new  matter  of  dissen 
sion  daily  took  place  in  Massachusetts.  The  resolution 
for  shutting  the  port  of  Boston  was  no  sooner  taken  than 
it  was  determined  to  order  a  military  force  to  that  town. 
General  Gage  had  arrived  in  Boston  on  the  third  day  after 
the  inhabitants  received  the  first  intelligence  of  the  Bos 
ton  Port  Bill.  Though  the  people  were  irritated  by  that 
measure,  and  though  their  republican  jealousy  was  hurt 
by  the  combination  of  the  civil  and  military  character  in 
one  person,  yet  the  General,  as  we  have  seen,  was  received 
with  all  the  honors  which  had  been  usually  paid  to  his 
predecessors.  Soon  after  his  arrival,  two  regiments  of 
foot,  with  a  detachment  of  artillery  and  some  cannon,  were 
landed  in  Boston.  These  troops  were  by  degrees  rein 
forced  with  others  from  Ireland,  New  York,  Halifax,  and 
Quebec. 

The  Governor  announced  that  he  had  the  King's  par 
ticular  command  for  holding  the  General  Court  at  Salem 
after  the  1st  of  June.  When  that  eventful  day  arrived 
the  act  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston  commenced  its 
operation. 

It  was  devoutly  kept  at  Williamsburg  as  a  day  of  fast 
ing  and  humiliation.*  In  Philadelphia  it  was  solemnized 

*  Washington  writes  in  his  diary  that  he  "  went  to  church  and 
fasted  all  day." —  Sparks. 
41 


642  WASHINGTON. 

with  every  manifestation  of  public  calamity  and  grief. 
The  inhabitants  shut  up  their  houses.  After  divine  ser 
vice  a  stillness  reigned  over  the  city,  which  exhibited  an 
appearance  of  the  deepest  distress. 

In  Boston  a  new  scene  opened  on  the  inhabitants. 
Hitherto  that  town  had  been  the  seat  of  commerce  and 
of  plenty.  The  immense  business  carried  on  there  af 
forded  a  comfortable  subsistence  to-  many  thousands.  The 
necessary,  the  useful,  and  even  some  of  the  elegant  arts 
were  cultivated  among  them.  The  citizens  were  polite 
and  hospitable.  In  this  happy  state  they  were  sentenced, 
on  the  short  notice  of  twenty-one  days,  to  a  total  depri 
vation  of  all  means  of  subsisting.  The  blow  reached  every 
person.  The  rents  of  the  landholders  either  ceased  or 
were  greatly  diminished.  The  immense  property  in 
stores  and  wharves  was  rendered  comparatively  useless. 
Laborers,  artificers,  and  others  employed  in  the  numerous 
occupations  created  by  an  extensive  trade  partook  in  the 
general  calamity.  They  who  depended  on  a  regular  in 
come  flowing  from  previous  acquisitions  of  property,  as 
well  as  they  who,  with  the  sweat  of  their  brow,  earned 
their  daily  subsistence,  were  equally  deprived  of  the  means 
of  support;  and  the  chief  difference  between  them  was 
that  the  distresses  of  the  former  were  rendered  more  in 
tolerable  by  the  recollection  of  past  enjoyments.  All  these 
inconveniences  and  hardships  were  borne  with  a  passive 
but  inflexible  fortitude.  Their  determination  to  persist 
in  the  same  line  of  conduct  which  had  been  the  occasion 
of  their  suffering  was  unabated. 

The  authors  and  advisers  of  the  resolution  for  destroy 
ing  the  tea  were  in  the  town  and  still  retained  their  popu 
larity  and  influence.  The  execrations  of  the  inhabitants 
fell  not  on  them,  but  on  the  British  Parliament.  Their 
countrymen  acquitted  them  of  all  selfish  designs,  and  be- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  643 

lieved  that  in  their  opposition  to  the  measures  of  Great 
Britain  they  were  actuated  by  an  honest  zeal  for  consti 
tutional  liberty.  The  sufferers  in  Boston  had  the  conso 
lation  of  sympathy  from  the  other  colonists.  Contribu 
tions  were  raised  in  all  quarters  for  their  relief.  Letters 
and  addresses  came  to  them  from  corporate  bodies,  town 
meetings,  and  provincial  conventions,  applauding  their 
conduct  and  exhorting  them  to  perseverance. 

The  people  of  Marblehead,  who,  by  their  proximity, 
were  likely  to  reap  advantage  from  the  distresses  of  Bos 
ton,  generously  offered  the  merchants  of  that  place  the 
use  of  their  harbor,  wharves,  warehouses,  and  also  their 
personal  attendance  on  the  lading  or  unlading  of  their 
goods,  free  of  all  expense. 

The  inhabitants  of  Salem,  in  an  address  to  Governor 
Gage,  concluded  with  these  remarkable  words:  "  By  shut 
ting  up  the  port  of  Boston  some  imagine  that  the  course 
of  trade  might  be  turned  hither  and  to  our  benefit;  but 
nature,  in  the  formation  of  our  harbor,  forbade  our  be 
coming  rivals  in  commerce  with  that  convenient  mart; 
and,  were  it  otherwise,  we  must  be  dead  to  every  idea  of 
justice,  lost  to  all  feelings  of  humanity,  could  we  indulge 
one  thought  to  seize  on  wealth  and  raise  our  fortunes  on 
the  ruins  of  our  suffering  neighbors." 

The  Massachusetts  General  Court  met  at  Salem,  ac 
cording  to  adjournment,  on  the  7th  of  June,  1774.  Sev 
eral  of  the  popular  leaders  took,  in  a  private  way,  the 
sense  of  the  members  on  what  was  proper  to  be  done. 
Finding  they  were  able  to  carry  such  measures  as  the  pub 
lic  exigencies  required,  they  prepared  resolves  and  moved 
for  their  adoption.  But  before  they  went  on  the  latter 
business  their  door  was  shut. 

One  member  nevertheless  contrived  means  of  sending 
information  to  Governor  Gage  of  what  was  doing.  His 


644  WASHINGTON. 

secretary  was  sent  off  to  dissolve  the  General  Court,  but 
was  refused  admission.  As  he  could  obtain  no  entrance, 
he  read  the  proclamation  at  the  door  and  immediately 
after  in  council,  and  thus  dissolved  the  General  Court. 
The  House,  while  sitting  with  their  doors  shut,  appointed 
five  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants  as  delegates  to  the 
General  Congress,  which  was  to  meet  on  the  ist  of  Sep 
tember  at  Philadelphia,  voted  them  £75  sterling  each,  and 
recommended  to  the  several  towns  and  districts  to  raise 
the  said  sum  by  equitable  proportions.  By  these  means 
the  designs  of  the  Governor  were  disappointed.  His  situ 
ation  in  every  respect  was  truly  disagreeable.  It  was  his 
duty  to  forward  the  execution  of  laws  which  were  uni 
versally  execrated.  Zeal  for  his  master's  service  prompted 
him  to  endeavor  that  they  should  be  carried  into  full  ef 
fect,  but  his  progress  was  retarded  by  obstacles  from  every 
quarter.  He  had  to  transact  his  official  business  with  a 
people  who  possessed  a  high  sense  of  liberty  and  were 
uncommonly  ingenious  in  evading  disagreeable  acts  of 
Parliament.  It  was  a  part  of  his  duty  to  prevent  the  call 
ing  of  the  town  meetings  after  the  ist  of  August,  1774. 
These  meetings  were  nevertheless  held.  On  his  proposing 
to  exert  authority  for  the  dispersion  of  the  people,  he  was 
told  by  the  selectmen  that  they  had  not  offended  against 
the  act  of  Parliament,  for  that  only  prohibited  the  calling 
of  town  meetings,  and  that  no  such  call  had  been  made; 
a  former  constitutional  meeting  before  the  ist  of  August 
having  only  adjourned  themselves  from  time  to  time. 
Other  evasions,  equally  founded  on  the  letter  of  even  the 
late  obnoxious  laws,  were  practiced. 

As  the  summer  advanced  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
received  stronger  proofs  of  support  from  the  neighboring 
province.  They  were  therefore  encouraged  to  further  op 
position.  The  inhabitants  ^  of  the  Colonies  at  this  time, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  645 

with  regard  to  political  opinions,  might  be  divided  into 
three  classes.  Of  these,  one  was  for  rushing  precipitately 
into  extremities.  They  were  for  immediately  stopping 
all  trade,  and  could  not  even  brook  the  delay  of  waiting 
till  the  proposed  Continental  Congress  should  meet.  An 
other  party,  equally  respectable  both  as  to  character, 
property,  and  patriotism,  was  more  moderate,  but  not  less 
firm.  These  were  averse  to  the  adoption  of  any  violent 
resolutions  till  all  others  were  ineffectually  tried.  They 
wished  that  a  clear  statement  of  their  rights,  claims,  and 
grievances  should  precede  every  other  measure.  A  third 
class  disapproved  of  what  was  generally  going  on  —  a  few 
from  principle  and  a  persuasion  that  they  ought  to  submit 
to  the  mother  country,  some  from  the  love  of  ease,  others 
from  self-interest,  but  the  bulk  from  fear  of  the  mischievous 
consequences  likely  to  follow.  All  these  latter  classes,  for 
the  most  part,  lay  still,  while  the  friends  of  liberty  acted 
with  spirit.  If  they  or  any  of  them  ventured  to  oppose 
popular  measures  they  were  not  supported,  and  therefore 
declined  further  efforts.  The  resentment  of  the  people 
was  so  strong  against  them  that  they  sought  for  peace  by 
remaining  quiet.  The  same  indecision  that  made  them 
willing  to  submit  to  Great  Britain  made  them  apparently 
acquiesce  in  popular  measures  which  they  disapproved. 
The  spirited  part  of  the  community  being  on  the  side  of 
liberty,  the  patriots  had  the  appearance  of  unanimity, 
though  many  either  kept  at  a  distance  from  public  meet 
ings  or  voted  against  their  own  opinion,  to  secure  them 
selves  from  resentment  and  promote  their  present  ease 
and  interest. 

Under  the  influence  of  those  who  were  for  the  imme 
diate  adoption  of  efficacious  measures,  an  agreement  by 
the  name  of  the  solemn  league  and  covenant  was  adopted 
by  numbers.  The  subscribers  of  this  bound  themselves 


64G  WASHINGTON. 

to  suspend  all  commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain 
until  the  late  obnoxious  laws  were  repealed  and  the  Col 
ony  of  Massachusetts  restored  to  its  chartered  rights. 

General  Gage  published  a  proclamation  in  which  he 
styled  this  solemn  league  and  covenant  "An  unlawful,  hos 
tile,  and  traitorous  combination."  ,  And  all  magistrates 
were  charged  to  apprehend  and  secure  for  trial  such  as 
should  have  any  agency  in  publishing  or  subscribing  the 
same  or  any  similar  covenant.  This  proclamation  had  no 
other  effect  than  to  exercise  the  pens  of  the  lawyers  in 
showing  that  the  association  did  not  come  within  the  de 
scription  of  legal  treason,  and  that  therefore  the  Gov 
ernor's  proclamation  was  not  warranted  by  the  principles 
of  the  Constitution. 

The  late  law  for  regulating  the  government  of  the  prov 
ince  arrived  near  the  beginning  of  August,  1774,  and  was 
accompanied  with  a  list  of  thirty-six  new  councillors  ap 
pointed  by  the  Crown  and  in  a  mode  variant  from  that 
prescribed  by  the  charter.  Several  of  these  in  the  first 
instance  declined  an  acceptance  of  the  appointment.  Those 
who  accepted  of  it  were  everywhere  declared  to  be  ene 
mies  to  their  country.  The  new  judges  were  rendered 
incapable  of  proceeding  in  their  official  duty.  Upon  open 
ing  the  courts  the  juries  refused  to  be  sworn  or  to  act  in 
any  manner,  either  under  them  or  in  conformity  to  the 
late  regulations.  In  some  places  the  people  assembled 
and  filled  the  courthouses  and  avenues  to  them  in  such  a 
manner  that  neither  the  judges  nor  their  officers  could 
obtain  entrance;  and  upon  the  sheriff's  commanding  them 
to  make  way  for  the  court,  they  answered:  "That  they 
knew  no  court  independent  of  the  ancient  laws  of  their 
country,  and  to  none  other  would  they  submit." 

In  imitation  of  his  royal  master,  Governor  Gage  issued 
a  proclamation  "  for  the  encouragement  of  piety  and  vir- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  647 

tue,  and  for  the  prevention  and  punishing  vice,  profane- 
ness,  and  immorality."  In  this  proclamation  hypocrisy 
was  inserted  as  one  of  the  immoralities  against  which  the 
people  were  warned.  This  was  considered  by  the  inhab 
itants,  who  had  often  been  ridiculed  for  their  strict  atten 
tion  to  the  forms  of  religion,  to  be  a  studied  insult,  and 
as  such  was  more  resented  than  an  actual  injury.  It 
greatly  added  to  the  inflammation  which  had  already  taken 
place  in  their  minds. 

The  proceedings  and  apparent  dispositions  of  the  peo 
ple,  together  with  the  military  preparations  which  were 
daily  made  through  the  province,  induced  General  Gage 
to  fortify  that  neck  of  land  which  joins  the  peninsula  of 
Roxbury  to  Boston. 

He  also  seized  upon  the  powder  which  was  lodged  in  the 
arsenal  at  Charlestown. 

This  excited  a  most  violent  and  universal  ferment.  Sev 
eral  thousands  of  the  people  assembled  at  Cambridge,  and 
it  was  with  difficulty  they  were  restrained  from  marching 
directly  to  Boston  to  demand  a  delivery  of  the  powder, 
with  a  resolution,  in  case  of  refusal,  to  attack  the  troops. 

The  people  thus  assembled  proceeded  to  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Oliver's  house  and  to  the  houses  of  several  of 
the  new  councillors,  and  obliged  them  to  resign  and  to  de 
clare  that  they  would  no  more  act  under  the  laws  lately 
enacted.  In  the  confusion  of  these  transactions  a  rumor 
went  abroad  that  the  royal  fleet  and  troops  were  firing 
upon  the  town  of  Boston.  This  was  probably  designed 
by  the  popular  leaders  on  purpose  to  ascertain  what  aid 
they  might  expect  from  the  country  in  case  of  extremities. 
The  result  exceeded  their  most  sanguine  expectations. 
In  less  than  twenty-four  hours  there  were  upward  of 
30,000  men  in  arms  and  marching  toward  the  capital. 
Other  risings  of  the  people  took  place  in  different  parts 


648  WASHINGTON. 

of  the  Colony,  and  their  violence  was  such  that  in  a  short 
time  the  new  councillors,  the  commissioners  of  the  cus 
toms,  and  all  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  favor  of 
Great  Britain  were  obliged  to  screen  themselves  in  Bos 
ton.  The  new  seat  of  government  at  Salem  was  aban 
doned,  and  the  officers  connected  with  the  revenue  were 
obliged  to  consult  their  safety  by  taking  up  their  residence 
in  a  place  which  an  act  of  Parliament  had  proscribed  from 
all  trade. 

About  this  time  delegates  from  every  town  and  district 
in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  of  which  Boston  is  the  county 
town,  had  a  meeting,  at  which  they  prefaced  a  number  of 
spirited  resolutions,  containing  a  detail  of  the  particulars 
of  their  intended  opposition  to  the  late  acts  of  Parliament, 
with  a  general  declaration,  "  That  no  obedience  was  due 
from  the  province  to  either  or  any  part  of  the  said  acts, 
but  that  they  should  be  rejected  as  the  attempts  of  a 
wicked  administration  to  enslave  America."  The  resolves 
of  this  meeting  were  sent  on  to  Philadelphia  for  the  infor 
mation  and  opinion  of  the  Congress,  which,  as  shall  be 
hereafter  related,  had  met  there  about  this  time. 

The  people  of  Massachusetts  rightly  judged  that  from 
the  decision  of  Congress  on  these  resolutions  they  would 
be  enabled  to  determine  what  support  they  might  expect. 
Notwithstanding  present  appearances,  they  feared  that  the 
other  Colonies,  who  were  no  more  than  remotely  con 
cerned,  would  not  hazard  the  consequences  of  making  a 
common  cause  with  them  should  subsequent  events  make 
it  necessary  to  repel  force  by  force.  The  decision  of  Con 
gress  exceeded  their  expectations,  as  we  shall  presently 
see. 


CHAPTER  X. 

WASHINGTON  A  MEMBER  OP  CONGRESS. 

I774- 

r  I  ^  HE  time  had  now  arrived  when  Washington  was  to 
take  a  distinguished  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
celebrated  Continental  Congress  of  1774.  He  was 
accompanied  on  his  journey  from  Mount  Vernon  by  two 
of  his  colleagues,  Patrick  Henry  and  Edmund  Pendleton. 
As  they  pursued  their  journey,  which  was  performed  on 
horseback,  we  may  imagine  them  to  have  communed  with 
each  other  on  the  momentous  character  of  the  work  upon 
which  they  were  about  to  enter.  Whether  aware  of  it  or 
not,  they  were  in  fact  destined  that  very  session  of  Con 
gress  to  lay  securely  the  foundations  of  the  American  Re 
public.  It  was  fit  and  proper  that  Washington  should 
take  a  leading  part  in  the  deliberations  of  that  remarkable 
assemblage  of  illustrious  men.* 

*  The  instructions  given  by  the  Virginia  convention  of  August 
1-6  to  the  delegates  to  the  Congress  of  1774  were  as  follows: 

"  The  unhappy  disputes  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Ameri 
can  Colonies,  which  began  about  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  his 
present  majesty,  and  since  continually  increasing,  have  proceeded 
to  lengths  so  dangerous  and  alarming  as  to  excite  just  apprehen 
sions  in  the  minds  of  His  Majesty's  faithful  subjects  of  the  Colony 
that  they  are  in  danger  of  being  deprived  of  their  natural,  ancient, 
constitutional,  and  chartered  rights,  have  compelled  them  to  take 
the. same  into  their  most  serious  consideration;  and  being  de 
prived  of  their  usual  and  accustomed  mode  of  making  known  their 
grievances,  have  appointed  us  their  representatives,  to  consider 
what  is  proper  to  be  done  in  this  dangerous  crisis  of  American 

(649) 


650  WASHINGTON. 

The  day  appointed  for  the  opening  of  Congress  was  the 
5th  of  September,  1774.  The  place  of  this  meeting  was 
Carpenter's  Hall  in  Carpenter's  Court,  Chestnut  street, 
Philadelphia.  Punctual  to  the  hour,  the  deputies  from 
eleven  provinces  presented  themselves,  and  shortly  after, 
by  the  arrival  of  the  delegates  from  North  Carolina,  there 
was  a  complete  representation  of  all  the  thirteen  Colonies, 

affairs.  It  being  our  opinion  that  the  united  wisdom  of  North 
America  should  be  collected  in  a  general  congress  of  all  the  Col 
onies,  we  have  appointed  the  Hon.  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  George  Washington,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland, 
Benjamin  Harrison,  and  Edmund  Pendleton,  Esqs.,  deputies  to 
represent  this  Colony  in  the  said  Congress,  to  be  held  at  Phila 
delphia  on  the  first  Monday  in  September  next.  And  that  they 
may  be  the  better  informed  of  our  sentiments  touching  the  con 
duct  we  wish  them  to  observe  on  this  important  occasion,  we 
desire  that  they  will  express,  in  the  first  place,  our  faith  and  true 
allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  King  George  III,  our  lawful  and  right 
ful  sovereign;  and  that  we  are  determined,  with  our  lives  and 
fortunes,  to  support  him  in  the  legal  exercise  of  all  his  just  rights 
and  prerogatives.  And,  however  misrepresented,  we  sincerely  ap 
prove  of  a  constitutional  connection  with  Great  Britain  and  wish 
most  ardently  a  return  of  affection  and  commercial  connection 
that  formerly  united  both  countries,  which  can  only  be  effected 
by  a  removal  of  those  causes  of  discontent  which  have  of  late 
unhappily  divided  us. 

"  It  cannot  admit  of  a  doubt  but  that  British  subjects  in  America 
are  entitled  to  the  same  rights  and  privileges  as  their  fellow- 
subjects  possess  in  Britain,  and  therefore  that  the  power  assumed 
by  the  British  Parliament  to  bind  America  by  their  statutes,  in 
all  cases  whatsoever,  is  unconstitutional  and  the  source  of  these 
unhappy  differences. 

"  The  end  of  government  would  be  defeated  by  the  British  Par 
liament  exercising  a  power  over  the  lives,  the  property,  and  the 
liberty  of  American  subjects  who  are  not,  and  from  their  local 
circumstances  cannot,  be  there  represented.  Of  this  nature  we 
consider  the  several  acts  of  Parliament  for  raising  a  revenue  in 
America,  for  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  admiralty, 
for  seizing  American  subjects  and  transporting  them  to  Britain 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  651 

Georgia  alone  excepted.  The  whole  number  of  delegates 
was  fifty-four. 

Congress  was  organized  by  the  choice  of  Peyton  Ran 
dolph,  of  Virginia,  as  president,  and  Charles  Thomson,  of 
Pennsylvania,  as  secretary.  The  credentials  of  the  various 
delegates  were  then  presented. 

In  respect  to  the  number  of  their  delegates,  the  Colonies 
were  unequally  represented:  and  as  their  relative  import 
ance  was  not  accurately  known,  it  was  arranged  that  the 

to  be  tried  for  crimes  committed  in  America,  and  the  several  late 
oppressive  acts  concerning  the  town  of  Boston  and  province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay. 

"  The  original  Constitution  of  the  American  Colonies  possess 
ing  their  Assemblies  with  the  sole  right  of  directing  their  internal 
polity,  it  is  absolutely  destructive  of  the  end  of  their  institution 
that  their  Legislatures  should  be  suspended,  or  prevented  by  hasty 
dissolutions,  from  exercising  their  legislative  powers. 

"  Wanting  the  protection  of  Britain,  we  have  long  acquiesced 
in  their  acts  of  navigation,  restrictive  of  our  commerce,  which  we 
consider  as  an  ample  recompense  for  such  protection;  but  as  those 
acts  derive  their  efficacy  from  that  foundation  alone,  we  have 
reason  to  expect  they  will  be  restrained  so  as  to  produce  the 
reasonable  purposes  of  Britain  and  not  be  injurious  to  us. 

"  To  obtain  redress  of  these  grievances,  without  which  Ihe 
people  of  America  can  neither  be  safe,  free,  nor  happy,  they  are 
willing  to  undergo  the  great  inconvenience  that  will  be  derived 
to  them  from  stopping  all  imports  whatsoever  from  Great  Britain, 
after  the  1st  day  of  November  next,  and  also  to  cease  exporting 
any  commodity  whatsoever  to  the  same  place  after  the  loth  day 
of  August,  1775.  The  earnest  desire  we  have  to  make  as  quick 
and  full  payment  as  possible  of  our  debts  to  Great  Britain,  and 
to  avoid  the  heavy  injury  that  would  arise  to  this  country  from 
an  earlier  adoption  of  the  nonexportation  plan,  after  the  people 
have  already  applied  so  much  of  their  labor  to  the  perfecting  of 
their  present  crop,  by  which  means  they  have  been  prevented 
from  pursuing  other  methods  of  clothing  and  supporting  their 
families,  have  rendered  it  necessary  to  restrain  you  in  this  article 
of  nonexportation;  but  it  is  our  desire  that  you  cordially  co- 


652  WASHINGTON. 

representatives  of  each  province  should  give  one  single 
vote  upon  every  question  discussed  by  the  Congress.  It 
was  further  determined  that  the  meetings  of  the  Congress 
should  be  held  with  closed  doors,  and  that  not  a  syllable 
of  its  transactions  should  be  published  except  by  order  of 
a  majority  of  the  Colonies.  This  judicious  regulation, 
among  other  advantageous  results,  withheld  from  public 
view  every  symptom  of  doubt  or  divided  purpose  and  opin 
ion  among  the  members  of  the  Congress.  What  we  know 

operate  with  our  sister  Colonies  in  general  Congress  in  such  other 
just  and  proper  methods  as  they,  or  the  majority,  shall  deem 
necessary  for  the  accomplishment  of  these  valuable  ends. 

"The  proclamation  issued  by  General  Gage  in  the  government 
of  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  declaring  it  treason  for  the 
inhabitants  of  that  province  to  assemble  themselves  to  consider 
of  their  grievances,  and  form  associations  for  their  common  con 
duct  on  the  occasion,  and  requiring  the  civil  magistrates  and 
officers  to  apprehend  all  such  persons  to  be  tried  for  their  sup 
posed  offenses,  is  the  most  alarming  process  that  ever  appeared 
in  a  British  Government;  the  said  General  Gage  has  thereby  as 
sumed  and  taken  upon  himself  powers  denied  by  the  Constitution 
to  our  legal  sovereign,  he  not  having  condescended  to  disclose 
by  what  authority  he  exercises  such  extensive  and  unheard-of 
powers,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  determine  whether  he  intends  to  justify 
himself  as  the  representative  of  the  King,  or  as  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  His  Majesty's  forces  in  America.  If  he  considers  him 
self  as  acting  in  the  character  of  His  Majesty's  representative,  we 
would  remind  him  that  the  statute  25,  Edward  III,  has  expressed 
and  defined  all  treasonable  offenses,  and  that  the  Legislature  of 
Great  Britain  hath  declared  that  no  offense  shall  be  construed  to 
be  treason  but  such  as  is  pointed  out  by  that  statute;  and  that  this 
was  done  to  take  out  of  the  hands  of  tyrannical  kings  and  of 
weak  and  wicked  ministers  that  deadly  weapon  which  constructive 
treason  hath  furnished  them  with,  and  which  had  drawn  the  blood 
of  the  best  and  honestest  men  in  the  kingdom;  and  that  the 
King  of  Great  Britain  hath  no  right  by  his  proclamation  to  sub 
ject  his  people  to  imprisonment,  pains,  and  penalties. 

"That  if  the  said  General  Gage  conceives  he  is  empowered  to 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  653 

of  the  details  of  its  proceedings  is  sufficiently  meager  and 
scanty.  It  has  been  gathered  from  the  testimony  of  those 
who  were  present,  communicated  long  after  in  conversa 
tion  and  in  letters. 

Of  the  whole  number  of  deputies  which  formed  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  of  1774,  one-half  were  lawyers.  Gentle 
men  of  that  profession  had  acquired  the  confidence  of  the 
inhabitants  by  their  exertions  in  the  common  cause.  The 
previous  measures  in  the  respective  provinces  had  been 
planned  and  carried  into  effect  more  by  lawyers  than  by 
any  other  order  of  men.  Professionally  taught  the  rights 
of  the  people,  they  were  among  the  foremost  to  descry 
every  attack  made  on  their  liberties.  Bred  in  the  habits 
of  public  speaking,  they  made  a  distinguished  figure  in  the 
meetings  of  the  people,  and  were  particularly  able  to  ex 
plain  to  them  the  tendency  of  the  late  acts  of  Parliament. 
Exerting  their  abilities  and  influence  in  the  cause  of  their 
country,  they  were  rewarded  with  its  confidence. 

The  most  eminent  men  of  the  various  Colonies  were 
now  for  the  first  time  brought  together.  They  were  known 
to  each  other  by  fame,  but  they  were  personally  strangers. 
The  meeting  was  awfully  solemn.  The  object  which  had 
called  them  together  was  of  incalculable  magnitude.  The 
liberties  of  no  less  than  3,000,000  people,  with  that  of  all 
their  posterity,  were  staked  on  the  wisdom  and  energy  of 
their  councils.  No  wonder  then  at  the  long  and  deep 
silence  which  is  said  to  have  followed  upon  their  organiza- 

act  in  this  manner,  as  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  His  Majesty's 
forces  in  America,  this  odious  and  illegal  proclamation  must  be 
considered  as  a  full  and  plain  declaration  that  this  despotic  viceroy 
will  be  bound  by  no  law,  nor  regard  the  constitutional  rights  of 
His  Majesty's  subjects  whenever  they  interfere  with  the  plan  he 
has  formed  for  oppressing  the  good  people  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
and  therefore  that  the  executing,  or  attempting  to  execute,  such 
proclamation  will  justify  resistance  and  reprisal." 


654  WASHINGTON. 

tion;  at  the  anxiety  with  which  the  members  looked  around 
upon  each  other;  and  the  reluctance  which  every  individual 
felt  to  open  a  business  so  fearfully  momentous. 

In  the  midst  of  this  deep  and  death-like  silence  and  just 
when  it  was  beginning  to  become  painfully  embarrassing, 
Patrick  Henry  arose  slowly,  as  if  borne  down  with  the 
weight  of  the  subject.  After  faltering,  according  to  his 
habit,  through  a  most  impressive  exordium,  in  which  he 
merely  echoed  back  the  consciousness  of  every  other  heart, 
in  deploring  his  inability  to- do  justice  to  the  occasion,  he 
launched  gradually  into  recital  of  the  colonial  wrongs. 
Rising,  as  he  advanced,  with  the  grandeur  of  his  subject, 
and  glowing  at  length  with  all  the  majesty  and  expecta 
tion  of  the  occasion,  his  speech  seemed  more  than  that  of 
mortal  man.  Even  those  who  had  heard  him  in  all  his 
glory  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  were  aston 
ished  at  the  manner  in  which  his  talents  seemed  to  swell 
and  expand  themselves  to  fill  the  vaster  theater  in  which  he 
was  now  placed.  There  was  no  rant,  no  rhapsody,  no 
labor  of  the  understanding,  no  straining  of  the  voice,  no 
confusion  of  the  utterance.  His  countenance  was  erect, 
his  eye  steady,  his  action  noble,  his  enunciation  clear  and 
firm,  his  mind  poised  on  its  center,  his  views  of  his  subject 
comprehensive  and  great,  and  his  imagination  coruscating 
with  a  magnificence  and  a  variety  which  struck  even  that 
assembly  with  amazement  and  awe.  He  sat  down  amidst 
murmurs  of  astonishment  and  applause,  and  as  he  had 
been  before  proclaimed  the  greatest  orator  of  Virginia, 
he  was  now,  on  every  hand,  admitted  to  be  the  first  orator 
of  America.* 

*  [Henry  himself  declared,  in  one  of  his  most  notable  utterances, 
that  of  the  members  of  the  Congress,  "  If  you  speak  of  eloquence, 
Mr.  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina  is  by  far  the  greatest  orator." 
The  eminent  jurist,  John  Rutledge,  who  rose  to  eminence  as  a 
!awyer  while  still  a  young  man,  was  a  member  of  the  Congress;  so, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  655 

He  was  followed  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  who  charmed 
the  House  with  a  different  kind  of  eloquence,  chaste,  classi 
cal,  beautiful,  his  polished  periods  rolling  along  without 
effort,  rilling  the  ear  with  the  most  bewitching  harmony, 
and  delighting  the  mind  with  the  most  exquisite  imagery. 
The  cultivated  graces  of  Lee's  rhetoric  received  and  at 
the  same  time  reflected  beauty  by  their  contrast  with  the 
wild  and  grand  effusions  of  Henry,  just  as  those  noble 
monuments  of  art  which  lie  scattered  through  the  cele 
brated  landscape  of  Naples  at  once  adorn  and  are  in  their 
turn  adorned  by  the  surrounding  majesty  of  nature. 

Two  models  of  eloquence,  each  so  perfect  in  its  kind 
and  so  finely  contrasted,  could  not  but  fill  the  House  with 
the  highest  admiration;  and  as  Henry  had  before  been 
proclaimed  the  Demosthenes,  it  was  conceded  on  every 
hand  that  Lee  was  the  Cicero,  of  America. 

It  is  due  however  to  historic  truth  to  record  that  the 
superior  powers  of  these  great  men  were  manifested  only 
in  debate.  On  the  floor  of  the  House  and  during  the  first 
days  of  the  session,  while  general  grievances  were  the 
topic,  they  took  the  undisputed  lead  in  the  assembly  and 
were  confessedly  primi  inter  pares.  But  when  called  down 
from  the  heights  of  declamation  to  that  severer  test  of 
intellectual  excellence,  the  details  of  business,  they  found 
themselves  in  a  body  of  cool-headed,  reflecting,  and  most 
able  men,  by  whom  they  were,  in  their  turn,  completely 
thrown  into  the  shade. 

A  petition  to  the  King,  an  address  to  the  people  of 
Great  Britain,  and  a  memorial  to  the  people  of  British 
America  were  agreed  to  be  drawn.  Mr.  Lee,  Mr.  Henry, 

also,  was  his  son,  Edward  Rutledge,  who  had  been  admitted  to 
practice  at  the  Charleston  bar  in  1773,  and  in  the  Congress  (from 
1774  to  1777)  was  eminent  as  a  debater  and  was  one  of  the  signers 
of  the  Declaration.] 


656  WASHINGTON. 

and  others  were  appointed  for  the  first;  Mr.  Lee,  Mr.  Liv 
ingston,  and  Mr.  Jay  for  the  two  last.  The  splendor  of 
their  debut  occasioned  Mr.  Henry  to  be  designated  by  his 
committee  to  draw  the  petition  to  the  King  with  which 
they  were  charged,  and  Mr.  Lee  was  charged  with  the 
address  to  the  people  of  England.  The  last  was  first 
reported.  On  reading  it  great  disappointment  was  ex 
pressed  in  every  countenance  and  a  dead  silence  en 
sued  for  some  minutes.  At  length  it  was  laid  on  the 
table  for  perusal  and  consideration  till  the  next  day, 
when  first  one  member  and  then  another  arose  and, 
paying  some  faint  compliment  to  the  composition,  ob 
served  that  there  were  still  certain  considerations,  not 
expressed, -which  should  properly  find  a  place  in  it.  The 
address  was  therefore  committed  for  amendment;  and  one 
presented  by  Mr.  Jay  and  offered  by  Governor  Livingston 
was  reported  and  adopted  with  scarcely  an  alteration. 
These  facts  are  stated  by  a  gentleman,  to  whom  they  were 
communicated  by  Mr.  Pendleton  and  Mr.  Harrison,  of 
the  Virginia  delegation  (except  that  Mr.  Harrison  erro 
neously  ascribed  the  draft  to  Governor  Livingston),  and 
to  whom  they  were  afterward  confirmed  by  Governor  Liv 
ingston  himself.  Mr.  Henry's  draft  of  a  petition  to  the 
King  was  equally  unsuccessful,  and  was  recommitted  for 
amendment.  Mr.  John  Dickinson  (the  author  of  the 
"  Farmer's  Letters  ")  was  added  to  the  committee,  and  a 
new  draft  prepared  by  him  was  adopted.* 

In  connecting  these  proceedings  with  the  opening 
speeches  of  Henry  and  Lee,  we  have  passed  over  a  char- 

*  [History  has  not  adequately  noted  the  fact  that  Patrick  Henry 
and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  brilliant  orators  and  ardent  patriots 
though  they  were,  came  very  much  short  of  able  statesmanship, 
both  in  the  Continental  Congress  and  in  the  great  crisis  of 
American  development  when  they  bitterly  opposed  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution.] 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  657 

acteristic  incident  which  took  place  on  the  first  day  of  the 
session. 

"  When  the  Congress  met/'  writer  John  Adams  to  his 
wife,  "  Mr.  Gushing  made  a  motion  that  it  should  be 
opened  with  prayer.  It  was  opposed  by  Mr.  Jay,  of  New 
York,  and  Mr.  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  because  we 
were  so  divided  in  religious  sentiments  —  some  Episco 
palians,  some  Quakers,  ~some  Anabaptists,  some  Presby 
terians,  and  some  Congregationalists  —  that  we  could  not 
join  in  the  same  act  of  worship.  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  arose 
and  said,  '  that  he  was  no  bigot,  and  could  hear  a  prayer 
from  any  gentleman  of  piety  and  virtue,  who  was  at  the 
same  time  a  friend  to  his  country.  He  was  a  stranger  in 
Philadelphia,  but  had  heard  that  Mr.  Duche  deserved  that 
character,  and  therefore  he  moved  that  Mr.  Duche,  an 
Episcopal  clergyman,  might  be  desired  to  read  prayers 
before  the  Congress  to-morrow  morning.'  The  motion 
was  seconded  and  passed  in  the  affirmative.  Mr.  Ran 
dolph,  our  president,  waited  on  Mr.  Duche,  and  received 
for  answer  that  if  his  health  would  permit  he  certainly 
would.  Accordingly,  next  morning,  he  appeared  with  his 
clerk  and  in  pontificals,  and  read  several  prayers  in  the 
established  form,  and  then  read  the  Psalter  for  the  7th 
day  of  September,  a  part  of  which  was  the  Thirty-fifth 
Psalm.  You  must  remember  this  was  the  next  morning 
after  we  heard  the  rumor  of  the  horrible  cannonade  of 
Boston.  It  seemed  as  if  heaven  had  ordained  that  Psalm 
to  be  read  on  that  morning. 

"After  this,  Mr.  Duche,  unexpectedly  to  everybody, 
struck  out  into  an  extemporary  prayer,  which  filled  the 
bosom  of  every  man  present.  I  must  confess  I  never 
heard  a  better  prayer  or  one  so  well  pronounced.  Episco 
palian  as  he  is,  Dr.  Cooper  himself  never  prayed  with  such 
fervor,  such  ardor,  such  correctness,  such  pathos,  and  in 
42 


658  WASHINGTON. 

language  so  elegant  and  sublime,  for  Congress,  for  the 
province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  especially  the  town  of 
Boston.  It  had  an  excellent  effect  upon  everybody  here. 
I  must  beg  you  to  read  that  Psalm.  If  there  is  any  faith 
in  the  Sortes  Virgillianse,  or  Sortes  Homericae,  or  especi 
ally  the  Sortes  Biblicae,  it  would  be  thought  providential." 

Bishop  White,  who  was  present,  says  that  Washington 
was  the  only  member  who  knelt  on  that  occasion.* 

Congress,  soon  after  their  meeting,  agreed  upon  a  decla 
ration  of  rights,  by  which  it  was  among  other  things  de 
clared  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  English  Colonies  in 
North  America,  by  the  immutable  laws  of  nature,  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  English  Constitution,  and  the  several  charters 
or  compacts  were  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  property; 
and  that  they  had  never  ceded  to  any  sovereign  power 
whatever  a  right  to  dispose  of  either,  without  their  con 
sent.  That  their  ancestors,  who  first  settled  the  Colonies, 
were  entitled  to  all  the  rights,  liberties,  and  immunities  of 
free  and  natural-born  subjects  within  the  realm  of  Eng 
land,  and  that  by  their  migrating  to  America  they  by  no 
means  forfeited,  surrendered,  or  lost  any  of  those  rights; 
that  the  foundation  of  English  liberty  and  of  all  free  gov 
ernment  was  a  right  in  the  people  to  participate  in  their 
legislative  councils,  and  that  as  the  English  colonists  were 

*  Mr.  Duche,  at  the  time  of  the  first  Congress,  was  an  ardent 
Whig,  but  afterward  left  the  patriotic  cause.  When  the  British 
took  possession  of  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Duche,  alarmed,  forsook  the 
American  cause  and  wrote  an  ardent  letter  to  Washington,  en 
deavoring  to  persuade  him  to  do  the  same.  Washington  imme 
diately  transmitted  this  letter  to  Congress,  and  Duche  was  obliged 
to  leave  America.  In  1790  he  returned  to  America,  and  in  1794 
died  in  Philadelphia,  when  about  sixty  years  of  age.  His  wife 
was  a  sister  of  Francis  Hopkinson,  one  of  the  signers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  He  was  buried  at  St.  Peter's 
Church,  in  Third  street,  Philadelphia,  and  a  tablet  to  his  memory 
may  still  be  seen  inserted  in  the  wall  of  the  building. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  659 

not  and  could  not  be  properly  represented  in  the  British 
Parliament,  they  were  entitled  to  a  free  and  exclusive 
power  of  legislation  in  their  several  provincial  Legisla 
tures,  in  all  cases  of  taxation  and  internal  polity,  subject 
only  to  the  negative  of  their  sovereign.  They  then  run 
the  line  between  the  supremacy  of  Parliament  and  the  in 
dependency  of  the  colonial  Legislatures,  by  provisos  and 
restrictions  expressed  in  the  following  words :  "  But  from 
the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  a  regard  to  the  mutual  in 
terests  of  both  countries,  we  cheerfully  consent  to  the 
operation  of  such  acts  of  the  British  Parliament  as  are 
bona  fide  restrained  to  the  regulation  of  our  external  com 
merce,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  commercial  advan 
tages  of  the  whole  empire  to  the  mother  country,  and  the 
commercial  benefits  of  its  respective  members,  excluding 
every  idea  of  taxation,  internal  and  external,  for  raising  a 
revenue  on  the  subjects  in  America  without  their  consent." 

This  was  the  very  hinge  of  the  controversy.  The  abso 
lute,  unlimited  supremacy  of  the  British  Parliament,  both 
in  legislation  and  taxation,  was  contended  for  on  one  side; 
while  on  the  other,  no  further  authority  was  conceded  than 
such  a  limited  legislation,  with  regard  to  external  com 
merce,  as  would  combine  the  interests  of  the  whole  em 
pire.  In  government  as  well  as  in  religion  there  are  mys 
teries,  from  the  close  investigation  of  which  little  advan 
tage  can  be  expected.  From  the  unity  of  the  empire  it 
was  necessary  that  some  acts  should  extend  over  the 
whole.  From  the  local  situation  of  the  Colonies,  it  was 
equally  reasonable  that  their  Legislatures  should  at  least, 
in  some  matters,  be  independent.  Where  the  supremacy 
of  the  first  ended  and  the  independency  of  the  last  began 
was  to  the  best  informed  a  puzzling  question. 

Congress  also  resolved  that  the  colonists  were  entitled 
to  the  common  law  of  England,  and  more  especially  to  the 


660  WASHINGTON. 

privilege  of  being  tried  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage;  that 
they  were  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  such  of  the  English 
statutes  as  existed  at  the  time  of  their  colonization,  and 
which  they  had  found  to  be  applicable  to  their  local  cir 
cumstances,  and  also  to  the  immunities  and  privileges 
granted  and  confirmed  to  them  by  royal  charters  or  se 
cured  by  provincial  laws;  that  they  had  a  right  peaceably 
to  assemble,  consider  of  their  grievances,  and  petition  the 
King;  that  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  the  Colonies, 
without  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Colony  where 
the  army  was  kept,  was  against  law.  That  it  was  indis 
pensably  necessary  to  good  government,  and  rendered 
essential  by  the  English  Constitution,  that  the  constituent 
branches  of  the  Legislature  be  independent  of  each  other, 
and  that  therefore  the  exercise  of  legislative  power  in 
several  Colonies  by  a  council  appointed  during  pleasure 
by  the  Crown  was  unconstitutional,  dangerous,  and  de 
structive  to  the  freedom  of  American  legislation.  All  of 
these  liberties,  Congress,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  their 
constituents,  claimed,  demanded,  and  insisted  upon  as  their 
indubitable  rights,  which  could  not  be  legally  taken  from 
them,  altered,  or  abridged  by  any  power  whatever  with 
out  their  consent.  Congress  then  resolved  that  sundry 
acts,  which  had  been  passed  in  the  reign  of  George  III, 
were  infringements  and  violations  of  the  rights  of  the 
colonists,  and  that  the  repeal  of  them  was  essentially  nec 
essary  in  order  to  restore  harmony  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Colonies.  The  acts  complained  of  were  as  fol 
lows  :  The  several  acts  which  imposed  duties  for  the  pur 
pose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America;  extended  the  power 
of  the  Admiralty  Courts  beyond  their  ancient  limits;  de 
prived  the  American  subject  of  trial  by  jury;  authorized 
the  judge's  certificate  to  indemnify  the  prosecutor  from 
damages  that  he  might  otherwise  be  liable  to;  requiring 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  661 

oppressive  security  from  a  claimant  of  ships  and  goods 
seized  before  he  was  allowed  to  defend  his  property. 

Also  "An  act  for  the  better  securing  His  Majesty's  dock 
yards,  magazines,  ships,  ammunition,  and  stores,"  which 
declares  a  new  offense  in  America,  and  deprives  the  Ameri 
can  subject  of  a  constitutional  trial  by  jury  of  the  vicinage, 
by  authorizing  the  trial  of  any  person  charged  with  the 
committing  any  offense  described  in  the  said  act  out  of  the 
realm  to  be  indicted  and  tried  for  the  same  in  any  shire  or 
county  within  the  realm. 

Also  the  three  acts  passed  in  the  last  session  of  Parlia 
ment  for  stopping  the  port  and  blocking  up  the  harbor  of 
Boston;  for  altering  the  charter  and  government  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay;  and  that  which  is  entitled,  "An  act  for  the 
better  administration  of  justice,"  etc. 

Also  the  act  passed  in  the  same  session,  for  establishing 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  the  province  of  Quebec, 
abolishing  the  equitable  system  of  English  laws,  and  erect 
ing  a  tyranny  there  to  the  great  danger  (from  so  total  a 
dissimilarity  of  religion,  law,  and  government)  of  the  neigh 
boring  British  Colonies,  by  the  assistance  of  whose  blood 
and  treasure  the  said  country  had  been  conquered  from 
France. 

Also  the  act  passed  in  the  same  session,  for  the  better 
providing  suitable  quarters  for  officers  and  soldiers  in  His 
Majesty's  service  in  North  America. 

Also,  that  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  several  of 
these  Colonies  in  time  of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Legislature  of  that  Colony  in  which  such  army  was  kept, 
was  against  law. 

Congress  declared  that  they  could  not  submit  to  these 
grievous  acts  and  measures.  In  hopes  that  their  fellow- 
subjects  in  Great  Britain  would  restore  the  Colonies  to 
that  state  in  which  both  countries  found  happiness  and 


662  WASHINGTON. 

prosperity,  they  resolved  for  the  present  only  to  pursue 
the  following  peaceable  measures:  I.  To  enter  into  a  non 
importation,  nonconsumption,  and  nonexportation  agree 
ment  or  association.  2.  To  prepare  an  address  to  the  peo 
ple  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of 
British  America.  3.  To  prepare  a  loyal  address  to  His 
Majesty. 

-By  the  association  they  bound  themselves  and  their  con 
stituents,  "  from  and  after  the  ist  day  of  December  next 
(1774),  not  to  import  into  British  America,  from  Great 
Britain  or  Ireland,  any  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise  what 
soever;  not  to  purchase  any  slave  imported  after  the  said 
ist  day  of  December;  not  to  purchase  or  use  any  tea 
imported  on  account  of  the  East  India  Company,  or  any 
on  which  a  duty  hath  been  or  shall  be  paid;  and  from 
and  after  the  first  day  of  the  next  ensuing  March,  neither 
to  purchase  or  use  any  East  India  tea  whatever.  That 
they  would  not,  after  the  loth  day  of  the  next  September, 
if  their  grievances  were  not  previously  redressed,  export 
any  commodity  whatsoever  to  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  or 
the  West  Indies,  except  rice  to  Europe.  That  the  mer 
chants  should,  as  soon  as  possible,  write  to  their  corre 
spondents  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  not  to  ship  any 
goods  to  them  on  any  pretense  whatever;  and  if  any  mer 
chant  there  should  ship  any  goods  for  America  in  order 
to  contravene  the  nonimportation  agreement,  they  would 
not  afterward  have  any  commercial  connection  with  such 
merchant;  that  such  as  were  owners  of  vessels  should 
give  positive  orders  to  their  captains  and  masters  not  to 
receive  on  board  their  vessels  any  goods  prohibited  by 
the  said  nonimportation  agreement;  that  they  would  use 
their  endeavors  to  improve  the  breed  of  sheep  and  increase 
their  numbers  to  the  greatest  extent;  that  they  would 
encourage  frugality,  economy,  and  industry,  and  promote 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  663 

agriculture,  arts,  and  American  manufactures;  that  they 
would  discountenance  and  discourage  every  species  of  ex 
travagance  and  dissipation,  and  that  on  the  death  of  rela 
tions  or  friends,  they  would  wear  no  other  mourning  than 
a  small  piece  of  black  crape  or  ribbon;  that  such  as  were 
venders  of  goods  should  not  take  any  advantage  of  the 
scarcity  so  as  to  raise  their  prices;  that  if  any  person 
should  import  goods  after  the  ist  day  of  December,  and 
before  the  ist  day  of  February  then  next  ensuing,  the  same 
ought  to  be  immediately  reshipped  or  delivered  up  to  a 
committee  to  be  stored  or  sold;  in  the  last  case,  all  the 
clear  profits  to  be  applied  toward  the  relief  of  the  inhabi 
tants  of  Boston;  and  that  if  any  goods  should  be  imported 
after  the  ist  day  of  February  then  next  ensuing,  they 
should  be  sent  back  without  breaking  any  of  the  packages ; 
that  committees  be  chosen  in  every  county,  city,  and  town 
to  observe  the  conduct  of  all  persons  touching  the  Asso 
ciation,  and  to  publish  in  gazettes  the  names  of  the  violators 
of  it,  as  foes  to  the  rights  of  British  America;  that  the 
committees  of  correspondence  in  the  respective  Colonies 
frequently  inspect  the  entries  of  their  custom-houses,  and 
inform  each  other  from  time  to  time  of  the  true  state 
thereof;  that  all  manufactures  of  America  should  be  sold 
at  reasonable  prices,  and  no  advantages  to  be  taken  of  a 
future  scarcity  of  goods;  and  lastly,  that  they  would  have 
no  dealings  or  intercourse  whatever  with  any  province  or 
Colony  of  North  America,  which  should  not  accede  to  or 
should  violate  the  aforesaid  Associations."  These  several 
resolutions  they  bound  themselves  and  their  constituents, 
by  the  sacred  ties  of  virtue,  honor,  and  love  of  their 
country,  to  observe  till  their  grievances  were  redressed. 

In  their  address*  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  they 
complimented  them  for  having  at  every  hazard  maintained 

*This  address  was  written  by  John  Jay. 


664  WASHINGTON. 

their  independence,  and  transmitted  the  rights  of  man 
and  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  their  posterity,  and  requested 
them  not  to  be  surprised,  that  they  who  were  descended 
from  the  same  common  ancestors  should  refuse  to  sur 
render  their  rights,  liberties,  and  Constitution.  They  pro 
ceeded  to  state  their  rights  and  grievances,  and  to  vindicate 
themselves  of  the  charges  of  being  seditious,  impatient  of 
government,  and  desirous  of  independency.  They  summed 
up  their  wishes  in  the  following  words:  "  Place  us  in  the 
same  situation  that  we  were -at  the  close  of  the  last  war, 
and  our  former  harmony  will  be  restored." 

In  the  memorial*  of  Congress  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
British  Colonies,  they  recapitulated  the  proceedings  of 
Great  Britain  against  them  since  the  year  1763,  in  order 
to  impress  them  with  a  belief  that  a  deliberate  system  was 
formed  for  abridging  their  liberties.  They  then  proceeded 
to  state  the  measures  they  had  adopted  to  counteract  this 
system,  and  gave  the  reasons  which  induced  them  to  adopt 
the  same.  They  encouraged  them  to  submit  to  the  in 
conveniences  of  nonimportation  and  nonexportation,  by 
desiring  them  "  to  weigh  in  the  opposite  balance  the  end 
less  miseries  they  and  their  descendants  must  endure  from 
an  established  arbitrary  power."  They  concluded  with 
informing  them,  "  that  the  schemes  agitated  against  the 
Colonies  had  been  so  conducted  as  to  render  it  prudent 
to  extend  their  views  to  mournful  events,  and  to  be  in  all 
respects  prepared  for  every  contingency." 

In  the  petition  of  Congress  to  the  King,  they  begged 
leave  to  lay  their  grievances  before  the  throne.  After  a 
particular  enumeration  of  these,  they  observed  that  they 
wholly  arose  from  a  destructive  system  of  colonial  admin 
istration,  adopted  since  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war.  They 
assured  His  Majesty  that  they  had  made  such  provision 

*This  paper  was  the  composition  of  Richard  Henry  Lee. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  665 

for  defraying  the  charges  of  the  administration  of  justice, 
and  the  support  of  civil  government  as  had  been  judged 
just  and  suitable  to  their  respective  circumstances;  and 
that  for  the  defense,  protection,  and  security  of  the  Col 
onies  their  militia  would  be  fully  sufficient  in  time  of  peace, 
and  in  case  of  war  they  were  ready  and  willing,  when  con 
stitutionally  required,  to  exert  their  most  strenuous  efforts 
in  granting  supplies  and  raising  forces.  They  said,  "  We 
ask  but  for  peace,  liberty,  and  safety.  We  wish  not  a 
diminution  of  the  prerogative,  nor  do  we  solicit  the  grant 
of  any  new  right  in  our  favor.  Your  royal  authority  over 
us,  and  our  connection  with  Great  Britain,  we  shall  al 
ways  carefully  and  zealously  endeavor  to  support  and  main 
tain."  They  then  solicited  for  a  redress  of  their  grievances, 
which  they  had  enumerated,  and  appealing  to  that  Being 
who  searches  thoroughly  the  hearts  of  his  creatures,  they 
solemnly  professed  "  that  their  councils  had  been  influenced 
by  no  other  motives  that  a  dread  of  impending  destruction." 
They  concluded  with  imploring  His  Majesty,  "  for  the 
honor  of  Almighty  God,  for  his  own  glory,  for  the  interests 
of  his  family,  for  the  safety  of  his  kingdom  and  dominions, 
that  as  the  loving  father  of  his  whole  people,  connected  by 
the  same  bonds  of  law,  loyalty,  faith,  and  blood,  though 
dwelling  in  various  countries,  he  would  not  suffer  the  trans 
cendent  relation  formed  by  these  ties  to  be  further  violated 
by  uncertain  expectation  of  effects,  that  if  attained  never 
could  compensate  for  the  calamities  through  which  they 
must  be  gained." 

The  Congress  also  addressed  the  French  inhabitants  of 
Canada.  In  this  they  stated  the  right  they  had,  on  becoming 
English  subjects,  to  the  benefit  of  the  English  Constitu 
tion.  They  explained  what  these  rights  were,  and  pointed 
out  the  difference  between  the  Constitution  imposed 
on  them  by  act  of  Parliament,  and  that  to  which  as  British 


666  WASHINGTON. 

subjects  they  were  entitled.  They  introduced  their  country 
man,  Montesquieu,  as  reprobating  their  parliamentary  con 
stitution,  and  exhorting  them  to  join  their  fellow  colonists 
in  support  of  their  common  rights.  They  earnestly  in 
vited  them  to  join  with  the  other  Colonies  in  one  social 
compact,  formed  on  the  generous  principles  of  equal  lib 
erty,  and  to  this  end  recommended  that  they  would  choose 
delegates  to  represent  them  in  Congress. 

All  these  addresses  were  written  with  uncommon  ability. 
Coming  from  the  heart,  they  were  calculated  to  move  it. 
Inspired  by  a  love  of  liberty,  and  roused  by  a  sense  of  com 
mon  danger,  the  patriots  of  that  day  spoke,  wrote,  and 
acted  with  an  animation  unknown  in  times  of  public  tran 
quillity;  but  it  was  not  so  much  on  the  probable  effect  of 
these  addresses  that  Congress  founded  their  hopes  of  ob 
taining  a  redress  of  their  grievances,  as  on  the  conse 
quences  which  they  expected  from  the  operation  of  their 
nonimportation  and  nonexportation  agreement.  The  suc 
cess  that  had  followed  the  adoption  of  a  measure  similai 
to  the  former,  in  two  preceding  instances,  had  encouraged 
the  colonists  to  expect  much  from  a  repetition  of  it.  They 
indulged  in  extravagant  opinions  of  the  importance  of 
their  trade  to  Great  Britain.  The  measure  of  a  nonexporta 
tion  of  their  commodities  was  a  new  expedient,  and  from 
that  even  more  was  expected  than  from  the  nonimporta 
tion  agreement.  They  supposed  that  it  would  produce  such 
extensive  distress  among  the  merchants  and  manufacturers 
of  Great  Britain,  and  especially  among  the  inhabitants  of 
the  British  West  India  Islands,  as  would  induce  their  gen 
eral  co-operation  in  procuring  a  redress  of  American  griev 
ances.  Events  proved  that  young  nations,  like  young  peo 
ple,  are  prone  to  overrate  their  own  importance. 

Congress  having  finished  all  this  important  business  in 
fifty-one  days  dissolved  themselves,  after  giving  their 


LIVE  AND  TIMES.  667 

opinion,  "  that  another  Congress  should  be  held  on  the 
loth  of  May  next  ensuing,  at  Philadelphia,  unless  the  re 
dress  of  their  grievances  should  be  previously  obtained," 
and  recommending  to  all  the  Colonies  to  choose  deputies 
as  soon  as  possible,  to  be  ready  to  attend  at  that  time  and 
place,  should  events  make  their  meeting  necessary. 

In  a  speech  delivered  in  the  House  of  Lords  in  the  en 
suing  January,  the  great  Earl  of  Chatham  thus  spoke  of 
the  Continental  Congress  of  1774,  and  thus  defends  the 
position  which  it  had  assumed: 

"  When  your  lordships  look  at  the  papers  transmitted 
us  from  America;  when  you  consider  their  decency,  firm 
ness,  and  wisdom,  you  cannot  but  respect  their  cause  and 
wish  to  make  it  your  own.  For  myself,  I  must  declare  and 
avow,  that  in  all  my  reading  and  observation  —  and  it  has 
been  my  favorite  study  —  I  have  read  Thucydides,  and 
have  studied  and  admired  the  master  states  of  the  world  — 
that  for  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom 
of  conclusion,  under  such  a  complication  of  difficult  cir 
cumstances,  no  nation,  or  body  of  men,  can  stand  in  prefer 
ence  to  the  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia.  I  trust  it 
is  obvious  to  your  lordships,  that  all  attempts  to  impose 
servitude  on  such  men,  to  establish  deposition  over  such 
a  mighty  continental  nation,  must  be  vain,  must  be  fatal. 
We  shall  be  forced,  ultimately,  to  retract;  let  us  retract 
while  we  can,  not  when  we  must. 

I  say  we  must  necessarily  undo  these  violent,  oppres 
sive  acts;  they  must  be  repealed  —  you  will  repeal  them; 
I  pledge  myself  for  it,  that  you  will  in  the  end  repeal  them ; 
I  stake  my  reputation  on  it  —  I  will  consent  to  be  taken 
for  an  idiot,  if  they  are  not  finally  repealed.  Avoid,  then, 
this  humiliating,  disgraceful  necessity.  With  a  dignity  be 
coming  your  exalted  situation,  make  the  first  advances  to 
concord,  to  peace,  and  happiness;  for  that  is  your  true 


668  WASHINGTON. 

dignity,  to  act  with  prudence  and  justice.  That  you  should 
first  concede  is  obvious  from  sound  and  rational  policy. 
Concession  comes  with  better  grace  and  more  salutary 
effect  from  superior  power.  It  reconciles  superiority  of 
power  with  the  feelings  of  men,  and  establishes  solid  con 
fidence  on  the  foundations  of  affection  and  gratitude. 

So  thought  a  wise  poet  and  a  wise  man  in  political 
sagacity,  the  friend  of  Maecenas,  and  the  eulogist  of  Au 
gustus.  To  him  the  adopted  son  and  successor  of  the  first 
Caesar;  to  him,  the  master  of  the  world,  he  wisely  urged 
this  conduct  of  prudence  and  dignity:  '  Tuque  prior,  tu 
parce;  projice  tela  manu.' 

Every  motive  therefore  of  justice  and  of  policy,  of  dig 
nity  and  of  prudence,  urges  you  to  allay  the  ferment  in 
America,  by  a  removal  of  your  troops  from  Boston,  by  a 
repeal  of  your  acts  of  Parliament,  and  by  demonstrations 
of  amicable  dispositions  toward  your  Colonies.  On  the 
other  hand,  every  danger  and  every  hazard  impend  to 
deter  you  from  perseverance  in  your  present  ruinous 
measure.  Foreign  war  hanging  over  your  heads  by  a 
slight  and  brittle  thread.  France  and  Spain  watching  your 
conduct  and  waiting  for  the  maturity  of  your  errors,  with 
a  vigilant  eye  to  America,  and  the  temper  of  your  Col 
onies,  more  than  to  their  own  concerns,  be  they  what  they 
may. 

To  conclude,  my  lords,  if  the  ministers  thus  persevere 
in  misadvising  and  misleading  the  King,  I  will  not  say  that 
they  can  alienate  the  affections  of  his  subjects  from  his 
crown,  but  I  will  affirm,  that  they  will  make  the  crown  not 
worth  his  wearing.  I  will  not  say  that  the  King  is  betrayed ; 
but  I  will  pronounce  that  the  kingdom  is  undone." 

Of  the  speeches  of  Washington  in  the  Congress  of  1774, 
we  have  no  reports,  in  consequence  of  the  sessions  being 
held  with  closed  doors,  and  an  injuction  of  secrecy  being 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  669 

laid  on  the  members;  but  of  the  active  and  decided  part 
which  he  took  in  its  proceedings,  the  following  anecdote 
from  the  life  of  Patrick  Henry  affords  the  most  decisive 
evidence. 

Congress  arose  in  October,  1774,  and  Mr.  Henry  re 
turned  to  his  native  county.  Here,  as  was  natural,  he  was 
surrounded  by  his  neighbors,  who  were  eager  to  hear  not 
only  what  had  been  done,  but  what  kind  of  men  had  com 
posed  that  illustrious  body.  He  answered  their  inquiries 
with  all  his  wonted  kindness  and  candor;  and  having  been 
asked  by  one  of  them  "  whom  he  thought  the  greatest 
man  in  Congress?  "  he  replied:  "  If  you  speak  of  eloquence, 
Mr.  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina  is  by  far  the  greatest 
orator;  but  if  you  speak  of  solid  information  and  sound 
judgment,  Colonel  Washington  was  unquestionably  the 
greatest  man  on  that  floor." 

"  This  opinion,"  says  Mr.  Sparks,  "  was  verified  by  every 
act  of  his  life.  His  knowledge  on  the  subject  to  which 
he  gave  his  attention  was  most  thorough  and  exact;  and 
all  the  world  has  agreed  that  no  other  man  has  given  such 
proofs  of  the  soundness  of  his  judgment." 

Washington  had  a  personal  friend,  Capt.  Robert  Mac 
kenzie,  who  had  served  under  him  in  the  French  War, 
and  during  the  session  of  Congress  was  holding  a  com 
mission  in  the  regular  army  of  Great  Britain,  and  engaged 
in  actual  service  under  General  Gage  at  Boston.  From 
this  place  he  wrote  to  Washington,  expressing  very  de 
cided  tory  sentiments,  accusing  the  people  of  Massachu 
setts  of  aiming  at  independence,  and  condemning  their 
proceedings  in  detail,  while  he  expressed  the  conviction 
that  Gage  would  speedily  subdue  them. 

The  following  reply  to  Mackenzie's  letter  shows  that 
Washington,  at  that  time,  sincerely  held  the  opinions,  and 


670  WASHINGTON. 

felt  the  desire  expressed  by  Congress,  for  a  reconciliation 
to  the  mother  country  on  just  and  honorable  terms. 

"  Permit  me,"  he  writes,  "  the  freedom  of  a  friend  (for 
you  know  I  always  esteemed  you)  to  express  my  sorrow, 
that  fortune  should  place  you  in  a  service  that  must  fix  curses 
to  the  latest  posterity  upon  the  contrivers,  and  if  success  (which 
by  the  by,  is  impossible)  accompanies  it,  execrations  upon 
all  those  who  have  been  instrumental  in  the  execution. 
I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  insinuate  that  an  officer  is  not  to 
discharge  his  duty,  even  when  chance,  not  choice,  has 
placed  him  in  a  disagreeable  situation;  but  I  conceive, 
when  you  condemn  the  conduct  of  the  Massachusetts  peo 
ple,  you  reason  from  effects,  not  causes;  otherwise  you 
would  not  wonder  at  a  people  who  are  every  day  receiving 
fresh  proofs  of  a  systematic  assertion  of  an  arbitrary  power 
deeply  planned  to  overturn  the  law  and  Constitution  of 
their  country,  and  to  violate  the  most  essential  and  valu 
able  rights  of  mankind,  being  irritated,  and  with  difficulty 
restrained,  from  acts  of  the  greatest  violence  and  intem 
perance.  For  my  own  part,  I  confess  to  you  candidly,  that 
I  view  things  in  a  very  different  point  of  light  from  the 
one  in  which  you  seem  to  consider  them;  and  though  you 
are  led  to  believe  by  venal  men  —  for  such  I  must  take 
the  liberty  of  calling  these  new-fangled  counselors  who 
fly  to  and  surround  you,  and  all  others,  who  for  honors 
and  pecuniary  gratifications  will  lend  their  aid  to  over 
turn  the  Constitution,  and  introduce  a  system  of  arbitrary 
government  —  although  you  are  taught,  I  say,  by  discours 
ing  with  such  men,  to  believe  that  the  people  of  Massachu 
setts  are  rebellious,  setting  up  for  independency,  and  what 
not,  give  me  leave,  my  good  friend,  to  tell  you  that  you 
are  abused,  grossly  abused.  This  I  advance  with  a  degree 
of  confidence  and  boldness,  which  may  claim  your  belief, 
having  better  opportunities  of  knowing  the  real  sentiments 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  671 

of  the  people  you  are  among,  from  the  leaders  of  them, 
in  opposition  to  the  present  measures  of  the  administra 
tion,  than  you  have  from  those  whose  business  it  is  not  to 
disclose  truths,  but  to  misinterpret  facts,  in  order  to  jus 
tify  as  much  as  possible  to  the  world  their  own  conduct. 
Give  me  leave  to  add,  and  I  think  I  can  announce  it  as  a 
fact,  that  it  is  not  the  wish  or  interest  of  that  government, 
or  any  other  upon  this  continent,  separately  or  collectively, 
to  set  up  for  independence;  but  this  you  may  at  the  same 
time  rely  on,  that  none  of  them  will  ever  submit  to  the 
loss  of  those  valuable  rights  and  privileges  which  are 
essential  to  the  happiness  of  every  free  State,  and  without 
which,  life,  liberty,  and  property  are  rendered  totally  in 
secure. 

"  These,  sir,  being  certain  consequences,  which  must  nat 
urally  result  from  the  late  acts  of  Parliament  relative  to 
America  in  general,  and  the  government  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  in  particular,  is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  I  repeat,  that 
men  who  wish  to  avert  the  impending  blow  should  attempt 
to  oppose  it  in  its  progress,  or  prepare  for  their  defense 
if  it  cannot  be  averted?  Surely  I  may  be  allowed  to  answer 
in  the  negative;  and  again  give  me  leave  to  add  as  my 
opinion,  that  more  blood  will  be  spilled  on  this  occasion,  if  the 
ministry  are  determined  to  push  matters  to  extremity,  than 
history  has  ever  yet  furnished  instances  of  in  the  annals  of 
North  America,  and  such  a  vital  wound  will  be  given  to  the 
peace  of  this  great  country,  as  time  itself  cannot  cure  or  eradi 
cate  the  remembrance  of. 

"  But  I  have  done.  I  was  involuntarily  led  into  a  short 
discussion  of  this  subject  by  your  remarks  on  the  conduct 
of  the  Boston  people,  and  your  opinion  of  their  wishes  to 
set  up  for  independency.  I  am  well  satisfied  that  no  such 
thing  is  desired  by  any  thinking  man  in  all  North  America; 
on  the  contrary,  that  it  is  the  ardent  wish  of  the  warm- 


672  WASHINGTON. 

est  advocates  for  liberty,  that  peace  and  tranquillity,  upon 
constitutional  grounds,  may  be  restored,  and  the  horrors 
of  civil  discord  prevented." 

This  letter  of  Washington  to  Captain  Mackenzie  is  very 
significant.  It  shows  that  the  determination  to  push  mat 
ters  to  extremes  and  bring  about  a  declaration  of  indepen 
dence  was  not  his  aim  or  expectation  at  that  time;  and  it 
leaves  us  no  room  to  doubt  that  the  Congress  itself  was 
sincere,  in  its  expressions  of  loyalty,  throughout  those 
able  State  papers  so  warmly  commended  by  Chatham. 
It  is  true  that  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  and  others 
were  secretly  aiming  at  national  independence  even  at  an 
earlier  period;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  they  clearly  per 
ceived  by  the  movements  of  the  leaders  in  Congress  that 
the  time  had  not  yet  arrived  for  them  to  speak  out. 

[A  striking  indication  of  the  attitude  assumed  toward 
England  by  Washington  appears  in  the  frequent  reference 
which  he  made  to  English  injustice  toward  America,  as 
representing  only  the  ministry  through  whom  the  meas 
ures  of  the  King's  government  were  put  in  execution.  The 
general  feeling  toward  England  was  still  that  of  recogni 
tion  of  a  mother  and  of  home,  and  great  pains  was  taken 
to  have  it  appear  that  the  Colonies  did  not  wish  a  quarrel 
with  England,  and  that  they  considered  themselves  harshly 
dealt  with  by  a  ministry  which,  in  its  very  harshness,  wholly 
failed  to  be  really  English.  In  Virginia  especially  the 
sending  of  sons  to  England  for  some  part  of  their  educa 
tion;  the  return  also  of  some  member  of  a  large  family  con 
nection  to  residence  in  England;  and  visiting  for  a  season 
or  a  year  or  two  with  English  friends,  had  kept  up  the 
tradition  of  close  attachment  to  the  Old  Home  across  the 
Atlantic.  It  was  therefore  with  strong  sense  of  the  pro 
priety  of  distinguishing  between  England  itself  and  the 
ministry  then  in  power,  that  Washington  set  the  example 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  673 

of   pointedly    designating   as    ministerial   all   the    British 
operations  against  America. 

It  was  to  "  ministerial  oppression "  that  Washington 
referred  Colonial  troubles,  when  he  took  command  of  the 
forces  gathered  at  Cambridge;  the  British  forces  he  desig 
nated  as  "ministerial  troops;"  of  Massachusetts  he  said 
that  allowances  must  be  made  in  the  matter  of  raising 
troops,  "  the  yoke  of  ministerial  oppression  has  been  laid 
so  heavily  on  it;"  he  gave  orders  "not  to  enlist  any  de 
serter  from  the  ministerial  army;"  he  reported  "the  loss 
of  the  ministerial  troops  "  in  the  British  attacks  on  Breed's 
Hill;  in  urging  General  Thomas  not  to  quit  the  service, 
it  was  that  he  ought  not  to  leave  his  country  "  a  prey  to  a 
cruel  and  perfidious  ministry;"  "the  ministry,"  he  said, 
"  will  never  agree  to  relinquish  the  dispute  unless  com 
pelled  to;  "  writing  to  Schuyler,  July  28,  1775,  he  says  that 
"  happily  the  ministerial  troops  have  not  availed  them 
selves  of  their  advantages; "  when  the  news  of  the  British 
hard  fight  for  Breed's  Hill  reached  England  "  the  minis 
try  affected  to  treat  it  as  a  fiction; "  August  8th  he  speaks 
of  having  "  heard  that  the  distresses  of  the  ministerial 
troops  for  fresh  provisions  and  many  other  necessaries  at 
Boston  were  very  great ; "  and  two  days  later  he  writes  to 
Congress,  that  "  we  have  great  reason  to  suspect  a  part  or 
the  whole  of  the  ministerial  troops  are  about  to  remove; " 
August  2Oth,  he  writes  to  Schuyler  of  the  chance  that  "  the 
ministerial  agents  would  engage  the  Indians  in  hostilities;  " 
on  the  same  day  a  letter  to  Gage  declined  to  raise  the 
question  of  "  British  or  American  mercy,"  said  that  "  your 
officers  and  soldiers  have  been  treated  with  a  tenderness 
due  to  fellow  citizens  and  brethren,"  and  referred  to  "  the 
ministerial  views,  which  precipited  the  present  crisis ; " 
September  6,  1775,  in  a  letter  to  the  people  of  Bermuda, 
touching  "  the  great  conflict  which  agitates  this  continent," 
43 


674  WASHINGTON. 

he  said  that  "  the  violence  and  rapacity  of  a  tyrannic  min 
istry  have  forced  the  citizens  of  America,  your  brother 
Colonists,  into  arms;"  September  loth  he  writes,  that 
"  unless  the  ministerial  troops  in  Boston  are  waiting  for 
reinforcements,  I  cannot  devise  what  they  are  staying  there 
for,  nor  why,  as  they  affect  to  despise  the  Americans,  they 
do  not  come  forth  and  put  an  end  to  the  contest  at  once; '' 
the  same  letter  refers  to  his  dispatching  Arnold  with  a 
small  army  to  Canada,  to  interfere  with  "  the  ministry's 
plan"  there;  September  I4th  he  refers  in  the  letter  to 
Arnold,  to  "  this  unhappy  contest  between  Great  Britain 
and  America;  "  and  in  the  address  to  the  people  of  Canada 
he  again  says  "  this  unnatura}  contest  between  the  English 
Colonies  and  Great  Britain;"  September  26th  he  refers 
to  "  the  ministerial  officers,"  as  "  the  voluntary  instruments 
of  an  avaricious  and  vindictive  ministry;"  October  4th 
he  writes  to  Schuyler,  upon  news  from  England,  that 
"  there  does  not  seem  the  least  probability  of  a  change 
of  measures  or  of  ministers;"  and  the  next  day  to 
Congress,  that  "  there  seems  to  be  no  prospect  of 
an  accommodation,  but  the  ministry  determined  to  push 
the  war  to  the  utmost;"  October  I3th  he  writes  to  his 
brother,  John  Augustine,  that  "  a  plenty  of  arms,  and 
unanimity  and  fortitude  among  ourselves,  must  defeat 
every  attempt  that  a  diabolical  ministry  can  invent  to  en 
slave  this  great  continent;"  and  further  says,  if  Arnold 
does  get  Quebec,  "  what  a  pretty  hand  the  ministry  have 
made  of  their  Canada  bill; "  October  24th,  it  is  to  "  minis 
terial  vengeance,"  that  he  refers  the  "  desolation  and 
misery  "  brought  upon  Falmouth,by  "despotic  barbarity."] 
On  the  publication  of  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  the 
people  obtained  that  information  which  they  desired. 
Zealous  to  do  something  for  their  country,  they  patiently 
waited  for  the  decision  of  that  body,  to  whose  direction 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  675 

they  had  resigned  themselves.  Their  determinations  were 
no  sooner  known,  than  they  were  cheerfully  obeyed. 
Though  their  power  was  only  advisory,  yet  their  recom 
mendations  were  more  generally  and  more  effectually  car 
ried  into  execution,  than  the  laws  of  the  best  regulated 
States.  Every  individual  felt  his  liberties  endangered,  and 
was  impressed  with  an  idea  that  his  safety  consisted  in 
union.  A  common  interest  in  warding  off  a  common  dan 
ger  proved  a  powerful  incentive  to  the  most  implicit  sub 
mission.  Provincial  Congresses  and  subordinate  commit 
tees  were  everywhere  instituted.  The  resolutions  of  the 
Continental  Congress  were  sanctioned  with  the  universal 
approbation  of  these  new  representative  bodies,  and  insti 
tutions  were  formed  under  their  direction  to  carry  them 
into  effect. 

The  regular  constitutional  Assemblies  also  gave  their 
assent  to  the  measures  recommended.  The  Assembly  of 
Nezv  York  was  the  only  Legislature  which  withheld  its  appro 
bation.  Their  metropolis  had  long  been  the  headquarters 
of  the  British  army  in  the  Colonies,  and  many  of  their 
best  families  were  connected  with  people  of  influence  in 
Great  Britain.  The  unequal  distribution  of  their  land 
fostered  an  aristocratic  spirit.  From  the  operation  of  these 
and  other  causes,  the  party  for  royal  government  was  both 
more  numerous  and  respectable  in  New  York  than  in  any  of 
the  other  Colonies. 

The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  though  composed  of  a 
majority  of  Quakers,  or  of  those  who  were  friendly  to  their 
interest,  was  the  first  legal  body  of  representatives  that 
ratified  unanimously  the  acts  of  the  General  Congress. 
They  not  only  voted  their  approbation  of  what  that  body 
had  done,  but  appointed  members  to  represent  them  in 
the  new  Congress,  proposed  to  be  held  on  the  loth  day  of 


676  WASHINGTON. 

May  next  ensuing  (1775),  and  took  sundry  steps  to  put  the 
province  in  a  posture  of  defense. 

To  relieve  the  distresses  of  the  people  of  Boston,  liberal 
collections  were  made  throughout  the  Colonies,  and  for 
warded  for  the  supply  of  their  immediate  necessities. 
Domestic  manufactures  were  encouraged,  that  the  wants 
of  the  inhabitants  from  the  nonimportation  agreement 
might  be  diminished;  and  the  greatest  zeal  was  discovered 
by  a  large  majority  of  the  people,  to  comply  with  the  deter 
minations  of  these  new-made  representative  bodies.  In 
this  manner,  while  the  forms  of  the  old  government  sub 
sisted,  a  new  and  independent  authority  was  virtually 
establshed.  It  was  so  universally  the  sense  of  the  people 
that  the  public  good  required  a  compliance  with  the  recom 
mendations  of  Congress,  that  any  man  who  discovered  any 
anxiety  about  the  continuance  of  trade  and  business  was 
considered  as  a  selfish  individual,  preferring  private  inter 
est  to  the  good  of  his  country.  Under  the  influence  of 
these  principles,  the  intemperate  zeal  of  the  populace  trans 
ported  them  frequently  so  far  beyond  the  limits  of  modera 
tion  as  to  apply  singular  punishments  to  particular  per 
sons  who  contravened  the  general  sense  of  the  community. 

On  the  termination  of  the  session  of  Congress,  Wash 
ington  returned  to  Mount  Vernon  to  resume  again  his 
agricultural  pursuits,  and  to  confer  with  George  Mason 
and  his  other  patriotic  neighbors  on  the  portentous  aspect 
of  public  affairs.  He  was  still,  as  was  his  wont,  much 
occupied  with  various  private  trusts  and  duties  which  his 
disinterested  kindness  of  heart  had  imposed  on  him.  In 
writing  to  a  neighbor,  who  had  wished  to  appoint  him  in 
his  will  to  the  guardianship  of  his  son,  he  says:  "I  can 
solemnly  declare  to  you,  that  for  a  year  or  two  past  there 
has  been  scarce  a  moment  that  I  could  properly  call  my 
own.  What  with  my  own  business,  my  present  ward's, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  677 

my  mother's,  which  is  wholly  in  my  hands,  Colonel  Col- 
vill's,  Mrs.  Savage's,  Colonel  Fairfax's,  Colonel  Mercer's, 
and  the  little  assistance  I  have  undertaken  to  give  in  the 
management  of  my  brother  Augustine's  concerns  (for  I 
have  absolutely  refused  to  qualify  as  an  executor),  together 
with  the  share  I  take  in  public  affairs,  I  have  been  kept 
constantly  engaged  in  writing  letters,  settling  accounts, 
and  negotiating  one  piece  of  business  or  another;  by 
which  means  I  have  really  been  deprived  of  every  kind  oi 
enjoyment,  and  had  almost  fully  resolved  to  engage  in  no 
fresh  matter  till  I  had  entirely  wound  up  the  old." 

In  addition  to  the  amount  of  business  demanding  his 
attention  at  this  time,  there  was  a  demand  for  his  aid  in  the 
military  affairs  of  Virginia,  to  which  we  shall  presently 
call  the  reader's  attention. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

WASHINGTON  A  MEMBER  OF  CONVENTION. 

1775- 

DURING  the  session  of  the  Continental  Congress  the 
march  of  events  in  Massachusetts  had  frequently 
commanded  the  attention  of  the  members.  Gen 
eral  Gage,  with  his  positive  orders  from  the  ministry  to 
overawe  and  subdue  the  people,  and  the  Massachusetts 
men,  with  a  dogged  determination  neither  to  be  overawed 
nor  subdued,  were  engaged  in  a  struggle  which  was 
destined  speedily  to  bring  the  controversy  to  the  arbitra 
ment  of  the  sword.  The  leaders,  such  as  Samuel  Adams, 
John  Hancock,  and  Joseph  Warren,  were  by  no  means 
intimidated  by  the  menacing  attitude  of  Gage;  but  perse 
vered  steadily  in  the  execution  of  their  purpose. 

Observing  the  firm  attitude  of  the  people,  and  their 
evident  determination  no  longer  to  submit  to  the  commer 
cial  regulations  of  Great  Britain,  the  officers  of  the  revenue, 
who  had  been  acting  at  Salem  since  the  shutting  up  of 
the  port  of  Boston,  quitted  their  posts  and  repaired  to 
the  latter  place  for  safety;  so  that  the  whole  apparatus  of 
a  custom  house  was  transferred  to  a  port,  which  an  act  of 
Parliament  had  pronounced  it  unlawful  for  any  vessel  to 
enter. 

Gage  had  issued  writs  for  assembling  the  General  Court 
at  Salem,  on  the  5th  of  October  (1774);  but  seemingly  ap 
prehensive  of  a  turbulent  session,  he  had  countermanded 
the  elections  and  suspended  the  meetings  of  the  members 

(678) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  679 

already  returned.  The  people  pronounced  the  second 
proclamation  illegal,  and  utterly  disregarding  it,  chose 
their  representatives  in  obedience  to  the  first. 

The  Assembly,  to  the  number  of  ninety,  met  at  the  time 
and  place  appointed.  They  waited  a  day  for  the  Governor 
to  open  the  session;  but  finding  that  he  did  not  appear, 
they,  on  the  third  day,  resolved  themselves  into  a  Provin 
cial  Congress,  and  adjourned  to  Concord,  a  town  about 
twenty  miles  distant  from  Boston.  They  chose  John 
Hancock  president,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  on 
the  Governor  with  a  remonstrance,  in  which  they  ac 
counted  for  their  meeting  by  representing  the  distressed 
state  of  the  Colony;  mentioned  the  grievous  apprehensions 
of  the  people;  asserted  that  the  rigor  of  the  Boston  Port 
Bill  was  increased  by  the  manner  of  its  execution;  com 
plained  of  the  late  laws,  and  of  the  hostile  preparations  on 
Boston  Neck;  and  adjured  him  to  desist  immediately  from 
the  construction  of  a  fortress  there. 

Gage  was  at  a  loss  how  to  act.  He  could  not  recognize 
the  meeting  at  Concord  as  a  legal  assembly,  and  was  sen 
sible  of  the  imprudence  of  increasing  the  public  irritation 
by  declining  to  take  notice  of  their  remonstrance.  He 
was  constrained  by  the  pressure  of  circumstances  to  re 
turn  an  answer;  and  in  that  answer,  he  expressed  his  in 
dignation  at  the  suspicion  that  the  lives,  liberty,  or  prop 
erty  of  any  but  avowed  enemies  were  in  danger  from 
English  troops;  and  observed  that  notwithstanding  the 
hostile  dispositions  manifested  toward  them,  by  withhold 
ing  almost  every  necessary  accommodation,  they  had  not 
discovered  that  resentment  which  such  unfriendly  treat 
ment  was  calculated  to  provoke.  He  told  them  that,  while 
they  complained  of  alterations  in  their  charter  by  act  of 
Parliament,  they  were  themselves,  by  their  present  assem 
bling,  subverting  that  charter,  and  acting  in  direct  viola- 


680  WASHINGTON. 

tion  of  their  own  Constitution;  he  therefore  warned  them  of 
their  danger,  and  called  on  them  to  desist  from  such  un 
constitutional  proceedings. 

But  the  warnings  of  the  Governor  made  no  impression 
on  the  Provincial  Congress.  On  the  I7th  of  October, 
1774,  that  Assembly  adjourned  to  Cambridge,  about  four 
miles  from  Boston.  They  resolved  to  purchase  military 
stores,  and  to  enlist  a  number  of  minute-men,  so  named 
from  their  engaging  to  take  the  field  in  arms  on  a  minute's 
warning. 

They  also  appointed  a  committee  of  safety,  with  authority 
to  call  out  the  militia  when  thought  necessary  for  the 
defense  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province;  and  a  committee 
of  supplies,  to  purchase  ammunition,  ordnance,  and  other 
military  stores.  They  elected  Jedidiah  Pribble,  Artemas 
Ward,  and  Colonel  Pomeroy,  who  had  seen  some  service 
in  the  late  war,  general  officers,  and  appointed  them  to  the 
chief  command  of  the  minute-men  and  militia,  if  they 
be  called  into  actual  service.  On  the  27th  of  October,  the 
Congress  adjourned  to  the  23d  of  November. 

On  the  approach  of  winter,  the  Governor  ordered  tem 
porary  barracks  for  the  troops  to  be  erected;  but  he  found 
much  difficulty  in  the  execution  of  his  purpose,  as,  through 
the  influence  of  the  selectmen  and  committees,  the  me 
chanics  were  unwilling  or  afraid  to  engage  in  the  work, 
and  the  merchants  declined  to  execute  his  orders. 

The  mutual  suspicions  of  the  Governor  and  people  of 
Massachusetts  were  now  so  strong  that  every  petty  inci 
dent  increased  the  irritation.  Each  party  made  loud  pro 
fessions  of  the  best  intentions,  and  each  watched  the  other 
with  a  jealous  eye.  In  a  proclamation  the  Governor  for 
bade  the  people  to  pay  any  regard  to  the  requisitions, 
directions,  or  resolutions  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  and 
denounced  that  body  as  an  illegal  assembly;  but  the  proc- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  681 

lamation  was  disregarded  and  the  recommendations  of 
Congress  were  revered  and  promptly  obeyed. 

Instead  of  being  intimidated  by  the  Governor's  procla 
mation,  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  on 
reassembling  after  their  adjournment,  proceeded  with 
greater  boldness  than  ever  and  gave  decisive  evidence  of 
their  determination  to  carry  matters  to  extremities  rather 
than  submit  to  the  late  acts  of  Parliament.  They  resolved 
to  have  12,000  men  in  readiness  to  act  on  any  emergency, 
and  ordered  a  fourth  of  the  militia  to  be  enlisted  as  min 
ute-men,  and  empowered  them  to  choose  their  own  officers. 
They  dispatched  agents  to  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
and  Connecticut  to  concert  measures  with  the  leading  men 
in  those  provinces  and  to  engage  them  to  provide  their 
contingents  for  an  army  of  20,000  men.  They  resolved  to 
bring  their  force  into  action  and  to  oppose  General  Gage 
whenever  he  should  march  his  troops  out  of  Boston,  with 
their  baggage,  ammunition,  and  artillery;  and  they  ap 
plied  to  the  ministers  of  religion  throughout  the  province, 
desiring  their  countenance  and  co-operation.  They  also 
added  Colonels  Thomas  and  Heath  to  the  number  of  gen 
erals  whom  they  had  formerly  nominated.  Toward  the 
end  of  November  the  Congress  dissolved  itself,  having  ap 
pointed  another  to  be  held  in  the  month  of  February. 

Alarmed  by  the  proceedings  in  the  several  provinces, 
the  ministry  had  issued  a  proclamation  prohibiting  the  ex 
portation  of  military  stores  from  Britain.  On  hearing  of 
this  proclamation,  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island  removed 
above  forty  pieces  of  cannon  from  the  batteries  about  the 
harbor,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  preventing  them  from 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  King's  troops,  and  of  employ 
ing  them  against  such  persons  as  might  attempt  to  in 
fringe  their  liberties.  About  the  same  time  the  Assembly 
of  the  province  passed  resolutions  for  purchasing  arms 


682  WASHINGTON. 

and  military  stores  at  the  public  expense,  and  for  carefully 
training  the  militia  in  military  exercises. 

The  people  of  New  Hampshire,  who  had  hitherto  been 
moderate,  were  excited  to  insurrection  by  the  proclama 
tion  and  by  the  example  of  their  neighbors  in  Rhode  Island. 
They  surprised  a  small  fort  at  Portsmouth  and  carried  off 
the  military  stores  which  it  contained. 

The  beginning  of  the  year  1775  presented  a  gloomy 
prospect  to  America;  all  the  Provincial  Assemblies,  except 
that  of  New  York,  approved  of  the  resolutions  of  the 
General  Congress,  and  even  the  Assembly  of  New  York 
joined  in  the  complaints  of  the  other  provinces,  although 
it  was  less  resolute  in  its  opposition  to  the  obnoxious 
laws.  The  passions  of  the  people  were  everywhere  roused 
and  great  agitation  prevailed.  The  inhabitants  were  all 
in  motion,  forming  county  meetings,  entering  into  asso 
ciations,  recommending  measures  for  carrying  into  execu 
tion  the  resolutions  of  the  General  Congress,  and  choos 
ing  committees  of  inspection  and  observation  to  take  care 
that  the  public  resolutions  should  be  universally  attended 
to,  and  to  guard  against  the  practices  of  those  selfish  in 
dividuals,  who,  for  interested  purposes,  might  wish  to 
elude  them.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  bustle  the  militia  were 
everywhere  carefully  trained. 

Meanwhile  the  privations  and  sufferings  of  the  inhab 
itants  of  Boston  were  grievous,  and  their  passions  were 
highly  excited ;  but  their  turbulent  spirit  was  kept  in  check 
by  the  presence  of  the  troops.  Supplies  and  provisions 
were  sent  them  from  the  other  Colonies;  these  however 
formed  but  a  partial  and  precarious  resource;  but  the  peo 
ple  were  encouraged  by  the  sympathy  of  their  brethren, 
and  by  the  thought  that  they  were  considered  martyrs 
in  the  common  cause. 

Notwithstanding  the  portentous  aspect  of  affairs,  many 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  683 

of  the  colonists  still  believed  that  there  would  be  no  appeal 
to  arms.  Formerly  their  nonimportation  associations  had 
produced  the  desired  effect,  and  they  flattered  themselves 
that  similar  measures  would  again  be  followed  by  similar 
results;  that  the  British  ministry  would  never  come  to  an 
open  rupture  with  the  best  customers  of  their  merchants 
and  manufacturers,  but  would  recede  from  their  preten 
sions  when  convinced  of  the  determined  opposition  of  the 
Americans.  On  the  other  hand,  the  British  ministry  ex 
pected  the  colonists  would  yield;  and  thus  both  parties 
persisted  in  their  claims  till  neither  could  easily  give  way. 

In  the  provinces,  although  there  was  much  apparent 
unanimity  in  opposing  the  late  acts  of  Parliament,  yet  not 
a  few  secretly  wished  to  submit  peaceably  to  British  au 
thority  ;  some  from  a  conviction  that  it  was  right  to  do  so ; 
more  from  timidity  and  selfishness;  but  both  of  these 
classes  were  overawed  by  the  more  active  and  audacious 
partisans  of  American  freedom. 

While  matters  were  in  this  critical  state  in  America, 
many  of  the  people  of  Britain  took  little  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Colonies.  They  did  not  feel  their  own  in 
terests  immediately  affected,  and  consequently  their  sensi 
bility  was  not  awakened.  They  had  long  been  accus 
tomed  to  hear  of  American  quarrels,  and  satisfied  them 
selves  with  thinking  that  the  present  one  would  pass  away 
as  those  before  it  had  done.  While  the  nation  was  indif 
ferent,  the  ministry  were  irritated  but  irresolute.  In  his 
speech  at  the  opening  of  Parliament,  the  King  informed 
the  two  Houses  "  that  a  most  daring  spirit  of  resistance 
and  disobedience  still  prevailed  in  Massachusetts,  and  had 
broken  out  in  fresh  violences  of  a  very  criminal  nature; 
but  that  the  most  proper  and  effectual  measures  had  been 
taken  to  prevent  those  mischiefs;  and  that  they  might  de 
pend  on  a  firm  resolution  to  withstand  every  attempt  to 


684  WASHINGTON. 

weaken  or  impair  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Legisla 
ture  over  all  the  dominions  of  the  Crown." 

In  the  debates  on  American  affairs  the  partisans  of  the 
ministry  spoke  of  the  colonists  in  the  most  contemptuous 
manner;  affirmed  that  they  were  undisciplined  and  incapa 
ble  of  discipline,  and  that  their  numbers  would  only  in 
crease  their  confusion  and  facilitate  their  defeat. 

Meanwhile  the  colonists  were  not  idle.  On  the  ist  of 
February,  1775,  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts 
met  at  Cambridge,  and,  apprehensive  of  being  too  much 
within  the  reach  of  General  Gage,  toward  the  middle  of 
the  month  they  again  adjourned  to  Concord.  They  there 
took  decisive  measures  for  resisting  the  obnoxious  acts 
of  Parliament.  They  earnestly  exhorted  the  militia  in  gen 
eral,  and  the  minute-men  in  particular,  to  be  indefatigable 
in  improving  themselves  in  military  discipline;  they  recom 
mended  the  making  of  firearms  and  bayonets;  and  they 
dissuaded  the  people  from  supplying  the  troops  in  Boston 
with  anything  necessary  for  military  service.  The  com 
mittee  of  safety  resolved  to  purchase  powder,  artillery, 
provisions,  and  other  military  stores,  and  to  deposit  them 
partly  at  Worcester  and  partly  at  Concord. 

In  this  alarming  posture  of  public  affairs,  General  Gage 
conceived  it  to  be  his  duty  to  seize  the  warlike  stores  of 
the  colonists  wherever  he  could  find  them.  With  this  view 
he  ordered  a  small  detachment,  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Leslie,  on  Sunday,  the  26th  of  Febru 
ary,  to  bring  off  some  field  pieces  which  he  understood  the 
Provincial  Congress  had  at  Salem.  The  party  landed  at 
Marblehead  and  marched  to  Salem,  but  found  no  cannon 
there.  Believing  they  had  been  removed  only  a  short  time 
before,  the  commanding  officer  determined  on  pursuit.  He 
reached  a  small  river,  on  the  way  to  Danvers,  over  which 
was  a  drawbridge;  but  on  his  approach  some  people  on 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  685 

the  other  side  drew  it  up,  and  alleged  that,  as  both  the 
bridge  and  road  were  private  property,  the  soldiers  had 
no  right  to  pass  that  way.  The  party  were  about  to  use 
some  boats,  but  the  owners  instantly  scuttled  them.  The 
bridge  was  at  length  let  down;  but  the  day  was  so  far 
spent  that  Colonel  Leslie,  deeming  it  inexpedient  to  pro 
ceed  much  farther,  returned  to  Boston.  This  ineffectual 
attempt  showed  the  designs  of  the  Governor,  and  gave 
fresh  activity  to  the  vigilance  of  the  people. 

The  Colonies  were  now  all  in  commotion,  and  prepara 
tions  were  everywhere  making  for  the  General  Congress, 
which  was  to  assemble  in  the  month  of  May.  New  York 
was  the  only  place  which  discovered  much  backwardness 
in  the  matter;  and  perhaps  the  timid  and  selfish  policy  of 
that  province  contributed  no  less  to  the  war  than  the 
boldness  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts;  for  the  British 
ministry  were  encouraged  by  the  irresolution  of  the  people 
of  New  York  to  persist  in  their  plan  of  coercion,  from 
which  they  had  been  almost  deterred  by  the  firm  attitude 
and  united  counsels  of  the  other  Colonies.  But  hoping, 
by  the  compliance  of  New  York  with  their  designs,  to 
separate  the  middle  and  southern  from  the  northern  prov 
inces,  and  so  easily  subjugate  them  all,  they  determined 
to  persevere  in  strong  measures.  The  active  exertions 
however  of  the  adherents  of  the  British  ministry  were  de 
feated,  even  in  New  York,  by  the  resolute  conduct  of  their 
opponents,  and  that  province  sent  deputies  to  the  General 
Congress. 

It  was  in  the  interval  between  the  First  and  Second  Con 
tinental  Congresses  that  Alexander  Hamilton,  a  youth  of 
uncommonly  developed  intellectual  power,  put  in  his  first 
appearance  in  the  political  history  of  New  York.  About 
two  months  after  the  adjournment  (October  26,  1774)  of 
the  First  Continental  Congress,  a  clergyman  of  Royalist 


686  WASHINGTON. 

proclivities  by  the  name  of  Seabury,  who  was  ten  years 
later  made  a  bishop  in  Scotland  and  became  from  1784 
the  first  Episcopal  bishop  of  Connecticut,  published  a 
couple  of  pamphlets,  entitled  "  Free  Thoughts  on  the  Pro 
ceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress/'*  and  "  Congress 
Canvassed  by  a  Westchester  Farmer."!  Within  a  fort 
night  after  the  appearance  of  the  second  tract  appeared 
"A  Full  Vindication."  A  reply  to  this  was  published,  and 
then  a  month  later  came  a  still  more  elaborate  pamphlet, 
entitled  "  The  Farmer  Refuted."  These  two  productions 
in  the  patriot  interest  excited  much  attention,  were  widely 
read,  and  were  attributed  to  Jay.  They  are  not  now  much 
more  entertaining  than  other  like  essays  of  their  period 
and  class,  but  they  take  high  rank  among  the  writings  of 
a  period  remarkable  for  the  ability  of  its  political  discus 
sions.  They  have  certain  marks  of  youth  about  them,  but 
are  singularly  free  from  such  defects;  are  little  short  of 
wonderful  when  we  remember  that  they  are  the  work  of 
a  boy  not  18  years  old. 

The  first  of  Hamilton's  pieces  rests  upon  this  ground: 
"  I  verily  believe  a  nonimportation  and  a  nonexportation 
will  effect  all  the  purposes  they  are  intended  for"  (p.  20). 
"  Thus  have  I  clearly  proved  that  the  plan  of  opposition 
concerted  by  Congress  is  perfectly  consonant  with  justice 
and  sound  policy,  and  will,  in  all  human  probability,  se 
cure  our  freedom  against  the  assaults  of  our  enemies  " 
(p.  30).  "All  that  we  aim  at  is  to  convince  the  ministry 
that  we  are  not  such  asses  as  to  let  them  ride  us  as  they 
please "  (p.  31).  "  We  cannot  submit  to  the  principle, 
a  right  to  tax  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever  "  (p.  35).  "  Your 
lives,  your  property,  your  religion  are  all  at  stake  "  (p.  38). 
"  Give  me  the  steady,  uniform,  unshaken  security  of  con- 

*  December  15,  1774. 

t  February,  1775.  The  first  was  of  forty-eight  pages  and  the 
second  of  117  pages. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  687 

s.titutional  freedom.  Give  me  the  right  to  be  tried  by  a 
jury  of  my  own  neighbors,  and  to  be  taxed  by  my  own 
representatives  only  "  (p.  47). 

In  his  second  performance  the  point  is  argued  that  "  the 
representatives  of  Great  Britain  have  no  right  to  govern  us  " 
(p.  71).  "  If  the  authority  of  the  House  of  Commons  over 
America  be  proved  not  to  exist,  the  dispute  is  at  an  end  " 
(p.  74).  "  The  King  is  the  only  sovereign  of  the  empire. 
*  *  *  Imagine  the  Legislature  of  New  York  independ 
ent  on  that  of  Great  Britain.  *  *  *  The  King  will  be 
the  great  connecting  principle.  The  several  parts  of  the 
empire,  though  otherwise  independent  on  each  other,  will 
all  be  dependent  on  him  "  (p.  77).  "  The  authority  of  the 
British  Parliament  over  America  would,  in  all  probability, 
be  a  more  intolerable  and  excessive  species  of  despotism 
than  an  absolute  monarchy  "  (p.  78).  "  The  several  parts 
of  the  empire  may  each  enjoy  a  separate,  independent 
Legislature  with  regard  to  each  other,  under  one  common 
head,  the  King  "  (p.  81).  "  The  right  of  colonists  to  exer 
cise  a  legislative  power  is  an  inherent  right,  founded  upon 
the  rights  of  all  men  to  freedom  and  happiness,  [to]  civil 
liberty  [which]  cannot  possibly  have  any  existence  where 
the  society  for  whom  laws  are  made  have  no  share  in 
making  them,  and  where  the  interest  of  their  legislators  is 
not  inseparably  interwoven  with  theirs  "  (p.  84).  "  The 
foundation  of  the  English  Constitution  rests  upon  this 
principle,  that  no  laws  have  any  validity  or  binding  force 
without  the  consent  and  approbation  of  the  people,  given 
in  the  persons  of  their  representatives,  periodically  elected 
by  themselves  [exception  only  being  made,  in  the  words  of 
Blackstone,  of  '  such  persons  as  are  in  so  mean  a  situation 
that  they  are  esteemed  to  have  no  will  of  their  own/  but, 
'  if  they  had  votes,  would  be  tempted  to  dispose  of  them 
under  some  undue  influence  or  other ']  "  (p.  85).  "  To 


688  WASHINGTON. 

take  such  a  survey  of  the  political  history  of  the  Colonies 
as  may  be  necessary  to  cast  a  full  light  upon  their  present 
contest  "  would  show  that  "  the  sole  right  of  the  territories 
in  America  was  vested  in  the  Crown  "  (pp.  88,  89).  "  In 
April,  1621,  the  House  of  Commons  was  informed  by  order 
of  King  James,  that  'America  zvas  not  annexed  to  the  realm, 
and  that  it  was  not  fitting  that  Parliament  should  make  laws 
for  those  countries '  "  (p.  96).  "  Charles  I,  who  granted  the 
Massachusetts  and  Maryland  charters,  in  like  manner  re 
fused  the  royal  assent  [to  a  fishing  bill],  with  the  declara 
tion  that  '  the  Colonies  were  without  the  realm  and  jurisdic 
tion  of  Parliament '  "  (p.  96).  "  The  American  charters  are 
entirely  discordant  with  the  sovereignty  of  Parliament; 
*  *  *  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  has  no  sov 
ereign  authority  over  America;  *  *  *  the  voice  of  na 
ture,  the  spirit  of  the  British  Constitution,  and  the  charters 
of  the  Colonies  in  general  demonstrate  the  absolute  non- 
existence  of  parliamentary  supremacy "  (pp.  108,  109). 
"  There  is  no  need  however  of  this  plea.  THE  sacred 
rights  of  mankind  are  not  to  be  rummaged  for  among  old 
parchments  or  musty  records.  They  are  written,  as  with 
a  sunbeam,  in  the  whole  volume  of  human  nature,  by  the 
hand  of  the  Divinity  itself,  and  can  never  be  erased  or 
obscured  by  mortal  POWER  "  (p.  108). 

"  If  Great  Britain  is  determined  to  enslave  us,  it  must 
be  by  force  of  arms;  and  to  attempt  this  would  be  nothing 
less  than  the  grossest  infatuation,  madness  itself.  What 
ever  may  be  said  of  the  disciplined  troops  of  Great  Britain, 
the  event  of  the  contest  must  be  extremely  doubtful.  There 
is  a  certain  enthusiasm  in  liberty  that  makes  human  na 
ture  rise  above  itself  in  acts  of  bravery  and  heroism.  It 
cannot  be  expected  that  America  would  yield  without  a 
magnanimous,  persevering,  and  bloody  struggle.  * 
Great  Britain  could  not  spare  an  army  of  above  15,000 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  689 

men,  *  *  *  to  subdue  near  600,000.  *  *  *  Forty 
thousand  will  be  a  sufficient  number  to  make  head  at  a 
time.  *  *  *  The  circumstances  of  our  country  put  it 
in  our  power  to  evade  a  pitched  battle.  It  will  be  better 
policy  to  harass  and  exhaust  the  soldiery  by  frequent  skir 
mishes  and  incursions  than  to  take  the  open  field  with 
them  "  (pp.  155,  156,  158,  159).  "There  are  many  officers 
who  have  served  in  the  last  war  with  reputation  dispersed 
through  the  Colonies.  These  might  have  the  superior 
direction  of  matters;  and  there  are  men  enough  of  known 
sense  and  courage  who  would  soon  make  excellent  offi 
cers  "  (p.  160).  "  You  ask  me,  What  resources  have  the 
Colonies  to  pay,  clothe,  arm,  and  feed  their  troops?  *  *  * 
France,  Spain,  and  Holland  would  find  means  to  supply 
us  with  whatever  we  wanted.  Let  it  not  be  said  that  this 
last  is  a  bare  possibility.  There  is  the  highest  degree  of 
probability  in  the  case.  A  more  desirable  object  to  France 
and  Spain  than  the  disunion  of  these  Colonies  from  Great 
Britain  cannot  be  imagined.  Every  dictate  of  policy  and 
interest  would  prompt  them  to  forward  it  by  every  possi 
ble  means.  *  *  *  They  would  not  neglect  anything 
in  their  power  to  make  the  opposition  on  our  part  as  vigor 
ous  and  obstinate  as  our  affairs  would  admit  of "  (pp.  161, 
162).  "  I  affirm  that  nothing  but  the  most  frantic  extrava 
gance  can  influence  the  administration  to  attempt  the  re 
duction  of  America  by  force  of  arms  "  (p.  164).  "  I  am 
a  warm  advocate  for  limited  monarchy,  and  an  unfeigned 
well-wisher  to  the  present  royal  family.  *  *  *  I  verily 
believe  that  the  best  way  to  secure  a  permanent  and  happy 
union  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  is  to  permit 
the  latter  to  be  as  free  as  they  desire  "  (pp.  168,  169). 

[February  2,  1775,  the  citizens  of    Fairfax  county  as 
sembled  with  Washington  as  president,  and  voted  to  en 
roll  the  county  militia,  and  to  pay  a  tax  of  three  shillings 
44 


690  WASHINGTON. 

per  poll  to  meet  the  cost  of  equipping  them  for  service. 
Washington  wrote  February  25,  1775,  to  John  Connolly: 

"I  confess  the  state  of  affairs  is  sufficiently  alarming; 
which  our  critical  situation  with  regard  to  the  Indians  does 
not  diminish.  I  have  only  to  express  my  most  ardent 
wishes  that  every  measure,  consistent  with  reason  and 
sound  policy,  may  be  adopted  to  keep  those  people  at  this 
time  in  good  humor;  for  another  rupture  would  not  only 
ruin  the  external  but  the  internal  parts  of  this  government. 
If  the  journal  of  your  proceedings  in  the  Indian  war  is  to 
be  published,  I  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  what  I 
have  long  coveted. 

"With  us  here  things  wear  a  disagreeable  aspect;  and 
the  minds  of  men  are  exceedingly  disturbed  at  the  measures 
of  the  British  government.  The  King's  speech  and  ad 
dress  of  both  Houses,  prognosticate  nothing  favorable  to 
us;  but  by  some  subsequent  proceeding  thereto,  as  well 
as  by  private  letters  from  London,  there  is  reason  to  be 
lieve  the  ministry  would  willingly  change  their  ground, 
from  a  conviction  the  forcible  measures  will  be  inadequate 
to  the  end  designed."] 

Although  some  of  the  persons  most  obnoxious  to  the 
British  Government  had  withdrawn  from  Boston,  yet  many 
zealous  Americans  still  remained  in  the  town,  observed 
every  motion  of  General  Gage  with  a  vigilant  eye,  and 
transmitted  to  their  friends  in  the  country  notices  of  his 
proceedings  and  probable  intentions.  The  American 
stores  at  Concord  had  attracted  the  General's  attention, 
and  he  determined  to  seize  them.  But,  although  he  had 
been  careful  to  conceal  his  intention,  yet  some  intimations 
of  it  reached  the  ears  of  the  colonists,  who  took  their 
measures  accordingly. 

At  ii  o'clock  at  night,  on  the  i8th  of  April,  1775,  Gen 
eral  Gage  embarked  800  grenadiers  and  light  infantry, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  691 

the  flower  of  his  army,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Smith  and  Major  Pitcairn,  on  Charles  river  at 
Boston  Neck. 

They  sailed  up  the  river,  landed  at  Phipps's  farm,  ana 
advanced  toward  Concord.  Of  this  movement  some  of  the 
friends  of  the  American  cause  got  notice  just  before  the 
embarkation  of  the  troops,  and  they  instantly  dispatched 
messengers  by  different  routes  with  the  information.  The 
troops  soon  perceived,  by  the  ringing  of  bells  and  firing 
of  musketry,  that,  notwithstanding  the  secrecy  with  which 
they  had  quitted  Boston,  they  had  been  discovered,  and 
that  the  alarm  was  fast  spreading  throughout  the  country. 
Between  4  and  5  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  I9th  of 
April,  the  detachment  reached  Lexington,  thirteen  miles 
from  Boston.  Here  about  seventy  of  the  militia  were  as 
sembled,  and  were  standing  near  the  road;  but  their  num 
ber  being  so  small,  they  had  no  intention  of  making  any 
resistance  to  the  military.  Major  Pitcairn,  who  had  been 
sent  forward  with  the  light  infantry,  rode  toward  them, 
calling  out,  "  Disperse,  you  rebels!  throw  down  your  arms 
and  disperse!"  The  order  was  not  instantly  obeyed. 
Major  Pitcairn  advanced  a  little  farther,  fired  his  pistol, 
and  flourished  his  sword,  while  his  men  began  to  fire,  with 
a  shout.  Several  Americans  fell;  the  rest  dispersed,  but 
the  firing  on  them  was  continued;  and,  on  observing  this, 
some  of  the  retreating  colonists  returned  the  fire.  Eight 
Americans  remained  dead  on  the  field. 

At  the  close  of  this  rencounter  the  rest  of  the  British 
detachment,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Smith,  came  up; 
and  the  party,  without  further  violence,  proceeded  to  Con 
cord.  On  arriving  at  that  place  they  found  a  body  of 
militia  drawn  up,  who  retreated  across  the  bridge  before 
the  British  light  infantry.  The  main  body  of  the  royal 
troops  entered  the  town,  destroyed  two  pieces  of  cannon, 


692  WASHINGTON. 

with  their  carriages,  and  a  number  of  carriage  wheels; 
threw  500  pounds  of  balls  into  the  river  and  wells,  and 
destroyed  about  sixty  barrels  of  flour.  These  were  all 
the  stores  they  found. 

While  the  main  body  of  the  troops  was  engaged  an  these 
operations,  the  light  infantry  kept  possession  of  the  bridge, 
the  Americans  having  retired  to  wait  for  reinforcements. 
Reinforcements  arrived,  and  John  Butterworth,  of  Con 
cord,  who  commanded  the  Americans,  ordered  his  men  to 
advance;  but,  ignorant  of  what  had  happened  at  Lexing 
ton,  enjoined  them  not  to  fire  unless  the  troops  fired  first. 
The  matter  did  not  long  remain  in  suspense.  The  Ameri 
cans  advanced;  the  troops  fired  on  them;  the  Americans 
returned  the  fire;  a  smart  skirmish  ensued  and  a  number 
of  men  fell  on  each  side. 

The  troops,  having  accomplished  the  object  of  their 
expedition,  began  to  retire.  But  blood  had  been  shed, 
and  the  aggressors  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  escape  with 
impunity.  The  country  was  alarmed;  armed  men  crowded 
in  from  every  quarter,  and  the  retreating  troops  were  as 
sailed  with  an  unceasing  but  irregular  discharge  of  mus 
ketry. 

General  Gage  had  early  information  that  the  country 
was  rising  in  arms,  and,  about  8  in  the  morning,  he  dis 
patched  900  men,  under  the  command  of  Earl  Percy,  to 
support  his  first  party.  According  to  Gordon,  this  de 
tachment  left  Boston  with  their  music  playing  "  Yankee 
Doodle,"  a  tune  composed  in  derision  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  northern  provinces;  an  act  which  had  no  tendency 
to  subdue,  but  which  was  well  calculated  to  irritate,  the 
colonists. 

Earl  Percy  met  Colonel  Smith's  retreating  party  at  Lex 
ington  much  exhausted;  and,  being  provided  with  two 
pieces  of  artillery,  he  was  able  to  keep  the  Americans  in 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  693 

check.  The  whole  party  rested  on  their  arms  till  they 
took  some  refreshment,  of  which  they  stood  much  in  need. 
But  there  was  no  time  for  delay,  as  the  militia  and  minute- 
men  were  hastening  in  from  all  quarters  to  the  scene  oi 
action.  When  the  troops  resumed  their  march  the  at 
tack  was  renewed,  and  Earl  Percy  continued  the  retreat 
under  an  incessant  and  galling  fire  of  smallarms.  By 
means  of  his  field  pieces  and  musketry  however  he  was 
able  to  keep  the  assailants  at  a  respectful  distance.  The 
colonists  were  under  no  authority,  but  ran  across  the  fields 
from  one  place  to  another,  taking  their  station  at  the 
points  from  which  they  could  fire  on  the  troops  with  most 
safety  and  effect.  Numbers  of  them,  becoming  weary 
of  the  pursuit,  retired  from  the  contest;  but  their  place 
was  supplied  by  newcomers;  so  that,  although  not  more 
than  400  or  500  of  the  provincials  were  actually  engaged 
at  any  one  time,  yet  the  conflict  was  continued  without 
intermission  till  the  troops,  in  a  state  of  great  exhaustion, 
reached  Charlestown  Neck,  with  only  two  or  three  rounds 
of  cartridges  each,  although  they  had  thirty-six  in  the 
morning. 

On  this  momentous  day  the  British  had  65  men  killed, 
180  wounded,  and  28  taken  prisoners.  The  provincials 
had  50  men  killed,  34  wounded,  and  4  missing. 

Washington's  opinion  of  the  battle  of  Lexington  is  thus 
expressed  in  a  letter  of  May  31,  1775,  to  George  William 
Fairfax,  then  residing  in  England: 

"  Before  this  letter  will  come  to  hand,  you  must  un 
doubtedly  have  received  an  account  of  the  engagement 
in  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  between  the  ministerial  troops 
(for  we  do  not,  nor  can  we  yet  prevail  upon  ourselves  to 
call  them  the  King's  troops)  and  the  provincials  of  that 
government.  But  as  you  may  not  have  heard  how  that 


594  WASHINGTON. 

affair  began,  I  inclose  the  several  affidavits,  which  were 
taken  after  the  action. 

"  General  Gage  acknowledges  that  the  detachment  un 
der  Lieutenant-Colonel  Smith  was  sent  out  to  destroy  pri 
vate  property;  or,  in  other  words,  to  destroy  a  magazine 
which  self-preservation  obliged  the  inhabitants  to  estab 
lish.  And  he  also  confesses,  in  effect  at  least,  that  his 
men  made  a  very  precipitate  retreat  from  Concord,  not 
withstanding  the  reinforcement  under  Lord  Percy;  the  last 
of  which  may  serve  to  convince  Lord  Sandwich,  and  others 
of  the  same  sentiment,  that  the  Americans  will  fight  for 
their  liberties  and  property,  however  pusillanimous  in  his 
lordship's  eye  they  may  appear  in  other  respects. 

"  From  the  best  accounts  I  have  been  able  to  collect  of 
that  affair,  indeed  from  every  one,  I  believe  the  fact, 
stripped  of  all  coloring,  to  be  plainly  this,  that  if  the  retreat 
had  not  been  as  precipitate  as  it  was  —  God  knows  it  could 
not  well  have  been  more  so  —  the  ministerial  troops  must 
have  surrendered,  or  been  totally  cut  off;  for  they  had  not 
arrived  at  Charlestown  (under  cover  of  their  ships)  half 
an  hour  before  a  powerful  body  of  men  from  Marblehead 
and  Salem  was  at  their  heels,  and  must,  if  they  had  hap 
pened  to  be  up  one  hour  sooner,  inevitably  have  inter 
cepted  their  retreat  to  Charlestown.  Unhappy  it  is, 
though,  to  reflect  that  a  brother's  sword  has  been  sheathed 
in  a  brother's  breast,  and  that  the  once  happy  and  peace 
ful  plains  of  America  are  either  to  be  drenched  with  blood 
or  inhabited  by  slaves.  Sad  alternative!  But  can  a  vir 
tuous  man  hesitate  in  his  choice?  " 

On  Monday,  the  2Oth  of  March,  1775,  the  convention 
of  delegates  from  the  several  counties  and  corporations 
of  Virginia  met  for  the  second  time.  This  assembly  was 
held  in  the  old  church  in  the  town  of  Richmond.  Wash 
ington  and  Patrick  Henry  were  members  of  that  body. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  695 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  the  tone  of  the  instructions 
given  by  the  convention  of  the  preceding  year  to  their 
deputies  in  Congress.  He  will  remember  that,  while 
they  recite  with  great  feeling  the  series  of  grievances 
under  which  the  Colonies  had  labored,  and  insist  with 
firmness  on  their  constitutional  rights,  they  give  nev 
ertheless  the  most  explicit  and  solemn  pledge  of  their 
faith  and  true  allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  King  George 
III,  and  avow  their  determination  to  support  him 
with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  in  the  legal  exercise 
of  all  his  just  rights  and  prerogatives.  He  will  re 
member  that  these  instructions  contain  also  an  expres 
sion  of  their  sincere  approbation  of  a  connection  with 
Great  Britain,  and  their  ardent  wishes  for  a  return  of  that 
friendly  intercourse  from  which  this  country  had  derived 
so  much  prosperity  and  happiness. 

These  sentiments  still  influenced  many  of  the  leading 
members  of  the  convention  of  1775.  They  could  not  part 
with  the  fond  hope  that  those  peaceful  days  would  again 
return,  which  had  shed  so  much  light  and  warmth  over 
the  land;  and  the  report  of  the  King's  gracious  reception 
of  the  petition  from  Congress  tended  to  cherish  and  foster 
that  hope,  and  to  render  them  averse  to  any  means  of 
violence.  But  Patrick  Henry  saw  things  with  a  steadier 
eye  and  a  deeper  insight.  His  judgment  was  too  solid  to 
be  duped  by  appearances,  and  his  heart  too  firm  and  manly 
to  be  amused  by  false  and  flattering  hopes.  He  had  long 
since  read  the  true  character  of  the  British  court,  and 
saw  that  no  alternative  remained  for  his  country  but  abject 
submission  or  heroic  resistance.  It  was  not  for  a  soul 
like  Henry's  to  hesitate  between  these  courses.  He  had 
offered  upon  the  altar  of  liberty  no  divided  heart.  The 
gulf  of  war  which  yawned  before  him  was  indeed  fiery 
and  fearful,  but  he  saw  that  the  awful  plunge  was  inevi- 


696  WASHINGTON. 

table.  The  body  of  the  convention  however  hesitated. 
They  cast  around  "  a  longing,  lingering  look  "  on  those 
flowery  fields  on  which  peace,  and  ease,  and  joy  were  still 
sporting,  and  it  required  all  the  energies  of  a  mentor  like 
Henry  to  prepare  their  minds  for  the  dread  alternative  of 
open  hostilities. 

The  convention  being  formed  and  organized  for  busi 
ness  proceeded,  in  the  first  place,  to  express  their  unquali 
fied  approbation  of  the  measures  of  Congress,  and  to  de 
clare  that  they  considered  "  this  whole  continent  as  under 
the  highest  obligations  to  that  respectable  body,  for  the 
wisdom  of  their  counsels,  and  their  unremitted  endeavors 
to  maintain  and  preserve  inviolate  the  just  rights  and  lib 
erties  of  His  Majesty's  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects  in 
America." 

They  next  resolved,  that  "  the  warmest  thanks  of  the 
convention,  and  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  were 
due,  and  that  this  just  tribute  of  applause  be  presented  to 
the  worthy  delegates,  deputed  by  a  former  convention  to 
represent  this  Colony  in  General  Congress,  for  their  cheer 
ful  undertaking  and  faithful  discharge  of  the  very  important 
trust  reposed  in  them." 

The  morning  of  the  23d  of  March,  1775,  was  opened 
by  reading  a  petition  and  memorial  from  the  Assembly 
of  Jamaica  to  the  King's  most  excellent  majesty,  where 
upon  it  was 

"  Resolved,  That  the  unfeigned  thanks  and  most  grateful 
acknowledgments  of  the  convention  be  presented  to  that 
very  respectable  Assembly,  for  the  exceeding  generous 
and  affectionate  part  they  have  so  nobly  taken  in  the  un 
happy  contest  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies, 
and  for  their  truly  patriotic  endeavors  to  fix  the  just  claim 
of  the  colonists  upon  the  most  permanent  constitutional 
principles;  that  the  Assembly  be  assured  that  it  is  the  most 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  697 

ardent  wish  of  this  Colony  (and  they  were  persuaded  of 
the  whole  continent  of  North  America)  to  see  a  speedy 
return  of  those  halcyon  days,  when  we  lived  a  free  and 
happy  people." 

These  proceedings  were  not  adapted  to  the  taste  of  Pat 
rick  Henry;  on  the  contrary,  they  were  "gall  and  worm 
wood  "  to  him.  The  House  required  to  be  wrought  up 
to  a  bolder  tone.  He  rose  therefore  and  moved  the  follow 
ing  manly  resolutions: 

"  Resolved,  That  a  well-regulated  militia,  composed  of 
gentlemen  and  yeomen,  is  the  natural  strength  and  only 
security  of  a  free  government;  that  such  a  militia  in  this 
Colony  would  forever  render  it  unnecessary  for  the  mother 
country  to  keep  among  us,  for  the  purpose  of  our  defense, 
any  standing  army  of  mercenary  soldiers,  always  subver 
sive  of  the  quiet,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people,  and  would  obviate  the  pretext  of  taxing  us  for 
their  support. 

"  That  the  establishment  of  such  militia  is,  at  this  time, 
peculiarly  necessary,  by  the  state  of  our  laws,  for  the  pro 
tection  and  defense  of  the  country,  some  of  which  are  al 
ready  expired  and  others  will  shortly  be  so;  and  that  the 
known  remissness  of  government  in  calling  us  together  in 
legislative  capacity  renders  it  too  insecure,  in  this  time 
of  danger  and  distress,  to  rely  that  opportunity  will  be 
given  of  renewing  them  in  General  Assembly,  or  making 
any  provision  to  secure  our  inestimable  rights  and  liber 
ties  from  those  further  violations  with  which  they  are 
threatened. 

"  Resolved,  therefore,  That  this  Colony  be  immediately 

put  into  a  state  of  defense,  and  that be  a  committee 

to  prepare  a  plan  for  embodying,  arming,  and  disciplining 
such  a  number  of  men  as  may  be  sufficient  for  that  pur 
pose." 


698  WASHINGTON. 

The  alarm  which  such  a  proposition  must  have  given 
to  those  who  had  contemplated  no  resistance  of  a  charac 
ter  more  serious  than  petition,  nonimportation,  and  passive 
fortitude,  and  who  still  hung  with  suppliant  tenderness  on 
the  skirts  of  Britain,  will  be  readily  conceived  by  the  re 
flecting  reader.  The  shock  was  painful.  It  was  almost 
general.  The  resolutions  were  opposed  as  not  only  rash 
in  policy,  but  as  harsh  and  wellnigh  impious  in  point  of 
feeling.  Some  of  the  warmest  patriots  of  the  convention 
opposed  them.  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison,  and 
Edmund  Pendleton,  who  had  so  lately  drank  of  the  foun 
tain  of  patriotism  in  the  Continental  Congress,  and  Robert 
C.  Nicholas,  one  of  the  best  as  well  as  ablest  men  and 
patriots  in  the  State,  resisted  them  with  all  their  influence 
and  abilities. 

They  urged  the  late  gracious  reception  of  the  congres 
sional  petition  by  the  throne;  they  insisted  that  national 
comity,  and  much  more,  filial  respect,  demanded  the  exer 
cise  of  a  more  dignified  patience.  That  the  sympathies  of 
the  parent  country  were  now  on  our  side.  That  the  friends 
of  American  liberty  in  Parliament  were  still  with  us,  and 
had,  as  yet,  had  no  cause  to  blush  for  our  indiscretion. 
That  the  manufacturing  interests  of  Great  Britain,  already 
smarting  under  the  effects  of  our  nonimportation,  co 
operated  powerfully  toward  our  relief.  That  the  sovereign 
himself  had  relented,  and  showed  that  he  looked  upon  our 
sufferings  with  an  eye  of  pity.  "Was  this  a  moment/' 
they  asked,  "  to  disgust  our  friends,  to  extinguish  all  the 
conspiring  sympathies  which  were  working  in  our  favor, 
to  turn  their  friendship  into  hatred,  their  pity  into  revenge? 
And  what  was  there/'  they  asked,  "  in  the  situation  of  the 
Colony,  to  tempt  us  to  this?  Were  we  a  great  military 
people?  Were  we  ready  for  war?  Where  were  our  stores, 
where  were  our  arms,  where  our  soldiers,  where  our  gen- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  699 

erals,  where  our  money,  the  sinews  of  war?  They  were 
nowhere  to  be  found.  In  truth,  we  were  poor,  we  were 
naked,  we  were  defenseless.  And  yet  we  talk  of  assuming 
the  front  of  war!  of  assuming  it  too  against  a  nation,  one 
of  the  most  formidable  in  the  world!  A  nation  ready  and 
armed  at  all  points!  Her  navies  riding  triumphant  in 
every  sea;  her  armies  never  marching  but  to  certain  vic 
tory  !  What  was  to  be  the  issue  of  the  struggle  we  were 
called  upon  to  court?  What  could  be  the  issue  in  the  com 
parative  circumstances  of  the  two  countries,  but  to  yield 
up  this  country  an  easy  prey  to  Great  Britain,  and  to  con 
vert  the  illegitimate  right  which  the  British  Parliament 
now  claimed  into  a  firm  and  indubitable  right  by  conquest? 
The  measure  might  be  brave,  but  it  was  the  bravery  of 
madmen.  It  had  no  pretension  to  the  character  of  pru 
dence,  and  as  little  to  the  grace  of  genuine  courage.  It 
would  be  time  enough  to  resort  to  measures  of  despair 
when  every  well-founded  hope  had  entirely  vanished." 

To  this  strong  view  of  the  subject,  supported  as  it  was 
by  the  stubborn  fact  of  the  well-known  helpless  condition 
of  the  Colony,  the  opponents  of  these  resolutions  super- 
added  every  topic  of  persuasion  which  belonged  to  the 
cause : 

"  The  strength  and  luster  which  we  have  derived  from 
our  connection  with  Great  Britain,  the  domestic  comforts 
which  we  had  drawn  from  the  same  source,  and  whose 
value  we  were  now  able  to  estimate  by  their  loss;  that 
ray  of  reconciliation  which  was  dawning  upon  us  from  the 
east,  and  which  promised  so  fair  and  happy  a  day;  with 
this  they  contrasted  the  clouds  and  storms  which  the  meas 
ure  now  proposed  was  so  well  calculated  to  raise,  and  in 
which  we  should  not  have  even  the  poor  consolation  of 
being  pitied  by  the  world,  since  we  should  have  so  need 
lessly  and  rashly  drawn  them  upon  ourselves." 


700  WASHINGTON. 

These  arguments  and  topics  of  persuasion  were  so  well 
justified  by  the  appearance  of  things,  and  were  moreover 
so  entirely  in  unison  with  that  love  of  ease  and  quiet  which 
is  natural  to  man,  and  that  disposition  to  hope  for  happier 
times,  even  under  the  most  forbidding  circumstances,  that 
an  ordinary  man,  in  Mr.  Henry's  situation,  would  have 
been  glad  to  compound  with  the  displeasure  of  the  House 
by  being  permitted  to  withdraw  his  resolutions  in  silence. 

Not  so  Mr.  Henry.  His  was  a  spirit  fitted  to  raise  the 
whirlwind,  as  well  as  to  ride^in  and  direct  it.  His  was  that 
comprehensive  view,  that  unerring  prescience,  that  per 
fect  command  over  the  actions  of  men,  which  qualified  him 
not  merely  to  guide,  but  almost  to  create  the  destinies  of 
nations. 

He  rose  at  this  time  with  a  majesty  unusual  to  him  in 
an  exordium,  and  with  all  that  self-possession  by  which 
he  was  so  invariably  distinguished:  "No  man,"  he  said, 
"  thought  more  highly  than  he  did  of  the  patriotism,  as 
well  as  abilities,  of  the  very  worthy  gentlemen  who  had 
just  addressed  the  House.  But  different  men  often  saw 
the  same  subject  in  different  lights;  and  therefore  he  hoped 
it  would  not  be  thought  disrespectful  to  those  gentlemen, 
if,  entertaining  as  he  did,  opinions  of  a  character  very  op 
posite  to  theirs,  he  should  speak  forth  his  sentiments 
freely  and  without  reserve.  This,"  he  said,  "  was  no  time 
for  ceremony.  The  question  before  this  House  was  one 
of  awful  moment  to  the  country.  For  his  own  part,  he 
considered  it  as  nothing  less  than  a  question  of  freedom 
or  slavery.  And  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude  of  the 
subject  ought  to  be  the  freedom  of  the  debate.  It  was 
only  in  this  way  that  they  could  hope  to  arrive  at  truth 
and  fulfil  the  great  responsibility  which  they  held  to  God 
and  their  country.  Should  he  keep  back  his  opinions  at 
such  a  time,  through  fear  of  giving  offense,  he  should  con- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  701 

sider  himself  as  guilty  of  treason  toward  his  country,  and 
of  an  act  of  disloyalty  toward  the  majesty  of  Heaven, 
which  he  revered  above  all  earthly  kings. 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  he,  "  it  is  natural  to  man  to  in 
dulge  in  the  illusions  of  hope.  We  are  apt  to  shut  our 
eyes  against  a  painful  truth,  and  listen  to  the  song  of  that 
siren,  till  she  transforms  us  into  beasts.  Is  this,"  he  asked, 
"  the  part  of  wise  men  engaged  in  a  great  and  arduous 
struggle  for  liberty?  Were  we  disposed  to  be  of  the  num 
ber  of  those,  who,  having  eyes,  see  not,  and  having  ears, 
hear  not,  the  things  which  so  nearly  concern  their  tem 
poral  salvation?  "  For  his  part,  whatever  anguish  of  spirit 
it  might  cost,  he  was  willing  to  know  the  whole  truth;  to 
know  the  worst  and  to  provide  for  it. 

"  He  had,"  he  said,  "  but  one  lamp  by  which  his  feet 
were  guided,  and  that  was  the  lamp  of  experience.  He 
knew  no  way  of  judging  of  the  future  but  by  the  past. 
And,  judging  by  the  past,  he  wished  to  know  what  there 
had  been  in  the  conduct  of  the  British  ministry  for  the  last 
ten  years  to  justify  those  hopes  with  which  these  gentle 
men  had  been  pleased  to  solace  themselves  and  the  House? 
Is  it  that  insidious  smile  with  which  our  petition  has  been 
lately  received?  Trust  it  not,  sir;  it  will  prove  a  snare  to 
your  feet.  Suffer  not  yourselves  to  be  betrayed  with  a 
kiss.  Ask  yourselves  how  this  gracious  reception  of  our 
petition  comports  with  those  warlike  preparations  which 
cover  our  waters  and  darken  our  land.  Are  fleets  and 
armies  necessary  to  a  work  of  love  and  reconciliation? 
Have  we  shown  ourselves  so  unwilling  to  be  reconciled 
that  force  must  be  called  in  to  win  back  our  love?  Let  us 
not  deceive  ourselves,  sir.  What  means  this  martial  array 
if  its  purpose  be  not  to  force  us  to  submission?  Can  the 
gentlemen  assign  any  other  possible  motive  for  it?  Has 
Great  Britain  any  enemy  in  this  quarter  of  the  world  to 


702  WASHINGTON. 

call  for  this  accumulation  of  navies  and  armies?  No,  sir, 
she  has  none.  They  are  meant  for  us;  they  can  be  meant 
for  no  other.  They  are  sent  over  to  bind  and  rivet  upon 
us  those  chains  which  the  British  ministry  have  been  so 
long  forging.  And  what  have  we  to  oppose  them?  Shall 
we  try  argument?  Sir,  we  have  been  trying  that  for  the 
last  ten  years.  Have  we  anything  new  to  offer  on  the  sub 
ject?  Nothing.  We  have  held  the  subject  up  in  every 
light  of  which  it  is  capable;  but  it  has  been  all  in  vain. 
Shall  we  resort  to  entreajty  and  humble  supplication? 
What  terms  shall  we  find  which  have  not  been  already 
exhausted?  Let  us  not,  I  beseech  you,  sir,  deceive  our 
selves  longer.  Sir,  we  have  done  everything  that  could 
be  done  to  avert  the  storm  which  is  now  coming  on.  We 
have  petitioned,  we  have  remonstrated,  we  have  suppli 
cated,  we  have  prostrated  ourselves  before  the  throne,  and 
have  implored  its  interposition  to  arrest  the  tyrannical 
hands  of  the  ministry  and  Parliament.  Our  petitions  have 
been  slighted;  our  remonstrances  have  produced  additional 
violence  and  insult;  our  supplications  have  been  disre 
garded;  and  we  have  been  spurned,  with  contempt,  from 
the  foot  of  the  throne.  In  vain,  after  these  things,  may 
we  indulge  the  fond  hope  of  peace  and  reconciliation. 
There  is  no  longer  any  room  for  hope.  If  we  wish  to  be 
free;  if  we  mean  to  preserve  inviolate  those  inestimable 
privileges  for  which  we  have  been  so  long  contending;  if 
we  mean  not  basely  to  abandon  the  noble  struggle  in  which 
we  have  been  so  long  engaged,  and  which  we  have  pledged 
ourselves  never  to  abandon,  until  the  glorious  object  of 
our  contest  shall  be  obtained,  we  must  fight!  I  repeat  it, 
sir,  we  must  fight!  An  appeal  to  arms  and  to  the  God  of 
Hosts  is  all  that  is  left  us! 

"  They  tell  us,  sir,"  continued  Mr.  Henry,  "  that  we  are 
weak —  unable  to  cope  with  so  formidable  an  adversary. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  703 

But  when  shall  we  be  stronger?  Will  it  be  the  next  week 
or  the  next  year?  Will  it  be  when  we  are  totally  disarmed, 
and  when  a  British  guard  shall  be  stationed  in  every  house? 
Shall  we  gather  strength  by  irresolution  and  inaction? 
Shall  we  acquire  the  means  of  effectual  resistance  by  lying 
supinely  on  our  backs  and  hugging  the  delusive  phantom 
of  hope,  until  our  enemies  shall  have  bound  us  hand  and 
foot?  Sir,  we  are  not  weak,  if  we  make  a  proper  use  of 
those  means  which  the  God  of  nature  hath  placed  in  our 
power.  Three  millions  of  people  armed  in  the  holy  cause 
of  liberty,  and  in  a  country  such  as  we  possess,  are  invin 
cible  by  any  force  which  our  enemy  can  send  against  us. 
Besides,  sir,  we  shall  not  fight  our  battles  alone.  There 
is  a  just  God  who  presides  over  the  destinies  of  nations, 
and  who  will  raise  up  friends  to  fight  our  battles  for  us. 
The  battle,  sir,  is  not  to  the  strong  alone;  it  is  to  the  vigi 
lant,  the  active,  the  brave.  Besides,  sir,  we  have  no  elec 
tion.  If  we  were  base  enough  to  desire  it,  it  is  now  too 
late  to  retire  from  the  contest.  There  is  no  retreat  but 
in  submission  and  slavery!  Our  chains  are  forged.  Their 
clanking  may  be  heard  on  the  plains  of  Boston!  The  war 
is  inevitable,  and  let  it  come!  I  repeat  it,  sir,  let  it  come! 
"  It  is  in  vain,  sir,  to  extenuate  the  matter.  Gentlemen 
may  cry  peace,  peace;  but  there  is  no  peace.  The  war  is 
actually  begun.  The  next  gale  that  sweeps  from  the  north 
will  bring  to  our  ears  the  clash  of  resounding  arms!*  Our 
brethren  are  already  in  the  field!  Why  stand  we  here  idle? 
What  is  it  that  gentlemen  wish?  Wrhat  would  they  have? 
Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be  purchased  at  the 
price  of  chains  and  slavery?  Forbid  it,  Almighty  God! 
I  know  not  what  course  others  may  take,  but  as  for  me," 
cried. he,  with  both  his  arms  extended  aloft,  his  brows  knit, 

*  This   speech  was  delivered  a  few   days  before  the   battle  of 
Lexington. 


704  WASHINGTON. 

every  feature  marked  with  the  resolute  purpose  of  his  soul, 
and  his  voice  swelled  to  its  boldest  note  of  exclamation, 
"  give  me  liberty  or  give  me  death !  " 

He  took  his  seat.  No  murmur  of  applause  was  heard. 
The  effect  was  too  deep.  After  the  trance  of  a  moment, 
several  members  started  from  their  seats.  The  cry  "  to 
arms!"  seemed  to  quiver  on  every  lip  and  gleam  from 
every  eye!  Richard  H.  Lee  arose  and  supported  Mr. 
Henry  with  his  usual  spirit  and  elegance.  But  his  melody 
was  lost  amid  the  agitations  of  that  ocean  which  the  master 
spirit  of  the  storm  had  raised  up  on  high.  That  supernat 
ural  voice  still  sounded  in  their  ears  and  shivered  along 
their  arteries.  They  heard,  in  every  pause,  the  cry  of  lib 
erty  or  death.  They  became  impatient  of  speech;  their 
souls  were  on  fire  for  action. 

The  resolutions  were  adopted,  and  Patrick  Henry,  Rich 
ard  H.  Lee,  Robert  C.  Nicholas,  Benjamin  Harrison, 
Lemuel  Riddick,  George  Washington,  Adam  Stevens, 
Andrew  Lewis,  William  Christian,  Edmund  Pendleton, 
Thomas  Jefferson,  and  Isaac  Lane,  esquires,  were  ap 
pointed  a  committee  to  prepare  the  plan  called  for  by  the 
last  resolution. 

The  plan  for  embodying,  arming,  and  disciplining  the 
militia  proposed  by  the  committee  which  has  just  been 
mentioned  was  received  and  adopted. 

The  convention  having  adopted  a  plan  for  the  encour 
agement  of  arts  and  manufactures  in  the  Colony  of  Vir 
ginia  and  reappointed  their  former  deputies  to  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  with  the  substitution  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
for  Mr.  Peyton  Randolph,  in  case  of  the  nonattendance  of 
the  latter,  and  having  also  provided  for  a  re-election  of 
delegates  to  the  next  convention,  came  to  an  adjournment. 

How  entirely  Washington  concurred  in  the  views  of 
Patrick  Henry  on  this  momentous  occasion  is  clearly  ap- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  705 

parent  by  the  activity  with  which  he  at  once  entered  into 
the  spirit  of  the  resolutions  for  placing  the  militia  on  a 
respectable  footing  with  regard  to  discipline  and  efficiency. 
He  was  one  of  the  committee  for  drafting  and  reporting 
the  plan  for  putting  the  resolutions  in  execution.  Before 
the  convention  rose  he  wrote  as  follows  to  his  brother, 
John  Augustine  Washington: 

"  I  had  like  to  have  forgotten  to  express  my  entire  ap 
probation  of  the  laudable  pursuit  you  are  engaged  in,  of 
training  an  independent  company.  I  have  promised  to  re 
view  the  independent  company  of  Richmond  some  time  this 
summer,  they  having  made  me  a  tender  of  the  command 
of  it.  At  the  same  time  I  could  review  yours,  and  shall 
very  cheerfully  accept  the  honor  of  commanding  it,  if  oc 
casion  require  it  to  be  drawn  out,  as  it  is  my  full  intention 
to  devote  my  life  and  fortune  in  the  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  if 
needful."  • 

This  last  expression  of  Washington  shows  that,  after 
considering  the  whole  subject  with  his  usual  calm  delibera 
tion,  he  had  come  to  the  same  conclusion  with  Henry,  that 
the  war  was  inevitable,  and  that  he  had  adopted  the  firm 
determination  to  devote  himself  with  all  his  energies  to 
its  prosecution  whenever  the  time  for  action  should  arrive. 

On  his  return  to  Mount  Vernon,  after  the  adjournment 
of  the  convention,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  military 
preparations  which  had  been  enjoined  on  the  people  by 
that  body.  The  system  of  independent  militia  companies 
was  no  novelty  in  Virginia.  The  people  of  that  Colony 
had  long  been  accustomed  to  associate  in  such  companies 
for  the  purpose  of  military  discipline.  They  chose  their 
own  officers,  provided  themselves  with  uniforms,  arms, 
and  colors,  and  were  governed  by  the  militia  laws.  Dun- 
more,  at  that  time  Governor  of  Virginia,  had  encouraged 
this  system,  having  occasion  for  the  service  of  the  inde- 
45 


706  WASHINGTON. 

pendent  companies  in  an  Indian  war  which  had  broken 
out  on  the  western  border. 

Washington,  confessedly  the  most  distinguished  mili 
tary  officer  in  the  Colony,  forthwith  interested  himself  in 
the  work  of  disciplining  the  militia,  attending  reviews, 
giving  advice  and  direction,  and  infusing  his  own  spirit  of 
activity  and  order  into  their  proceedings.  Indeed,  he  was 
generally  regarded  as  the  person  destined  to  lead  the  forces 
of  that  Colony,  in  case  of  hostilities,  as  he  had  done  in  the 
last  war.  But  he  was  reserved  for  a  higher  destiny. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

PARTISAN    WARFARE. 

1775- 

IT  must  be  confessed  that  at  the  period  at  which  we 
have  now  arrived,  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  Colonies 
was  anything  but  cheering.  A  few  Colonies,  scat 
tered  along  the  whole  Atlantic  coast,  had  provoked  the 
resentment  of  one  of  the  most  powerful  nations  in  the 
world;  and  they  were  now  about  to  experience  the  full 
effects  of  that  resentment. 

But,  unpromising  as  their  prospects  were,  the  people 
determined  not  to  be  wanting  to  themselves,  and  took 
their  measures  with  promptitude  and  vigor.  Intelligence 
of  the  events  of  the  iQth  of  April  spread  rapidly  over  the 
country;  and  the  militia,  from  every  quarter,  hastened 
toward  Boston.  On  the  2Oth,  the  Provincial  Congress 
chose  Gen.  Artemas  Ward  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
forces  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  soon  afterward  named 
John  Thomas  Lieutenant-General.  Both  of  those  officers 
had  seen  some  service  during  the  preceding  war. 

The  Provincial  Congress,  having  adjourned  from  Con 
cord  to  Watertown,  resolved  that  an  army  of  30,000  men 
be  immediately  raised,  and  wrote  to  the  Colonies  of  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut,  informing 
them  of  the  events  of  the  iQth,  and  earnestly  requesting 
them  to  send  forward  as  many  troops  as  they  could  spare, 
with  provisions,  arms,  and  military  stores.  Gen.  Israel 
Putnam,  then  sixty  years  of  age,  left  his  plough  in  the 

(707) 


708  WASHINGTON. 

field,  and,  with  the  Connecticut  militia,  hastened  to  join 
his  countrymen  in  arms;  and  Capt.  Benedict  Arnold,  of 
New  Haven,  afterward  of  so  much  notoriety,  was  soon 
in  camp  with  his  company.  The  provincial  headquarters 
were  at  Cambridge. 

A  large  body  of  men  was  soon  collected  before  Boston, 
but  they  were  in  great  want  of  everything  necessary  for 
the  equipment  of  an  army.  They  had  muskets,  many  of 
them  old  and  rusty,  but  were  ill-provided  with  bayonets. 
They  had  a  few  pieces  of  artillery  and  a  few  mortars,  with 
some  balls  and  shells,  but  had  only  forty-one  barrels  of 
gunpowder  in  the  public  store. 

The  battle  of  Lexington  operated  like  an  electrical  shock 
throughout  the  provinces.  On  hearing  of  that  event,  even 
in  New  York,  where  the  friends  of  the  ministry  were  more 
numerous  than  in  any  other  place,  the  people  laid  aside 
their  indecision  and  espoused  the  cause  of  their  country 
men.  They  shut  up  the  custom  house  and  stopped  all  ves 
sels  preparing  to  sail  to  Quebec,  Newfoundland,  Georgia,* 
or  Boston.  They  also  addressed  a  letter  to  the  lord  mayor, 
aldermen,  and  common  council  of  the  city  of  London,  in 
which  they  declared  that  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war  would 
not  compel  the  Americans  to  submit  to  taxation  by  au 
thority  of  the  British  Parliament;  and  expressed  a  confi 
dent  hope  that  the  citizens  of  London  would  exert  them 
selves  to  restore  union  and  peace  to  the  empire. 

The  colonists  of  New  Jersey  took  possession  of  the 
treasury  of  the  province,  containing  about  £20,000,  to  em 
ploy  it  in  their  own  defense.  The  inhabitants  of  Philadel 
phia  followed  the  example  of  New  York,  and  prevented 
the  sailing  of  vessels  to  any  port  on  the  continent  that 
acknowledged  the  authority  or  was  subject  to  the  power 
of  Britain. 

*  Georgia  at  that  time  had  not  yet  joined  the  united  colonies 
t>y  sending  delegates  to  the  Continental  Congress. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  709 

In  the  space  of  six  days  intelligence  of  the  battle  of  Lex 
ington  reached  Baltimore  in  Maryland.  The  people  in 
stantly  seized  the  provincial  magazine,  containing  about 
1,500  stand  of  arms,  and  stopped  all  exports  to  the  fishing 
islands,  to  such  of  the  Colonies  as  had  declined  to  join  the 
confederacy,  and  to  the  British  army  and  navy  at  Boston. 

In  Virginia,  a  Provincial  Congress  had  met,  as  we  have 
seen,  in  the  month  of  March,  which  took  measures  for 
training  the  militia,  and  recommended  to  each  county  to 
raise  a  volunteer  company  for  the  better  defense  of  the 
country.  At  Williamsburg,  the  capital  of  the  Colony, 
there  was  a  small  provincial  magazine,  containing  upward 
of  1,000  pounds  of  gunpowder.  On  the  night  of  the  2oth 
of  April,  1775,  Lord  Dunmore,  the  Governor,  employed 
Henry  Collins,  the  captain  of  an  armed  vessel,  to  convey 
the  greater  part  of  that  powder  on  board  his  ship.  Hav 
ing  got  notice  of  the  transaction,  the  citizens  took  the 
alarm,  and  the  mayor  and  corporation  addressed  his  lord 
ship  on  the  subject.  He  answered  that  he  had  removed 
the  powder  to  a  place  of  security,  and  assured  them  that, 
if  it  should  be  needed  in  order  to  suppress  an  insurrection, 
he  would  restore  it  in  half  an  hour. 

On  this  occasion  Patrick  Henry  showed  himself  as 
prompt  to  act  as  he  was  earnest  in  exhorting  others  to 
action.  He,  as  well  as  Washington,  had  taken  part  in 
training  the  militia,  and  had  accepted  the  command  of  a 
company. 

When  news  of  Lord  Dunmore's  aggressive  proceeding 
reached  Hanover  county,  Henry,  at  the  head  of  more  than 
150  volunteers,  marched  toward  Williamsburg  to  demand 
restitution  of  the  powder,  and  to  protect  the  public  treasury 
against  a  similar  depredation.  When  within  about  fifteen 
miles  of  the  capital,  he  was  assured  that  the  receiver-gen 
eral  would  pay  for  the  powder,  and  that  the  citizens  would 


710  WASHINGTON. 

guard  the  public  treasury  and  magazine.  The  party  then 
dispersed. 

Lord  Dunmore,  greatly  alarmed  by  Henry's  march,  con 
verted  his  palace  into  a  garrison,  and  issued  a  proclama 
tion,  charging  the  people  with  the  design  of  altering  the 
established  Constitution.  This  was  a  new  cause  of  exas 
peration;  and  the  people,  in  their  county  meetings,  not 
only  approved  Mr.  Henry's  proceedings,  but  retorted  upon 
the  Governor,  attributing  all  the  disturbances  to  his  mis 
conduct,  and  declaring  that-  they  only  vindicated  their 
rights,  and  opposed  innovation.  While  the  public  mind 
was  in  this  feverish  state,  intelligence  of  the  battle  of  Lex 
ington  arrived  in  Virginia.  It  greatly  increased  the  appre 
hensions  and  irritations  of  the  people,  and  made  them  far 
more  active  in  arming  and  training  the  militia  and  volun 
teer  companies  than  they  had  formerly  been.  In  Virginia, 
as  well  as  in  the  other  Colonies,  many  were  much  alarmed; 
but  the  apprehensions  of  impending  danger  were  over 
powered  by  feelings  of  indignation. 

In  this  critical  posture  of  affairs,  Lord  Dunmore  con 
vened  the  House  of  Burgesses.*  His  intention  was  to  pro 
cure  their  approbation  of  Lord  North's  conciliatory  plan; 
and  in  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  he  employed 
all  his  address  to  gain  his  end.  But  instead  of  complying 
with  his  recommendations,  the  House  immediately  ap 
pointed  a  committee  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  the  late 
disturbances,  and  to  examine  the  state  of  the  public  maga 
zine.  For  the  defense  of  the  magazine,  Lord  Dunmore  had 
ordered  spring  guns  to  be  placed  in  it,  without  giving  any 
public  warning  of  the  measure.  Some  inconsiderate  young 
men,  unapprised  of  their  danger,  attempted  to  furnish 

*  Washington,  being  at  this  time  engaged  in  his  duties  at  the 
second  session  of  the  Continental  Congress  in  Philadelphia,  was 
not  present  at  this  meeting  of  the  House  of  Burgesses. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  711 

themselves  with  arms  out  of  it;  and  one  of  them  was 
wounded.  This  circumstance  occasioned  a  violent  ferment. 
A  multitude  of  people  assembled,  broke  into  the  magazine, 
and  took  out  many  of  the  arms;  but  some  members  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses,  having  repaired  to  the  spot,  by  their 
remonstrances  prevailed  on  the  people  to  restore  them. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  1775,  a  report  was  spread  about 
Williamsburg,  that  Captain  Collins,  of  His  Majesty's  ship 
Magdalen,  was  coming  up  the  river  with  about  100  men 
in  several  boats,  to  take  possession  of  the  town.  A 
number  of  armed  persons  instantly  assembled  to  defend 
the  place  and  its  inhabitants;  but  on  learning  that  there 
was  no  occasion  for  their  services,  they  quietly  dispersed. 
The  circumstance  however  made  such  a  deep  impression 
on  the  Governor's  mind,  that,  with  his  lady  and  family, 
he  quitted  Williamsburg  and  proceeded  to  Yorktown,  and 
went  on  board  the  Fowey  man-of-war. 

A  correspondence,  in  some  instances  not  a  little  acri 
monious,  now  took  place  between  his  Lordship  and  the 
Council  and  Burgesses.  He  accused:  they  recriminated. 
They  rejected  Lord  North's  conciliatory  plan;  but  passed 
the  necessary  bills,  and  entreated  the  Governor's  attend 
ance  to  give  his  assent  to  them,  and  to  close  the  session. 
His  lordship  declined  meeting  them  in  the  capital,  and 
they  did  not  choose  to  wait  upon  him  on  board  a  man-of- 
war.  The  correspondence  terminated  about  the  middle  of 
July,  when  the  Burgesses  were  obliged  to  separate,  in  order 
to  attend  to  their  private  affairs ;  but  they  appointed  a  con 
vention  of  delegates  to  meet  and  supply  their  place. 

We  must  now  advance  a  little  beyond  the  general  marcl; 
of  events,  in  order  to  make  a  final  disposition  of  the  admin 
istration  of  Lord  Dunmore  in  Virginia. 

In  August,  1775,  the  convention  met,  and  showed  itself 
animated  by  the  common  spirit  of  the  country.  About  the 


712  WASHINGTON. 

middle  of  the  month,  a  petition  from  a  number  of  mer 
chants  and  others,  chiefly  natives  of  Scotland,  praying  that 
they  might  not  be  obliged  to  bear  arms  against  their 
countrymen,  and  promising  a  strict  neutrality  in  case  the 
province  should  be  invaded  by  British  troops,  was  pre 
sented  to  the  convention.  That  assembly  recommended 
to  the  committees,  and  to  the  Colony  in  general,  to  treat 
with  lenity  and  kindness  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  country 
who  did  not  show  themselves  enemies  of  the  American 
cause,  and  to  cherish  union  and  harmony  among  all  ranks 
of  people.  But  many  of  those  petitioners  having,  contrary 
to  their  plighted  faith,  manifested  a  decided  preference  to 
the  royal  cause,  the  recommendation  in  their  favor  was 
soon  revoked.  Before  dissolving  itself,  the  convention  is 
sued  a  declaration  setting  forth  the  reasons  of  its  meeting, 
and  showing  the  necessity  of  immediately  putting  the 
country  in  a  posture  of  defense. 

Having  been  joined  by  a  number  of  loyal  colonists  and 
fugitive  slaves,  Lord  Dunmore  very  imprudently  began  a 
system  of  predatory  warfare.  By  mutual  insults  and  in 
juries,  the  minds  of  both  parties  became  much  exasperated. 
At  length  the  Governor  attempted  to  burn  the  town  of 
Hampton;  but  on  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  October, 
1775,  just  as  he  began  a  furious  cannonade  upon  it,  a 
body  of  riflemen  from  Williamsburg,  who  had  marched  all 
night,  entered  the  place,  and  being  joined  by  some  of  their 
countrymen,  took  such  an  advantageous  position,  that  with 
their  smallarms,  they  compelled  his  lordship  to  retreat, 
with  the  loss  of  some  of  his  men  and  one  of  his  vessels. 

Infuriated  by  this  repulse,  Lord  Dunmore  had  recourse 
to  a  measure  more  expressive  of  his  exasperated  feelings 
than  of  loyal  zeal  or  patriotic  wisdom.  He  issued  a  proc 
lamation  declaring  the  province  under  martial  law;  requir 
ing  all  persons  capable  of  bearing  arms  to  repair  to  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  713 

royal  standard,  under  the  penalty  of  being  considered 
traitors  if  they  disobeyed,  and  promising  freedom  to  all 
indented  servants,  negroes,  and  others  belonging  to  rebels, 
on  their  joining  His  Majesty's  troops. 

In  consequence  of  this  proclamation,  his  lordship  soon 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  some  hundreds  of  fugitive 
negroes  and  others  at  Norfolk;  but  the  proclamation  highly 
incensed  the  great  body  of  the  Virginians,  and  alienated 
the  minds  of  many  who  had  hitherto  been  friendly  to  the 
British  claims.  Being  informed  that  a  number  of  armed 
colonists  was  rapidly  advancing  against  him,  Lord  Dun- 
more  took  possession  of  the  great  bridge  near  Norfolk;  a 
post  of  much  importance  for  protecting  his  friends,  and 
frustrating  the  designs  of  his  enemies.  On  arriving  near 
the  bridge,  the  Virginians,  commanded  by  Colonel  Wood- 
ford,  instead  of  attempting  to  force  a  passage,  fortified 
themselves  at  a  short  distance  on  the  other  side  of  Eliza 
beth  River;  and  in  this  position  the  two  parties  faced  each 
other  for  several  days. 

The  impatient  impetuosity  of  Lord  Dunmore's  temper 
could  ill  brook  to  be  thus  braved  by  the  colonists,  whom! 
he  despised;  and  he  determined  to  dislodge  them.  Accord 
ingly,  early  in  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  December,  1775, 
Captain  Fordyce  of  the  Fourteenth  Regiment,  at  the  head 
of  a  royalist  detachment,  left  Norfolk,  and  reached  the 
bridge  before  daybreak.  He  silently  replaced  the  planks 
of  the  bridge  which  had  been  removed.  The  road  between 
the  bridge  and  the  American  breastwork,  which  was  on  the 
south  of  the  river,  was  a  narrow  causeway,  through 
swampy  ground;  and  on  the  right,  within  musket-shot  of 
the  causeway,  was  a  thicket,  where  the  Americans  had 
posted  a  small  party.  At  daybreak  Captain  Fordyce,  at 
the  head  of  his  detachment,  with  fixed  bayonets,  passed 
the  bridge  and  proceeded  rapidly  toward  the  enemy.  But 


714  WASHINGTON. 

the  Americans  were  not  unprepared;  they  however  allowed 
the  troops  to  advance  a  good  way  without  molestation,  and 
when  near  the  works,  poured  upon  them  a  destructive 
discharge  of  musketry,  both  from  the  intrenchment  and 
thicket  at  the  same  time.  Undismayed  by  this  warm  re 
ception,  Captain  Fordyce  steadily  advanced;  but  on  the 
second  fire  he  fell  dead  within  a  few  yards  of  the  Ameri 
can  works.  His  party  instantly  retreated,  sixty-two  of 
their  number  being  killed  or  wounded,  while  the  Americans 
had  only  one  man  slightly  hurt. 

Next  night  Lord  Dunmore  quitted  his  post  and  with 
his  adherents  sought  refuge  on  board  the  shipping  in  the 
river.  The  Americans  took  possession  of  the  town  and 
refused  to  supply  the  ships  with  provisions.  Exasperated 
by  this  refusal,  early  in  the  morning  of  the  ist  of  January, 
1776,  Lord  Dunmore  began  a  furious  cannonade  on  the 
town,  and  sent  parties  of  sailors  and  marines  ashore,  who 
set  fire  to  the  houses  nearest  the  water.  The  flames  spread 
rapidly  among  the  wooden  buildings;  a  great  part  of  the 
town  was  consumed;  and  the  Americans  themselves  after 
ward  destroyed  the  rest  of  it,  that  it  might  afford  no  shelter 
to  the  royal  troops.  Thus  perished  Norfolk,  the  most 
flourishing  commercial  town  of  Virginia. 

While  these  operations  were  going  on,  Lord  Dunmore 
entertained  hopes  of  subduing  the  Colony  by  the  agency 
of  an  adventurer  named  John  Connelly,  a  native  of  Penn 
sylvania.  This  man,  having  concerted  measures  with  his 
lordship,  and  having  received  encouragement  from  Gen 
eral  Gage  also,  communicated  with  such  militia  officers  as 
he  thought  most  likely  to  enter  into  his  views,  promising 
them,  in  the  name  of  his  lordship,  ample  rewards.  He  en 
gaged  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio  to  act  in  concert  with  him ; 
and  he  was  to  be  assisted  by  the  garrisons  of  Fort  Detroit, 
and  Fort  Gage  in  the  Illinois.  Having  collected  a  force 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  715 

on  the  western  frontier,  he  was  to  penetrate  through  Vir 
ginia,  and  meet  his  lordship  at  Alexandria,  on  the  Potomac, 
in  April,  1776.  But  about  ten  days  after  taking  leave  of 
Lord  Dunmore,  Connelly  was  apprehended;  his  papers 
were  seized;  the  plot  was  fully  discovered,  and  entirely 
frustrated.  Lord  Dunmore,  finding  all  his  efforts  ineffect 
ual,  and  being  unable  to  remain  any  longer  on  the  coast, 
sailed  with  the  force  under  his  command  to  join  General 
Howe. 

We  now  return  to  the  seat  of  active  operations  in  the 
Northern  Colonies.  The  battle  of  Lexington  had  given  a 
powerful  impulse  to  the  persecution  of  hostilities  against 
the  British  forces  wherever  they  might  be  found,  and  the 
forts,  magazines,  and  arsenals  were  speedily  seized  upon 
by  the  people  in  all  directions.  One  of  the  most  important 
of  these  enterprises,  undertaken  by  volunteers,  was  that 
by  which  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point 
was  effected.  The  idea  of  seizing  upon  these  fortresses, 
which  were  full  of  munitions  of  war,  and  very  feebly  gar 
risoned,  had  been  conceived  by  two  remarkable  men  at 
about  the  same  time.  These  were  Col.  Ethan  Allen  and 
Benedict  Arnold.  The  former  was  a  native  of  Connecticut, 
brought  up  in  the  region  then  called  the  New  Hampshire 
Grants  (the  future  State  of  Vermont),  where  he  was  a 
leading  man  among  the  "  Green  Mountain  Boys."  The 
latter  had  already  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  colonel 
DV  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts. 

On  the  2d  of  May,  1775,  a  party  of  volunteers,  270 
strong,  assembled  at  Castleton,  near  Lake  Champlain,  and 
chose  Ethan  Allen  for  their  leader,  with  James  Easton  and 
Seth  Warner  as  second  and  third  in  command.  After 
taking  measures  to  secure  the  boats  on  the  lake,  they  were 
joined  by  Arnold,  who  as  he  had  a  colonel's  commission 
from  Massachusetts,  claimed  the  command;  but  the  Ver- 


716  WASHINGTON. 

monters  refused  flatly,  and  he  was  forced  to  serve  as  volun 
teer  or  not  at  all. 

The  party  arrived  at  Shoreham,  opposite  Ticonderoga, 
on  the  night  of  the  9th  of  May.  Never  dreaming  of  such 
a  thing  as  an  attack,  the  vigilance  of  the  garrison  was  quite 
relaxed.  Having  obtained  a  boy  named  Nathan  Beman  as 
a  guide,  Allen  and  Arnold  crossed  over  during  the  night 
with  only  eighty-three  of  their  men,  the  rest  being  unable 
to  follow  them  for  want  of  a  supply  of  boats. 

Landed  under  the  walls  of  the  fort,  they  found  their 
position  extremely  critical;  the  dawn  was  beginning  to 
break,  and  unless  they  could  succeed  in  instantly  surprising 
the  garrison,  they  ran  themselves  the  most  imminent  risk 
of  capture. 

Ethan  Allen  did  not  hesitate  a  moment,  but  drawing  up 
his  men,  briefly  explained  to  them  the  position  of  affairs, 
and  then  with  Arnold  by  his  side,  hurried  up  immediately 
to  the  sally  port.  The  sentinel  snapped  his  fusee  at  them, 
and  rushing  into  the  fort,  the  Americans  followed  close 
at  his  heels,  and  entering  the  open  parade,  awoke  the 
sleeping  garrison  with  three  hearty  cheers.  The  English 
soldiers  started  from  their  beds,  and  rushing  below,  were 
immediately  taken  prisoners.  Meanwhile  Allen  attended 
by  his  guide,  hurried  up  to  the  chamber  of  the  command 
ant,  Captain  Delaplace,  who  was  in  bed,  and  knocking  at 
his  door  with  the  hilt  of  his  huge  sword,  ordered  him  in 
a  stentorian  voice  to  make  his  instant  appearance,  or  the 
entire  garrison  should  immediately  be  put  to  death.  The 
commandant  appeared  at  his  door  half  dressed,  "the 
frightened  face  of  his  pretty  wife  peering  over  his  shoulder." 
Gazing  in  bewildered  astonishment  at  Allen,  he  exclaimed: 
"  By  whose  authority  do  you  act?  "  "  In  the  name  of  the 
Great  Jehovah,  and  the  Continental  Congress!"  replied 
Allen.  There  was  no  alternative,  and  Delaplace  surren- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  717 

dered.  Two  days  afterward  Crown  Point  was  surprised 
and  taken.  More  than  two  hundred  pieces  of  artillery,  and 
a  large  and  valuable  supply  of  powder,  which  was  greatly 
needed,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  Ethan  Allen 
next  surprised  and  captured  Skenesborough,  now  White 
hall. 

Arnold  now  insisted  upon  taking  the  command  of  Fort 
Ticonderoga,  by  virtue  of  his  commission  from  Massachu 
setts.  But  he  was  again  resisted  by  the  "  Green  Mountain 
Boys;"  and  a  committee  of  the  Connecticut  Legislature 
gave  the  command  to  Allen,  till  the  determination  of  Con 
gress  on  the  subject  could  be  had;  while  Arnold  sent  a  pro 
test  to  the  Massachusetts  Legislature.  The  two  com 
manders  however  engaged  together  in  the  project  for 
capturing  St.  John's  on  the  Sorel  river,  the  frontier  post 
of  Canada.  This  they  had  nearly  accomplished  by  means 
of  an  armed  schooner  and  some  batteaux,  in  which 
they  crossed  the  lake;  but  the  arrival  of  strong  reinforce 
ments  from  Montreal  and  Chamblee  defeated  this  project. 
Nevertheless,  by  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown 
Point,  Allen  and  Arnold,  as  a  British  writer  admits,  "  had 
got  into  their  hands  the  keys  of  Canada." 


PART    IV. 

WASHINGTON  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 


CHAPTER  I. 
WASHINGTON  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

1775- 

IT  has  already  been  mentioned  that  Congress,  previous 
to  its  dissolution  on  the  26th  of  October,  1774,  recom 
mended  the  Colonies  to  choose  members  for  another 
to  meet  on  the  loth  of  May,  1775,  unless  the  redress  of 
their  grievances  should  previously  be  obtained.  A  circular 
letter  had  been  addressed  by  Lord  Dartmouth  to  the  sev 
eral  Colonial  Governors,  requesting  their  interference  to 
prevent  the  meeting  of  this  second  Congress;  but  minis 
terial  requisitions  had  lost  their  influence.  Delegates  were 
elected,  not  only  for  the  twelve  Colonies  that  were  before 
represented,  but  also  for  the  parish  of  St.  John's,  in  Geor 
gia,  and  in  July  following,  for  the  whole  province. 

The  time  of  the  meeting  of  this  second  Congress  was 
fixed  at  so  distant  a  day  that  an  opportunity  might  be 
afforded  for  obtaining  information  of  the  plans  adopted 
"by  the  British  Parliament  in  the  winter  of  1774-75.  Had 
these  been  favorable,  the  delegates  would  either  not  have 
met,. or  dispersed  after  a  short  session;  but  as  the  resolu 
tion  was  then  fixed  to  compel  the  submission  of  the  Col- 

(7i8) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  719 

onies,  and  hostilities  had  already  commenced,  the  meeting 
of  Congress  on  the  loth  of  May,  which  was  at  first  eventual, 
became  fixed. 

On  their  meeting  (May  10,  1775),  they  chose  Peyton 
Randolph  for  their  president,  and  Charles  Thompson  for 
their  secretary.  On  the  next  day,  Hancock  laid  before 
them  a  variety  of  depositions,  proving  that  the  King's 
troops  were  the  aggressors  in  the  late  battle  at  Lexington, 
together  with  sundry  papers  relative  to  the  great  events 
which  had  lately  taken  place  in  Massachusetts;  whereupon 
Congress  resolved  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  to 
take  into  consideration  the  state  of  America.  They  pro 
ceeded  in  the  same  line  of  moderation  and  firmness  which 
marked  the  acts  of  their  predecessors  in  the  past  year. 

The  city  and  county  of  New  York  having  applied  to 
Congress  for  advice,  how  they  should  conduct  themselves 
with  regard  to  the  troops  expected  to  land  there,  they 
were  advised  "  to  act  on  the  defensive  so  long  as  might  be 
consistent  with  their  safety;  to  permit  the  troops  to  remain 
in  the  barracks  so  long  as  they  behaved  peaceably,  but 
not  to  suffer  fortifications  to  be  erected,  or  any  steps  to 
be  taken  for  cutting  off  the  communications  between  the 
town  and  country."  Congress  also  resolved:  "That  ex 
portation  to  all  parts  of  British  America,  which  had  not 
adopted  their  association,  should  immediately  cease; "  and 
that  "  no  provision  of  any  kind,  or  other  necessaries,  be 
furnished  to  the  British  fisheries  on  the  American  coasts." 
And  "  that  no  bill  of  exchange,  draft,  or  order,  of  any 
officer  in  the  British  army  or  navy,  their  agents  or  con 
tractors,  be  received  or  negotiated,  or  any  money  supplied 
them,  by  any  person  in  America;  that  no  provisions  or 
necessaries  of  any  kind  be  furnished  or  supplied,  to  or  for 
the  use  of  the  British  army  or  navy,  in  the  Colony  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay;  that  no  vessel  employed  in  transporting 


720  WASHINGTON. 

British  troops  to  America,  or  from  one  part  of  North 
America  to  another,  or  warlike  stores  or  provisions  for 
said  troops,  be  freighted  or  furnished  with  provisions  or 
any  necessaries." 

These  resolutions  may  be  considered  as  the  counterpart 
of  the  British  acts  for  restraining  the  commerce,  and  pro 
hibiting  the  fisheries  of  the  Colonies.  They  were  calculated 
to  bring  distress  on  the  British  islands  in  the  West  Indies, 
whose  chief  dependence  for  subsistence  was  on  the  im 
portation  of  provisions  from  the  American  continent. 

They  also  occasioned  new  difficulties  in  the  support  of 
the  British  army  and  fisheries.  The  colonists  were  so  much 
indebted  to  Great  Britain,  that  government  bills  for  the 
most  part  found  among  them  a  ready  market.  A  war  in 
the  Colonies  was  therefore  made  subservient  to  commerce, 
by  increasing  the  sources  of  remittance.  This  enabled  the 
mother  country,  in  a  great  degree,  to  supply  her  troops 
without  shipping  money  out  of  the  kingdom. 

From  the  operation  of  these  resolutions,  advantages  of 
this  nature  were  not  only  cut  off,  but  the  supply  of  the 
British  army  rendered  both  precarious  and  expensive.  In 
consequence  of  the  interdiction  of  the  American  fisheries, 
great  profits  were  expected  by  British  adventurers  in  that 
line.  Such  frequently  found  it  most  convenient  to  obtain 
supplies  in  America  for  carrying  on  their  fisheries;  but 
as  Great  Britain  had  deprived  the  colonists  of  all  benefits 
from  that  quarter,  they  now,  in  their  turn,  interdicted  all 
supplies  from  being  furnished  to  British  fishermen.  To 
obviate  this  unexpected  embarrassment,  several  of  the  ves 
sels  employed  in  this  business  were  obliged  to  return  home, 
to  bring  out  provisions  for  their  associates.  These  restrict 
ive  resolutions  were  not  so  much  the  effect  of  resentment 
as  of  policy.  The  colonists  conceived  that  by  distressing 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  721 

the  British  commerce  they  would  increase  the  number  of 
those  who  would  interest  themselves  in  their  behalf. 

The  new  Congress  had  convened  but  a  few  days  when 
their  venerable  president,  Peyton  Randolph,  was  under  a 
necessity  of  returning  home,  to  occupy  his  place  as  speaker 
of  the  Virginia  Assembly.  On  his  departure,  John  Han 
cock  was  unanimously  chosen  his  successor.  The  objects 
of  deliberation  presented  to  this  new  Congress  were,  if 
possible,  more  important  than  those  of  the  preceding  year. 
The  colonists  had  now  experienced  the  inefficacy  of  those 
measures  from  which  relief  had  been  formerly  obtained. 
They  found  a  new  Parliament  disposed  to  run  all  risks 
in  enforcing  their  submission.  They  also  understood  that 
administration  was  united  against  them,  and  its  members 
firmly  established  in  their  places.  Hostilities  were  com 
menced.  Reinforcements  had  arrived,  and  more  were  daily 
expected.  Added  to  this,  they  had  information  that  their 
adversaries  had  taken  measures  to  secure  the  friendship 
and  co-operation  of  the  Indians,  and  also  of  the  Canadians. 

The  coercion  of  the  Colonies  being  resolved  upon,  and 
their  conquest  supposed  to  be  inevitable,  the  British  min 
istry  judged  that  it  would  be  for  the  interest  of  both  coun 
tries  to  proceed  in  that  vigorous  course,  which  bid  fairest 
for  the  speediest  attainment  of  their  object.  They  hoped 
by  pressing  the  colonists  on  all  quarters  to  intimidate 
opposition,  and  ultimately  to  lessen  the  effusion  of  human 
blood. 

In  this  awful  crisis,  Congress  had  but  a  choice  of  diffi 
culties.  The  New  England  States  had  already  organized 
an  army  and  blockaded  General  Gage.  To  desert  them 
would  have  been  contrary  to  plighted  faith  and  to  sound 
policy.  To  support  them  would  make  the  war  general, 
and  involve  all  the  provinces  in  one  general,  promiscuous 
state  of  hostility. 
46 


722  WASHINGTON. 

The  resolution  of  the  people  in  favor  of  the  latter  was 
fixed,  and  only  wanted  public  sanction  for  its  operation. 
Congress  therefore  resolved,  "  that  for  the  express  purpose 
of  defending  and  securing  the  Colonies,  and  preserving 
them  in  safety,  against  all  attempts  to  carry  the  late  acts 
of  Parliament  into  execution,  by  force  of  arms,  they  be 
immediately  put  in  a  state  of  defense;  but  as  they  wished 
for  a  restoration  of  the  harmony  formerly  subsisting  be 
tween  the  mother  country  and  the  Colonies,  to  the  promo 
tion  of  this  most  desirable  reconciliation,  an  humble  and 
dutiful  petition  be  presented  to  His  Majesty."  To  resist  and 
to  petition  were  coeval  resolutions.  As  freemen  they  could 
not  tamely  submit;  but  as  loyal  subjects,  wishing  for  peace 
as  far  as  was  compatible  with  their  rights,  they  once  more, 
in  the  character  of  petitioners,  humbly  stated  their  griev 
ances  to  the  common  sovereign  of  the  empire. 

To  dissuade  the  Canadians  from  co-operating  with  the 
British,  they  again  addressed  them,  representing  the  per 
nicious  tendency  of  the  Quebec  act,  and  apologizing  for 
their  taking  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  as  measures 
which  were  dictated  by  the  great  law  of  self-preservation. 
About  the  same  time,  Congress  took  measures  for  ward 
ing  off  the  danger  that  threatened  their  frontier  inhabitants 
from  Indians.  Commissioners  to  treat  with  them  were 
appointed,  and  a  supply  of  goods  for  their  use  was  ordered. 
A  talk,  was  also  prepared  by  Congress,  and  transmitted 
to  them,  in  which  the  controversy  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  Colonies  was  explained,  in  a  familiar  Indian  style. 
They  were  told  that  they  had  no  concern  in  the  family 
quarrel,  and  were  urged  by  the  ties  of  ancient  friendship 
and  a  common  birthplace,  to  remain  at  home,  keep  their 
hatchet  buried  deep,  and  to  join  neither  side. 

The  novel  situation  of  Massachusetts  made  it  necessary 
for  the  ruling  powers  of  that  province  to  ask  the  advice  of 
Congress  on  a  very  interesting  subject:  "The  taking  up 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  723 

and  exercising  the  powers  of  civil  government."  For  many 
months  they  had  been  kept  together  in  tolerable  peace 
and  order  by  the  force  of  ancient  habits,  under  the  simple 
style  of  recommendation  and  advice  from  popular  bodies, 
invested  with  no  legislative  authority.  But  as  war  now 
raged  in  their  borders,  and  a  numerous  army  was  actually 
raised,  some  more  efficient  form  of  government  became 
necessary.  At  this  early  day  it  neither  comported  with 
the  wishes  nor  the  designs  of  the  colonists  to  erect  forms 
of  government  independent  of  Great  Britain.  Congress 
therefore  recommended  only  such  regulations  as  were  im 
mediately  necessary,  and  these  were  conformed  as  near  as 
possible  to  the  spirit  and  substance  of  the  charter,  and 
were  only  to  last  till  a  Governor  of  His  Majesty's  appoint 
ment  would  consent  to  govern  the  Colony  according  to  its 
charter. 

On  the  same  principles  of  necessity,  another  assump 
tion  of  new  powers  became  unavoidable.  The  great  inter 
course  that  daily  took  place  throughout  the  Colonies 
pointed  out  the  propriety  of  establishing  a  general  post- 
office.  This  was  accordingly  done,  and  Dr.  Franklin,  who 
had  by  royal  authority  been  dismissed  from  a  similar  em 
ployment  about  three  years  before,  was  appointed  by  his 
country  the  head  of  the  new  department. 

While  Congress  was  making  arrangements  for  their  pro 
posed  continental  army,  it  was  thought  expedient  once 
more  to  address  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain,  and  to 
publish  to  the  world  a  declaration  setting  forth  their  rea 
sons  for  taking  up  arms;  to  address  the  speaker  and  gen 
tlemen  of  the  Assembly  of  Jamaica,  and  the  inhabitants  of 
Ireland,  and  also  to  prefer  a  second  humble  petition  to 
the  King.  In  their  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Great 
Britain,  they  again  vindicated  themselves  from  the  charge 
of  aiming  at  independence,  professed  their  willingness  to 


7M  WASHINGTON. 

submit  to  the  several  acts  of  trade  and  navigation  which 
were  passed  before  the  year  1763,  recapitulated  their 
reasons  for  rejecting  Lord  North's  conciliatory  motion, 
stated  the  hardships  they  suffered  from  the  operations  of 
the  royal  army  in  Boston,  and  insinuated  the  danger  the 
inhabitants  of  Britain  would  be  in  of  losing  their  freedom, 
in  case  their  American  brethren  were  subdued. 

In  their  declaration  setting  forth  the  causes  and  necessity 
of  their  taking  up  arms,  they  enumerated  the  injuries  they 
had  received,  and  the  methods  taken  by  the  British  min 
istry  to  compel  their  submission,  and  then  said:  "  We  are 
reduced  to  the  alternative  of  choosing  an  unconditional 
submission  to  the  tyranny  of  irritated  ministers,  or  resist 
ance  by  force.  The  latter  is  our  choice.  We  have  counted 
the  cost  of  this  contest,  and  find  nothing  so  dreadful  as 
voluntary  slavery."  They  asserted  "  that  foreign  assistance 
was  undoubtedly  attainable."  This  was  not  founded  on 
any  private  information,  but  was  an  opinion  derived  from 
their  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  policy  by  which  States 
usually  regulate  their  conduct  toward  each  other. 

In  their  address  to  the  speaker  and  gentlemen  of  the 
Assembly  of  Jamaica,  they  dilated  on  the  arbitrary  systems 
of  the  British  ministry,  and  informed  them  that  in  order  to 
obtain  a  redress  of  their  grievances,  they  had  appealed  to 
the  justice,  humanity,  and  interest  of  Great  Britain.  They 
stated  that  to  make  their  schemes  of  nonimportation  and 
nonexportation  produce  the  desired  effects,  they  were 
obliged  to  extend  them  to  the  islands.  "  From  that  neces 
sity,  and  from  that  alone,"  they  said,  "  our  conduct  has 
proceeded."  They  concluded  with  saying,  "  The  peculiar 
situation  of  your  island  forbids  your  assistance,  but  we 
have  your  good  wishes ;  from  the  good  wishes  of  the  friends 
of  liberty  and  mankind  we  shall  always  derive  consolation." 

In  their  address  to  the  people  of  Ireland  they  recapitu- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  725 

lated  their  grievances,  stated  their  humble  petitions,  and 
the  neglect  with  which  they  had  been  treated.  "  In  defense 
of  our  persons  and  properties  under  actual  violations," 
said  they,  "  we  have  taken  up  arms.  When  that  violence 
shall  be  removed,  and  hostilities  cease  on  the  part  of  the 
aggressors,  they  shall  cease  on  our  part  also." 

These  several  addresses  were  executed  in  a  masterly 
manner,  and  were  well  calculated  to  make  friends  to  the 
Colonies.  But  their  petition  to  the  King,  which  was  drawn 
up  at  the  same  time,  produced  more  solid  advantages  in 
favor  of  the  American  cause  than  any  other  of  their  pro 
ductions.  This  was,  in  a  great  measure,  carried  through 
Congress  by  John  Dickinson.  Several  members,  judging 
from  the  violence  with  which  Parliament  proceeded  against 
the  Colonies,  were  of  opinion  that  further  petitions  were 
nugatory;  but  this  worthy  citizen,  a  friend  to  both  coun 
tries,  and  devoted  to  a  reconciliation  on  constitutional 
principles,  urged  the  expediency  and  policy  of  trying  once 
more  the  effect  of  an  humble,  decent,  and  firm  petition,  to 
the  common  head  of  the  empire.  .The  high  opinion  that 
was  conceived  of  his  patriotism  and  abilities  induced  the 
members  to  assent  to  this  measure,  though  they  generally 
conceived  it  to  be  labor  lost. 

The  petition  agreed  upon  was  the  work  of  Dickinson's 
pen.  In  this,  among  other  things,  it  was  stated,  "  that 
notwithstanding  their  sufferings,  they  had  retained  too 
high  a  regard  for  the  kingdom  from  which  they  derived 
their  origin,  to  request  such  a  reconciliation  as  might  in 
any  manner  be  inconsistent  with  her  dignity  and  welfare. 
Attached  to  His  Majesty's  person,  family,  and  government, 
with  all  the  devotion  that  principle  and  affection  can  in 
spire;  connected  with  Great  Britain  by  the  strongest  ties 
that  can  unite  society,  and  deploring  every  event  that 
tended  in  any  degree  to  weaken  them,  they  not  only  most 


726  WASHINGTON. 

fervently  desired  the  former  harmony  between  her  and  the 
Colonies  to  be  restored,  but  that  a  concord  might  be  estab 
lished  between  them  upon  so  firm  a  basis  as  to  perpetuate 
its  blessings,  uninterrupted  by  any  future  dissensions,  to 
succeeding  generations,  in  both  countries. 

"  They  therefore  besought  that  His  Majesty  would  be 
pleased  to  direct  some  mode  by  which  the  united  applica 
tions  of  his  faithful  colonists  to  the  throne,  in  pursuance  of 
their  common  councils,  might  be  improved  into  a  happy 
and  permanent  reconciliation."  By  this  last  clause  Con 
gress  meant  that  the  mother  country  should  propose  a 
plan  for  establishing  by  compact  something  like  Magna 
Charta  for  the  Colonies.  They  did  not  aim  at  a  total  ex 
emption  from  the  control  of  Parliament,  nor  were  they 
unwilling  to  contribute,  in  their  own  way,  to  the  expenses 
of  government;  but  they  feared  the  horrors  of  war  less  than 
submission  to  unlimited  parliamentary  supremacy.  They 
wished  for  an  amicable  compact,  in  which  doubtful,  unde 
fined  points  should  be  ascertained  so  as  to  secure  that 
proportion  of  authority  and  liberty  which  would  be  for 
the  general  good  of  the  whole  empire.  They  fancied  them 
selves  in  the  condition  of  the  barons  at  Runnymede;  but 
with  this  difference,  that  in  addition  to  opposing  the  King 
they  had  also  to  oppose  the  Parliament.  This  difference 
was  more  nominal  than  real,  for  in  the  latter  case  the  King 
and  Parliament  stood  precisely  in  the  same  relation  to 
the  people  of  America  which  subsisted  in  the  former  be 
tween  the  King  and  people  of  England.  In  both,  popular 
leaders  were  contending  with  the  sovereign  for  the  privi 
leges  of  subjects. 

This  well-meant  petition  was  presented  on  September  I, 
T775>  by  Mr.  Penn  and  Mr.  Lee,  and  on  the  4th,  Lord 
Dartmouth  informed  them,  "  that  to  it  no  answer  would 
be  given."  This  slight  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  union 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  727 

and  perseverance  of  the  colonists.  When  pressed  by  the 
calamities  of  war,  a  doubt  would  sometimes  arise  in  the 
minds  of  scrupulous  persons,  that  they  had  been  too  hasty 
in  their  opposition  to  their  protecting  parent  State.  To 
such  it  was  usual  to  present  the  second  petition  of  Con 
gress  to  the  King,  with  the  remark,  that  all  the  blood  and 
all  the  guilt  of  the  war  must  be  charged  on  British,  and  not 
on  American,  councils.  Meantime  the  colonists  were  ac 
cused  in  a  speech  from  the  throne,  on  October  26th,  as 
meaning  only  "  to  amuse  by  vague  expressions  of  attach 
ment  to  the  parent  State,  and  the  strongest  protestations 
of  loyalty  to  their  King,  while  they  were  preparing  for  a 
general  revolt,  and  that  their  rebellious  war  was  manifestly- 
carried  on  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  an  independent 
empire." 

Yet  at  that  time,  and  for  months  after,  a  redress  of 
grievances  was  their  ultimate  aim.  Conscious  of  this  in 
tention,  and  assenting  in  the  sincerity  of  their  souls  to  the 
submissive  language  of  their  petition,  they  illy  brooked  the 
contempt  with  which  their  joint  supplication  was  treated, 
and  still  worse,  that  they  should  be  charged  from  the 
throne  with  studied  duplicity. 

Nothing  contributes  more  to  the  success  of  revolutions 
than  moderation.  Intemperate  zealots  overshoot  them 
selves,  and  soon  spend  their  force,  while  the  calm  and  dis 
passionate  persevere  to  the  end.  The  bulk  of  the  people 
in  civil  commotions  are  influenced  to  a  choice  of  sides  by 
the  general  complexion  of  the  measures  adopted  by  the 
respective  parties.  When  these  appear  to  be  dictated  by 
justice  and  prudence,  and  to  be  uninfluenced  by  passion, 
ambition,  or  avarice,  they  are  disposed  to  favor  them. 
Such  was  the  effect  of  this  second  petition,  through  a  long 
and  trying  war,  in  which  men  of  serious  reflection  were 
often  called  upon  to  examine  the  rectitude  of  their  con 
duct. 


728  WASHINGTON. 

The  time  had  now  arrived  when  the  several  middle  and 
southern  provinces  were  required  definitively  to  resolve, 
and  unequivocally  to  declare,  whether  they  would  make 
common  cause  with  the  New  England  provinces  in  actual 
war,  or,  abandoning  them  and  the  object  for  which  they 
had  all  so  long  jointly  contended,  submit  to  the  absolute 
supremacy  of  the  British  Parliament.  The  Congress,  as 
we  have  just  seen,  did  not  hesitate  which  part  of  the  alterna 
tive  to  embrace,  but  had  already  (May  26,  1775),  unani 
mously  determined,  that  as  hostilities  had  actually  com 
menced,  and  large  reinforcements  of  the  British  army  were 
expected,  the  several  provinces  should  be  immediately  put 
in  a  state  of  defense. 

Accordingly,  the  necessary  committees  were  appointed 
to  prepare  reports  on  this  most  important  of  all  subjects. 
A  very  significant  token  that  the  real  character  and  abili 
ties  of  Washington  were  understood  and  appreciated  by 
Congress  is  afforded  in  the  fact  that  he  was  named  as 
chairman  of  all  these  committees.  One  of  them  was  to 
designate  the  posts  to  be  occupied  in  New  York;  another, 
to  recommend  methods  for  raising  ammunition  and  mili 
tary  stores;  a  third,  to  estimate  the  amount  of  money  neces 
sary  to  be  raised  for  purposes  of  defense;  and  a  fourth,  to 
prepare  rules  and  regulations  for  the  government  of  the 
army.* 

Congress  thus  very  properly  took  the  whole  system  of 
national  defense  into  its  own  hands;  and  thenceforward  the 
forces  under  its  direction  were  styled  the  Continental  Army, 
while  the  British  forces  under  General  Gage  were  called  the 
Ministerial  Army. 

The  next  subject  which  received  the  attention  of  Con 
gress  was  the  appointment  of  a  Commander-in-Chief  of 
the  American  armies.  This  was  a  matter  of  great  diffi 
culty  and  delicacy,  involving  not  only  personal  but  political 

*  Sparks. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  729 

considerations.  The  facts  that  war  was  actually  raging  in 
New  England,  that  a  large  army  was  embodied  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Boston,  and  that  General  Ward,  an  officer 
of  experience  and  ability,  was  in  command  of  it,  as  well  as 
the  leading  part  which  Massachusetts  had  taken  since  the 
opening  of  the  contest,  seemed  to  establish  the  propriety 
of  taking  a  Commander-in-Chief  from  that  part  of  the 
country;  and  that  General  Ward  should  be  the  man.  His 
name  was  accordingly  among  the  first  which  were  sug 
gested  and  canvassed  by  the  members  in  their  private  con 
sultations  on  the  subject.  In  fact,  to  supersede  him  in  the 
command  of  the  army  before  Boston,  where  the  Com 
mander-in-Chief  would  necessarily  commence  his  opera 
tions,  might  seem  uncourteous,  and  might  even  give  offense 
to  the  army,  and  to  the  eastern  Colonies. 

On  the  other  hand,  Washington,  from  the  circumstance 
of  his  having  taken  so  active  a  part  in  the  first  Congress, 
was  personally  well  known  to  most  of  the  members  of  the 
second,  and  his  superior  administrative  talents  could  not 
have  escaped  their  notice;  while  his  great  abilities  as  a 
military  commander,  his  courage,  coolness,  and  presence 
of  mind  in  great  emergencies,  were  known  to  all  the  world. 
He  was  known  also  to  be  man  of  large  fortune,  which 
would  all  be  staked  on  the  success  of  the  cause  of  liberty. 

To  these  personal  qualities  in  his  favor,  were  added  cer 
tain  political  considerations  of  no  ordinary  weight.  Vir 
ginia  was  a  large,  wealthy,  and  powerful  State;  she  had 
ever  been  foremost  in  sustaining  New  England  up  to  the 
present  stage  of  the  contest.  Her  generous  devotion  to 
the  cause  of  liberty  had  ever  been  conspicuous,  and  her 
commanding  influence  had  carried  the  whole  South  with 
her/  The  far-sighted  New  England  statesmen  saw  that  to 
place  her  favorite  at  the  head  of  the  armies  would  be  a 
master-stroke  of  policy;  binding  her  and  the  other  southern 
Colonies  most  firmly  to  the  cause. 


730  WASHINGTON. 

John  Adams,  in  his  diary,  informs  us  that  there  was  a 
southern  party  in  Congress  opposed  to  giving  the  com 
mand  to  any  New  England  officer. 

"  Whether  this  jealously  was  sincere,"  writes  he,  "  or 
whether  it  was  mere  pride,  and  a  haughty  ambition  of  fur 
nishing  a  southern  general  to  command  a  northern  army, 
I  cannot  say;  but  the  intention  was  very  visible  to  me,  that 
Colonel  Washington  was  their  object;  and  so  many  of  our 
stanchest  men  were  in  the  plan,  that  we  could  carry  noth 
ing  without  conceding  to- it.  There  was  another  embarrass 
ment  which  was  never  publicly  known,  and  which  was  care 
fully  concealed  by  those  who  knew  it;  the  Massachusetts 
and  other  New  England  delegates  were  divided.  Mr, 
Hancock  and  Mr.  Cushing  hung  back;  Mr.  Paine  did  not 
come  forward,  and  even  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  was  irresolute. 
Mr.  Hancock  himself  had  an  ambition  to  be  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief.  Whether  he  thought  an  election  a 
compliment  due  to  him,  and  intended  to  have  the  honor  of 
declining  it,  or  whether  he  would  have  accepted  it,  I  know 
not.  To  the  compliment,  he  had  some  pretensions;  for  at 
that  time  his  exertions,  sacrifices,  and  general  merits  in 
the  cause  of  his  country,  had  been  incomparably  greater 
than  those  of  Colonel  Washington.  But  the  delicacy  of 
his  health,  and  his  entire  want  of  experience  in  actual  ser 
vice,  though  an  excellent  militia  officer,  were  decisive  ob 
jections  to  him  in  my  mind." 

Adams,  after  ample  opportunities  of  consultation  with 
the  other  members  from  the  North,  in  which  he  demon 
strated  the  true  policy  of  choosing  Washington,  consider 
ing  the  matter  in  a  political  point  of  view,  and  no  doubt 
very  fully  convinced  of  the  superiority  of  the  Virginian 
officer's  personal  claims,  at  length  felt  sure  of  his  ground, 
and  ventured  to  allude  to  the  matter  in  open  debate.  Ac 
cordingly,  while  discussions  were  going  on  in  Congress 
respecting  military  preparations,  he  rose  in  his  place,  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  731 

moved  that  the  army  then  besieging  the  British  troops 
in  Boston  should  forthwith  be  adopted  by  Congress  as  a 
continental  army,  and  a  general  appointed.  The  time  for 
naming  the  pers/on,  he  said,  was  not  come. 

"  Yet,"  says  he,  "  as  I  had  reason  to  believe  this  was  a 
point  of  some  difficulty,  I  had  no  hesitation  to  declare, 
that  I  had  but  one  gentleman  in  my  mind  for  that  important 
command,  and  that  was  a  gentleman  from  Virgina,  who 
was  among  us,  and  very  well  known  to  all  of  us;  a  gen 
tleman  whose  skill  and  experience  as  an  officer,  whose 
independent  fortune,  great  talents,  and  excellent  universal 
character,  would  command  the  approbation  of  all  America, 
and  unite  the  cordial  exertions  of  all  the  Colonies  better 
than  any  other  person  in  the  Union.  Mr.  Washington, 
who  happened  to  sit  near  the  door,  as  soon  as  he  heard 
me  allude  to  him,  from  his  usual  modesty,  darted  into  the 
library  room.  Mr.  Hancock,  who  was  our  president,  which 
gave  me  an  opportunity  to  observe  his  countenance  while 
I  was  speaking  of  the  state  of  the  Colonies,  the  army  at 
Cambridge,  and  the  enemy,  heard  me  with  visible  pleasure; 
but  when  I  came  to  describe  Washington  for  the  com 
mander,  I  never  remarked  a  more  sudden  and  striking 
change  of  countenance.  Mortification  and  resentment 
were  expressed  as  forcibly  as  his  face  could  exhibit  them." 

When  the  subject  came  under  debate,  several  delegates 
opposed  the  appointment  of  Washington;  not  from  per 
sonal  objections,  but  because  the  army  were  all  from  New 
England,  and  had  a  general  of  their  own,  Gen.  Artemas 
Ward,  with  whom  they  appeared  well  satisfied,  and  under 
whose  command  they  had  proved  themselves  able  to  im 
prison  the  British  army  in  Boston  —  which  was  all  that  was 
to  be  expected  or  desired. 

On  a  subsequent  day,  Washington  was  nominated  by 
Mr.  Thomas  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  and  he  was  unani 
mously  chosen  by  ballot  (June  15,  1775).  Immediately 


732  WASHINGTON. 

after  the  result  was  declared,  the  House  adjourned.  As 
soon  as  the  session  was  opened  on  the  following  day,  the 
president  communicated  to  him  officially  the  notice  of 
his  appointment.  Washington  immediately  rose  in  his 
place,  and  made  the  following  reply: 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT. —  Though  I  am  truly  sensible  of  the 
high  honor  done  me  in  this  appointment,  yet  I  feel  great 
distress  from  a  consciousness  that  my  abilities  and  mili 
tary  experience  may  not  be  equal  to  the  extensive  and 
important  trust;  however,  as-  the  Congress  desire  it,  I 
will  enter  upon  the  momentous  duty,  and  exert  every  power 
I  possess  in  their  service  and  for  support  of  the  glorious 
cause.  I  beg  they  will  accept  my  most  cordial  thanks  for 
this  distinguished  testimony  of  their  approbation. 

"  But,  lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen  unfavor 
able  to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered  by 
every  gentleman  in  the  room,  that  I  this  day  declare  with 
the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself  equal  to  the 
command  I  am  honored  with. 

"As  to  pay,  sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress,  that 
as  no  pecuniary  consideration  could  have  tempted  me  to 
accept  this  arduous  employment,  at  the  expense  of  my 
domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish  to  make  any 
profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact  account  of  my  expenses. 
Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  discharge,  and  that  is  all  I 
desire." 

A  special  commission*  was  drawn  up  and  presented  to 

*  Washington's  Commission  from  the  Continental  Congress  of 
I775>  as  Commander-in-Chief. 

The  delegates  of  the  United  Colonies  of  New  Hampshire,  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  the  counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex  on 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina: 

To  George  Washington,  Esq.: 

We,  reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in  your  patriotism, 
valor,  conduct,  and  fidelity,  do  by  these  presents  constitute  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  733 

him,  and  at  the  same  time  a  unanimous  resolution  was 
adopted  by  Congress:  "That  they  would  maintain  and 
assist  him,  and  adhere  to  him  with  their  lives  and  fortunes, 
in  the  cause  of  American  liberty/'  Instructions  were  also 
given  him  for  his  government,  by  which,  after  reciting 
various  particulars,  he  was  directed  "to  destroy  or  make 
prisoners  of  all  persons  who  now  are,  or  who  hereafter 
shall  appear,  in  arms  against  the  good  people  of  the  Col 
onies;  "  but  the  whole  was  summed  up  in  authorizing  him 
"  to  order  and  dispose  of  the  army  under  his  command  as 
might  be  most  advantageous  for  obtaining  the  end  for 
which  it  had  been  raised,  making  it  his  special  care  in  the 
discharge  of  the  great  trust  committed  to  him  that  the 
liberties  of  America  received  no  detriment."  About  the 
same  time,  twelve  companies  of  riflemen  were  ordered  to 
be  raised  in  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.  The 

appoint  you  to  be  General  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army 
of  the  United  Colonies,  and  of  all  the  forces  now  raised,  or  to  be 
raised,  by  them,  and  of  all  others  who  shall  voluntarily  offer  their 
service,  and  join  the  said  army  for  the  defense  of  American  liberty, 
and  for  repelling  every  hostile  invasion  thereof;  and  you  are  hereby 
invested  with  full  power  and  authority  to  act  as  you  shall  think 
for  the  good  and  welfare  of  the  service. 

And  we  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  require  all  officers  and 
soldiers  under  your  command  to  be  obedient  to  your  orders  and 
diligent  in  the  exercise  of  their  several  duties. 

And  we  also  enjoin  and  require  you  to  be  careful  in  executing 
the  great  trust  reposed  in  you,  by  causing  strict  discipline  to  be 
observed  in  the  army,  and  that  the  soldiers  be  duly  exercised  and 
provided  with  all  convenient  necessaries. 

And  you  are  to  regulate  your  conduct  in  every  respect  by  the 
rules  and  discipline  of  war  (as  herewith  given  you),  and  punctually 
to  observe  and  follow  such  orders  and  directions  from  time  to  time 
as  .you  shall  receive  from  this  or  a  future  Congress  of  these  United 
Colonies,  or  by  committee  of  Congress. 

This  commission  to  continue  in  force  until  revoked  by  us,  or 
by  a  future  Congress. 


734  WASHINGTON. 

men  to  the  amount  of  1,430  were  procured  and  forwarded 
with  great  expedition.  They  had  to  march  from  400  to  700 
miles,  and  yet  the  whole  business  was  completed,  and  they 
joined  the  American  army  at  Cambridge,  in  less  than  two 
months  from  the  day  on  which  the  first  resolution  for 
raising  them  was  agreed  to. 

Coeval  with  the  resolution  for  raising  an  army,  on  June 
22,  1775,  was  another  for  emitting  a  sum  not  exceeding 
two  millions  of  Spanish  milled  dollars  in  bills  of  credit  for 
the  defense  of  America,  and^  the  Colonies  were  pledged 
for  the  redemption  of  them.  This  sum  was  increased  from 
time  to  time  by  further  emissions.  The  Colonies,  having 
neither  money  nor  revenues  at  their  command,  were  forced 
to  adopt  this  expedient,  the  only  one  which  was  in  their 
power  for  supporting  an  army.  No  one  delegate  opposed 
the  measure.  So  great  had  been  the  credit  of  the  former 
emissions  of  paper  in  the  greater  part  of  the  Colonies,  that 
very  few  at  that  time  foresaw  or  apprehended  the  conse 
quences  of  unfunded  paper  emissions;  but  had  all  the 
consequences  which  resulted  from  this  measure  in  the 
course  of  the  war  been  foreseen,  it  must,  notwithstanding, 
have  been  adopted,  for  it  was  a  less  evil  that  there  should 
be  a  general  wreck  of  property,  than  that  the  essential 
rights  and  liberties  of  a  growing  country  be  lost.  A  happy 
ignorance  of  future  events,  combined  with  the  ardor  of  the 
times,  prevented  many  reflections  on  this  subject,  and  gave 
credit  and  circulation  to  these  bills  of  credit. 

Soon  after  General  Washington  was  appointed  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  American  army,  four  major-gen 
erals,  one  adjutant-general,  with  the  rank  of  a  brigadier, 
and  eight  brigadier-generals  were  appointed  in  subordina 
tion  to  him,  which  were  as  follows : 

ist,  Maj.-Gen.   Artemas  Ward;  2d,   Charles   Lee;  3d, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  735 

Philip  Schuyler;  4th,  Israel  Putnam;  adjutant-general, 
Horatio  Gates. 

The  eight  brigadiers  were:  1st,  Seth  Pomeroy;  2d,  Rich 
ard  Montgomery;  3d,  David  Wooster;  4th,  William 
Heath;  5th,  Joseph  Spencer;  6th,  John  Thomas;  7th,  John 
Sullivan;  8th,  Nathaniel  Greene. 

We  forbear  at  this  time  to  comment  upon  these  appoint 
ments,  more  especially  as  every  name  in  the  list  will  here 
after  claim  the  reader's  attention  in  connection  with  illus 
trious  actions  performed  during  the  Revolutionary  War. 

Washington's  inmost  feelings  in  regard  to  the  import 
ant  and  arduous  duties  which  he  was  about  to  undertake 
as  Gommander-in-Chief  are  expressed  in  the  following 
letter  to  Mrs.  Washington: 

"  MY  DEAREST. —  I  am  now  set  down  to  write  to  you 
on  a  subject  which  fills  me  with  inexpressible  concern, 
and  this  concern  is  greatly  aggravated  and  increased  when 
I  reflect  upon  the  uneasiness  I  know  it  will  give  you.  It 
has  been  determined  in  Congress  that  the  whole  army 
raised  for  the  defense  of  the  American  cause  shall  be  put 
under  my  care,  and  that  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  proceed 
immediately  to  Boston  to  take  upon  me  the  command. 

"  You  may  believe  me,  my  dear  Patsy,  when  I  assure 
you  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  so  far  from  seeking 
this  appointment,  I  have  used  every  endeavor  in  my  power 
to  avoid  it,  not  only  from  my  unwillingness  to  part  with 
you  and  the  family,  but  from  a  consciousness  of  its  being  a 
trust  too  great  for  my  capacity, .and  that  I  should  enjoy 
more  real  happiness  in  one  month  with  you  at  home  than 
I  have  the  most  distant  prospect  of  finding  abroad,  if  my 
stay  were  to  be  seven  times  seven  years.  But  as  it  has 
been  a  kind  of  destiny  that  has  thrown  me  upon  this  ser 
vice,  I  shall  hope  that  my  undertaking  is  designed  to 
answer  some  good  purpose.  You  might,  and  I  suppose 


736  WASHINGTON. 

did,  perceive,  from  the  tenor  of  my  letters,  that  I  was  ap 
prehensive  I  could  not  avoid  this  appointment,  as  I  did 
not  pretend  to  intimate  when  I  should  return.  That  was 
the  case.  It  was  utterly  out  of  my  power  to  refuse  this 
appointment  without  exposing  my  character  to  such  cen 
sures  as  would  have  reflected  dishonor  upon  myself  and 
given  pain  to  my  friends.  This,  I  am  sure,  could  not  and 
ought  not  to  be  pleasing  to  you,  and  must  have  lessened 
me  considerably  in  my  own  esteem.  I  shall  rely  therefore 
confidently  on  that  Providence,  which  has  heretofore  pre 
served  and  been  bountiful  to  me,  not  doubting  but  that 
I  shall  return  safe  to  you  in  the  fall.  I  shall  feel  no  pain 
from  the  toil  or  the  danger  of  the  campaign  ;  my  unhappi- 
ness  will  flow  from  the  uneasiness  I  know  you  will  feel 
from  being  left  alone.  I  therefore  beg  that  you  will  sum 
mon  your  whole  fortitude  and  pass  your  time  as  agreeably 
as  possible.  Nothing  will  give  me  so  much  sincere  satis 
faction  as  to  hear  this,  and  to  hear  it  from  your  own  pen. 
My  earnest  and  ardent  desire  is  that  you  would  pursue 
any  plan  that  is  most  likely  to  produce  content  and  a 
tolerable  degree  of  tranquillity;  as  it  must  add  greatly  to 
my  uneasy  feelings  to  hear  that  you  are  dissatisfied  or 
complaining  at  what  I  really  could  not  avoid." 

[To  John  Parke  Custis,  his  stepson,  who  had  married 
Miss  Nelly  Calvert,  Washington  said  in  a  letter  of  June 


"  My  great  concern  upon  this  occasion  is  the  thought  of 
leaving  your  mother  under  the  uneasiness  which  this  af 
fair  will  throw  her  into.  I  therefore  hope,  expect,  and  in 
deed  have  no  doubt,  of  your  using  every  means  in  your 
power  to  keep  up  her  spirits,  by  doing  everything  in  your 
power  to  promote  her  quiet.  I  have,  I  must  confess,  very 
uneasy  feelings  on  her  account,  but  as  it  has  been  a  kind  of 
unavoidable  necessity  which  has  led  me  into  this  appoint- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  737 

ment,  I  shall  more  readily  hope  that  success  will  attend 
it  and  crown  our  meetings  with  happiness. 

"At  any  time,  I  hope  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  say, 
that  I  am  always  pleased  with  your  and  Nelly's  abidance 
at  Mount  Vernon;  much  less  upon  this  occasion,  when  I 
think  it  absolutely  necessary  for  the  peace  and  satisfac 
tion  of  your  mother;  a  consideration  which  I  have  no 
doubt  will  have  due  weight  with  you  both,  and  require  no 
arguments  to  enforce. 

"  You  must  now  take  upon  yourself  the  entire  manage 
ment  of  your  own  estate;  it  will  no  longer  be  in  my  power 
to  assist  you,  nor  is  there  any  occasion  for  it,  as  you  have 
never  discovered  a  disposition  to  put  it  to  a  bad  use. 

"  Great  Britain  seems  determined  to  enforce  us  into  war, 
and  there  will  be  at  least  15,000  raised  as  a  continental 
army." 

To  his  friend  and  neighbor,  Colonel  Bassett,  Washing 
ton  wrote: 

"  May  God  grant  that  my  acceptance  may  be  attended 
with  some  good  to  the  common  cause,  and  without  injury 
(from  want  of  knowledge)  to  my  own  reputation.  I  can 
answer  for  but  three  things  —  a  firm  belief  of  the  justice  of 
our  cause,  close  attention  in  the  prosecution  of  it,  and  the 
strictest  integrity.  If  these  cannot  supply  the  place  of 
ability  and  experience,  the  cause  will  suffer,  and  more  than 
probable  my  character  along  with  it,  as  reputation  derives 
its  principal  support  from  success;  but  it  will  be  remem 
bered,  I  hope,  that  no  desire  or  insinuation  of  mine  placed 
me  in  this  situation.  I  shall  not  be  deprived,  therefore, 
of  a  comfort  in  the  worst  event,  if  I  retain  a  consciousness 
of  having  acted  to  the  best  of  my  judgment." 

To  the   captains  of  several  independent  companies  in 
Virginia,  Washington  wrote,  June  20,  1775: 
47 


738  WASHINGTON. 

"  I  am  now  about  to  bid  adieu  to  the  companies  under 
your  respective  commands,  at  least  for  a  while.  I  have 
launched  into  a  wide  and  extensive  field,  too  boundless 
for  my  abilities,  and  far,  very  far,  beyond  my  experience. 
I  am  called,  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  colonies,  to 
the  command  of  the  continental  army;  an  honor  I  did 
not  aspire  to;  an  honor  I  was  solicitous  to  avoid,  upon  a 
full  conviction  of  my  inadequacy  to  the  importance  of  the 
service.  The  partiality  of  the  Congress,  however,  assisted 
by  a  political  motive,  rendered  my  reasons  unavailing, 
and  I  shall  tomorrow  set  out  for  the  camp  near  Boston." 

Mr.  W.  C.  Ford  very  justly  says  here : 

"  The  reply  of  the  Independent  Company  of  Alexandria 
to  this  letter  is  an  evidence  of  the  warm  attachment  of 
his  friends,  at  the  same  time  that  it  is  remarkable  for  the 
sentiments  it  expresses,  even  at  so  late  a  day,  in  regard  to 
conciliation  with  Great  Britain:  'Your  favor  of  the  2oth 
ultimo/  they  said,  '  notifying  us  of  your  intended  departure 
for  the  camp,  we  received,  and,  after  transmitting  copies 
to  the  different  officers,  to  whom  it  was  directed,  we  laid 
it  before  a  full  meeting  of  your  company  this  day.  At 
the  same  time  that  they  deplore  the  unfortunate  occasion 
that  calls  you,  their  patron,  friend,  and  worthy  citizen, 
from  them  and  your  more  tender  connexions,  they  beg 
your  acceptance  of  their  most  hearty  congratulations  upon 
your  appointment  to  the  supreme  military  command  of  the 
American  confederate  forces.  Firmly  convinced,  Sir,  of 
your  zealous  attachment  to  the  rights  of  your  country,  and 
those  of  mankind,  and  of  your  earnest  desire  that  harmony 
and  good  will  should  again  take  place  between  us  and  our 
parent  State,  we  well  know  that  your  every  exertion  will 
be  invariably  employed  to  preserve  the  one  and  effect  the 
other. 

"  *  We  are  to  inform  you,  Sir,  by  desire  of  the  company, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  739 

that  if  at  any  time  you  shall  judge  it  expedient  for  them 
to  join  the  troops  at  Cambridge,  or  to  inarch  elsewhere, 
they  will  cheerfully  do  it.  We  now  recommend  you  to 
the  favor  of  Him,  by  whom  kings  reign  and  princes  de 
cree  justice,  wishing  all  your  counsels  and  operations  to  be 
directed  by  his  gracious  providence  to  a  happy  and  lasting 
union  between  us  and  Great  Britain.'  The  publication  of 
this  letter  called  out  the  following: 

'Go,  gallant  Washington, 
And  when  (all  milder  means  withstood) 
Ambition,  tam'd  by  loss  of  blood, 
Regains  her  reason ;  then  on  angels'  wings, 
Shall  peace  descend,  and  shouting  greet, 
With  peals  of  joy,  these  happy  climes/ 

Pennsylvania  Gazette,  26  July,  1775" 

To  his  brother,  John  A.  Washington,  the  new  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  wrote,  June  20,  1775: 

"  I  am  now  to  bid  adieu  to  you  and  to  every  kind  of 
domestic  ease  for  a  while.  I  am  embarked  on  a  wide 
ocean,  boundless  in  its  prospect,  and  in  which  perhaps 
no  safe  harbor  is  to  be  found.  I  have  been  called  upon 
by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  Colonies  to  take  the  com 
mand  of  the  Continental  Army,  an  honor  I  neither  sought 
after  nor  desired,  as  I  am  thoroughly  convinced  that  it 
requires  greater  abilities  and  much  more  experience  than 
I  am  master  of  to  conduct  a  business  so  extensive  in  its 
nature  and  arduous  in  the  execution.  But  the  partiality 
of  the  Congress,  joined  to  a  political  motive,  left  me  with 
out  a  choice;  and  I  am  now  commissioned  a  general  and 
Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the  forces  now  raised,  or  to 
be  raised,  for  the  defense  of  the  united  Colonies.  That  I 
may  discharge  the  trust  to  the  satisfaction  of  my  employ 
ers  is  my  first  wish;  that  I  shall  aim  to  do  it,  there  remains 


740  WASHINGTON. 

little  doubt.  How  far  I  may  succeed  is  another  point; 
but  this  I  am  sure  of,  that  in  the  worst  event  I  shall  have 
the  consolation  of  knowing,  if  I  act  to  the  best  of  my 
judgment,  that  the  blame  ought  to  lodge  upon  the  appoint- 
ers,  not  the  appointed,  as  it  was  by  no  means  a  thing  of 
my  own  seeking,  or  proceeding  from  any  hint  of  my 
friends. 

"  I  am  at  liberty  to  inform  you  that  the  Congress,  in  a 
committee  (which  will  I  dare  say  be  agreed  to  when  re 
ported),  have  consented  to  a  Continental  currency;  have 
ordered  two  millions  of  dollars  to  be  struck  for  the  payment 
of  the  troops,  etc.;  and  have  voted  15,000  men  as  a  Con 
tinental  army,  which  number  will  be  augmented,  as  the 
strength  of  the  British  troops  will  be  greater  than  was  ex 
pected  at  the  time  of  passing  that  vote.  I  expect  to  set 
out  tomorrow  for  Boston,  and  hope  to  be  joined  there  in 
a  little  time  by  ten  companies  of  riflemen  from  this  prov 
ince,  Maryland,  and  Virginia. 

"  I  shall  hope  that  my  friends  will  visit,  and  endeavor 
to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  my  wife,  as  much  as  they  can, 
as  my  departure  will,  I  know,  be  a  cutting  stroke  to  her; 
and  on  this  account  alone  I  have  many  disagreeable  sen 
sations.  I  hope  you  and  my  sister,  although  the  distance 
is  great,  will  find  as  much  leisure  this  summer  as  to  spend 
a  little  time  at  Mount  Vernon. 

"  My  sincere  regards  attend  you  both,  and  the  little 
ones,  and  I  am  your  most  affectionate  brother."] 

After  receiving  his  commission  as  Commander-in-Chief, 
Washington  lost  no  time  in  joining  the  army  before  Bos 
ton;  but  before  following  him  to  his  post  it  is  necessary  to 
notice  the  important  events  which  had  transpired  in  that 
quarter  during  the  session  of  Congress. 


CHAPTER   II. 

BUNKER  HILL. 

1775- 

WHILE  Congress  was  in  session  the  march  of  pub 
lic  sentiment  toward  the  adoption  of  more  de 
cisive  measures  of  hostility  than  had  previously 
been  deemed  possible  was  steady  and  constant. 

From  a  variety  of  circumstances  the  Americans  had 
good  reason  to  conclude  that  hostilities  would1  soon  be 
carried  on  vigorously  in  Massachusetts,  and  also  to  ap 
prehend  that,  sooner  or  later,  each  province  would  be  the 
theater  of  war.  "  The  more  speedily  therefore,"  said  they, 
"  we  are  prepared  for  that  event,  the  better  chance  we 
have  for  defending  ourselves." 

Previous  to  this  period,  or  rather  to  the  iQth  of  April, 
1775,  the  dispute  had  been  carried  on  by  the  pen,  or  at 
most,  by  associations  and  legislative  acts;  but  from  this 
time  forward  it  was  conducted  by  the  sword.  The  crisis 
was  arrived  when  the  Colonies  had  no  alternative  but 
either  to  submit  to  the  mercy  or  to  resist  the  power  of 
Great  Britain. 

An  unconquerable  love  of  liberty  could  not  brook  the 
idea  of  submission,  while  reason,  more  temperate  in  her 
decisions,  suggested  to  the  people  their  insufficiency  to 
make  effectual  opposition.  They  were  fully  apprised  of 
the  power  of  Britain;  they  knew  that  her  fleets  covered 
the  ocean,  and  that  her  flag  had  waved  in  triumph  through 
the  four  quarters  of  the  globe ;  but  the  animated  language 

(74i) 


742  WASHINGTON. 

of  the  time  was,  "  It  is  better  to  die  freemen  than  to  live 
slaves."  Though  the  justice  of  their  cause  and  the  inspira 
tion  of  liberty  gave,  in  the  opinion  of  disinterested  judges, 
a  superiority  to  the  writings  of  Americans,  yet,  in  the  art 
of  literary  composition,  the  candid  among  themselves  ac 
knowledged  an  inferiority.  Their  form  of  government 
was  deficient  in  that  decision,  dispatch,  and  coercion  which 
are  necessary  to  military  operations. 

Europeans,  from  being  generally  unacquainted  with  fire 
arms,  are  less  easily  taught  the  use  of  them  than  Ameri 
cans,  who  are,  from  their  youth,  familiar  with  these  instru 
ments  of  war;  yet,  on  other  accounts,  they  are  more 
susceptible  of  military  habits.  The  proportion  of  neces 
sitous  men  in  the  New  World  is  small  to  that  in  the  Old. 

To  procure  subsistence  is  a  powerful  motive  with  a 
European  to  enlist,  and  the  prospect  of  losing  it  makes 
him  afraid  to  neglect  his  duty;  but  these  incitements  to 
the  punctual  discharge  of  military  services  are  wanting 
in  America.  In  old  countries,  the  distinction  of  ranks 
and  the  submission  of  inferiors  to  superiors  generally 
takes  place,  but  in  the  New  World  an  extreme  sense  of 
liberty  and  equality  indisposes  to  that  implicit  obedience 
which  is  the  soul  of  an  army.  The  same  causes  which 
nurtured  a  spirit  of  independence  in  the  Colonies  were 
hostile  to  their  military  arrangements. 

It  was  not  only  from  the  different  state  of  society  in  the 
two  countries,  but  from  a  variety  of  local  causes,  that  the 
Americans  were  not  able  to  contend  in  arms  on  equal 
terms  with  their  parent  State.  From  the  first  settlement 
of  the  British  Colonies  agriculture  and  commerce,  but 
especially  the  former,  had  been  the  favorite  pursuits  of 
the  inhabitants.  War  was  a  business  abhorrent  from  their 
usual  habits  of  life.  They  had  never  engaged  in  it  from 
their  own  motion,  nor  in  any  other  mode  than  as  append- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  743 

ages  to  British  troops  and  under  British  establishments. 
By  these  means  the  military  spirit  of  the  Colonies  had  no 
opportunity  of  expanding  itself. 

At  the  commencement  of  hostilities  the  British  troops 
possessed  a  knowledge  of  the  science  and  discipline  of 
war  which  could  be  acquired  only  by  a  long  course  of 
application  and  substantial  establishments.  Their  equip 
ments,  their  artillery,  and  every  other  part  of  their  ap 
paratus  for  war  approached  perfection.  To  these  import 
ant  circumstances  was  added  a  high  national  spirit  of 
pride,  which  had  been  greatly  augmented  by  their  suc 
cesses  in  their  last  contest  with  France  and  Spain. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Americans  were  undisciplined, 
without  experienced  officers,  and  without  the  shadow  of 
military  establishments.  In  the  wars  which  had  been  pre 
viously  carried  on,  in  or  near  the  Colonies,  the  provincials 
had  been,  by  their  respective  Legislatures,  frequently 
added  to  the  British  troops;  but  the  pride  of  the  latter 
would  not  consider  the  former,  who  were  without  uni 
formity  of  dress  or  the  pertness  of  military  airs,  to  be  their 
equals.  The  provincial  troops  were  therefore  for  the  most 
part  assigned  to  services  which,  though  laborious,  were 
not  honorable. 

The  ignorance  of  British  generals,  commanding  in  the 
woods  of  America,  sometimes  involved  them  in  difficulties 
from  which  they  had  been  more  than  once  relieved  by  the 
superior  local  knowledge  of  the  colonial  troops.  These 
services  were  soon  forgotten,  and  the  moment  the  troops 
who  performed  them  could  be  spared  they  were  disbanded. 
Such  obstacles  had  hitherto  depressed  military  talents  in 
America,  but  they  were  now  overcome  by  the  ardor  of  the 
people. 

In  the  year  1775  a  martial  spirit  pervaded  all  ranks  of 
men  in  the  Colonies.  They  believed  their  liberties  to  be 


744  WASHINGTON. 

in  danger  and  were  generally  disposed  to  risk  their  lives 
for  their  establishment.  Their  ignorance  of  the  military 
art  prevented  their  weighing  the  chances  of  war  with  that 
exactness  of  calculation  which,  if  indulged,  might  have 
damped  their  hopes.  They  conceived  that  there  was  little 
more  to  do  than  fight  manfully  for  their  country.  They 
consoled  themselves  with  the  idea  that  though  their  first 
attempt  might  be  unsuccessful,  their  numbers  would  admit 
of  a  repetition  of  the  experiment  till  the  invaders  were 
finally  exterminated.  Not  considering  that  in  modern 
war  the  longest  purse  decides  often-er  than  the  longest 
sword,  they  feared  not  the  wealth  of  Britain.  They  both 
expected  and  wished  that  the  whole  dispute  would  be 
speedily  settled  in  a  few  decisive  engagements. 

Elevated  with  the  love  of  liberty  and  buoyed  above  the 
fear  of  consequences  by  an  ardent  military  enthusiasm, 
unabated  by  calculations  about  the  extent,  duration,  or 
probable  issue  of  the  war,  the  people  of  America  seconded 
the  voice  of  their  rulers  in  an  appeal  to  Heaven  for  the 
vindication  of  their  rights.  At  the  time  the  Colonies 
adopted  these  spirited  resolutions  they  possessed  not  a 
bingle  ship  of  war  nor  so  much  as  an  armed  vessel  of  arty 
kind.  It  had  often  been  suggested  that  their  seaport 
towns  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  navy  of  Great  Britain;  this 
was  both  known  and  believed,  but  disregarded.  The  love 
of  property  was  absorbed  in  the  love  of  liberty. 

The  animated  votaries  of  the  equal  rights  of  human  na 
ture  consoled  themselves  with  the  idea  that  though  their 
whole  seacoast  should  be  laid  in  ashes,  they  could  retire 
to  the  western  wilderness  and  enjoy  the  luxury  of  being 
free;  on  this  occasion  it  was  observed  in  Congress  by 
Christopher  Gadsden,  one  of  the  South  Carolina  delegates : 
"  Our  houses  being  constructed  of  brick,  stone,  and  wood, 


WASHINGTON  AT   THE   BATTLE   OF   PRINCETON. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.,  745 

though  destroyed,  may  be  rebuilt;  but  liberty  once  gone 
is  lost  forever." 

The  sober  discretion  of  the  present  age  will  more  readily 
censure  than  admire,  but  can  more  easily  admire  than 
imitate,  the  fervid  zeal  of  the  patriots  of  1775,  who  in  idea 
sacrificed  property  in  the  cause  of  liberty  with  the  ease 
that  they  now  sacrifice  almost  every  other  consideration 
for  the  acquisition  of  property. 

The  revenues  of  Britain  were  immense,  and  her  people 
were  habituated  to  the  payment  of  large  sums  in  every 
form  which  contributions  to  government  have  assumed; 
but  the  American  Colonies  possessed  neither  money  nor 
funds,  nor  were  their  people  accustomed  to  taxes  equal 
to  the  exigencies  of  war.  The  contest  having  begun  about 
taxation,  to  have  raised  money  by  taxes  for  carrying  it  on 
would  have  been  impolitic.  The  temper  of  the  times  pre 
cluded  the  necessity  of  attempting  the  dangerous  expedi 
ent;  for  such  was  the  enthusiasm  of  the  day  that  the  col 
onists  gave  up  both  their  personal  services  and  their  prop 
erty  to  the  public  on  the  vague  promises  that  they  should 
at  a  future  time  be  reimbursed. 

Without  inquiring  into  the  solidity  of  funds  or  the  pre 
cise  period  of  payment,  the  resources  of  the  country  were 
commanded  on  general  assurances  that  all  expenses  of 
the  war  should  ultimately  be  equalized.  The  parent  State 
abounded  with  experienced  statesmen  and  officers,  but  the 
dependent  form  of  government  exercised  in  the  Colonies 
precluded  their  citizens  from  gaining  that  practical  knowl 
edge  which  is  acquired  from  being  at  the  head  of  public 
departments.  There  were  very  few  in  the  Colonies  who 
understood  the  business  of  providing  for  an  army,  and 
still  fewer  who  'had  experience  and  knowledge  to  direct 
its  operations.  The  disposition  of  the  finances  of  the 
country  and  the  most  effectual  mode  of  drawing  forth  its 


746  WASHINGTON. 

resources  were  subjects  with  which  scarce  any  of  the  in 
habitants  were  acquainted.  Arms  and  ammunition  were 
almost  wholly  deficient,  and  though  the  country  abounded 
with  the  materials  of  which  they  are  manufactured,  yet 
there  was  neither  time  nor  artists  enough  to  supply  an 
army  with  the  means  of  defense.  The  country  was  desti 
tute  both  of  fortifications  and  engineers. 

Amidst  so  many  discouragements  there  were  some  flat 
tering  circumstances.  The  war  could  not  be  carried  on 
by  Great  Britain  but  to  a  great  disadvantage,  and  at  an 
immense  expense.  It  was  easy  for  ministers  at  St.  James's 
to  plan  campaigns,  but  hard  was  the  fate  of  the  officer 
from  whom  the  execution  of  them,  in  the  woods  of 
America,  was  expected.  The  country  was  so  extensive 
and  abounded  so  much  with  defiles  that  by  evacuating  and 
retreating  the  Americans,  though  they  could  not  conquer, 
yet  might  save  themselves  from  being  conquered. 

The  authors  of  the  acts  of  Parliament  for  restraining 
the  trade  of  the  Colonies  were  most  excellent  recruiting 
officers  for  the  Congress.  They  imposed  a  necessity  on 
thousands  to  become  soldiers.  All  other  business  being 
suspended,  the  whole  resources  of  the  country  were  ap 
plied  in  supporting  an  army. 

Though  the  colonists  were  without  discipline,  they  pos 
sessed  native  valor.  Though  they  had  neither  gold  nor 
silver,  they  possessed  a  mine  in  the  enthusiasm  of  their 
people.  Paper,  for  upward  of  two  years,  produced  to  them 
more  solid  advantages  than  Spain  derived  from  her  super- 
abounding  precious  metals.  Though  they  had  no  ships 
to  protect  their  trade  or  their  towns,  they  had  simplicity 
enough  to  live  without  the  former  and  enthusiasm  enough 
to  risk  the  latter  rather  than  submit  to  the  power  of  Brit 
ain.  They  believed  their  cause  to  be  just  and  that  Heaven 
approved  their  exertions  in  defense  of  their  rights.  Zeal, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  747 

originating  from  such  motives,  supplied  the  place  of  dis 
cipline  and  inspired  a  confidence  and  military  ardor  which 
overleaped  all  difficulties. 

Resistance  being  resolved  upon  by  the  Americans,  the 
pulpit,  the  press,  the  bench,  and  the  bar  severally  labored 
to  unite  and  encourage  them.  The  clergy  of  New  Eng 
land  were  a  numerous,  learned,  and  respectable  body, 
who  had  a  great  ascendency  over  the  minds  of  their  hear 
ers.  They  connected  religion  and  patriotism,  and,  in  their 
sermons  and  prayers,  represented  the  cause  of  America 
as  the  cause  of  Heaven.  The  synod  of  New  York  and 
Philadelphia  also  sent  forth  a  pastoral  letter,  which  was 
publicly  read  in  their  churches.  This  earnestly  recom 
mended  such  sentiments  and  conduct  as  were  suitable  to 
their  situation. 

Writers  and  printers  followed  in  the  rear  of  the  preach 
ers  and  next  to  them  had  the  greatest  hand  in  animating 
their  countrymen.  Gentlemen  of  the  bench  and  of  the 
bar  denied  the  charge  of  rebellion  and  justified  the  resist 
ance  of  the  colonists.  A  distinction,  founded  on  law,  be 
tween  the  King  and  his  ministry,  was  introduced.  The 
former,  it  was  contended,  could  do  no  wrong.  The  crime 
of  treason  was  charged  on  the  latter  for  using  the  royal 
name  to  varnish  their  own  unconstitutional  measures. 
The  phrase  of  a  ministerial  war  became  common  and  was 
used  as  a  medium  for  reconciling  resistance  with  alle 
giance. 

Coeval  with  the  resolutions  for  organizing  an  army  was 
one  appointing  the  2oth  day  of  July,  1775,  a  day  of  public 
humiliation,  fasting,  and  prayer  to  Almighty  God  "  to 
bless  their  rightful  sovereign  King  George,  and  to  inspire 
him  with  wisdom  to  discern  and  pursue  the  true  interest 
of  his  subjects;  and  that  the  British  Nation  might  be  in 
fluenced  to  regard  the  things  that  belonged  to  her  peace, 


748  WASHINGTON. 

before  they  were  hid  from  her  eyes;  that  the  Colonies 
might  be  ever  under  the  care  and  protection  of  a  kind 
Providence,  and  be  prospered  in  all  their  interests;  that 
America  might  soon  behold  a  gracious  interposition  of 
Heaven  for  the  redress  of  her  many  grievances;  the  resto 
ration  of  her  invaded  rights,  a  reconciliation  with  the 
parent  State  on  terms  constitutional  and  honorable  to 
both." 

The  forces  which  had  been  collected  in  Massachusetts 
were  stationed  in  convenient  places  for  guarding  the  coun 
try  from  further  excursions  of  the  regulars  from  Boston. 
Breastworks  were  also  erected  in  different  places  for  the 
same  purpose.  While  both  parties  were  attempting  to 
carry  off  stock  from  the  several  islands  with  which  the 
bay  of  Boston  is  agreeably  diversified,  sundry  skirmishes 
took  place.  These  were  of  real  service  to  the  Americans. 
They  habituated  them  to  danger,  and  perhaps  much  of  the 
courage  of  old  soldiers  is  derived  from  an  experimental 
conviction  that  the  chance  of  escaping  unhurt  from  en 
gagements  is  much  greater  than  young  recruits  suppose. 

About  the  latter  end  of  May,  1775,  a  great  part  of  the 
reinforcements  ordered  from  Great  Britain  arrived  at  Bos- 
ton.  Three  British  generals,  Howe,  Burgoyne,  and  Clin 
ton,  whose  behavior  in  the  preceding  war  had  gained  them 
great  reputation,  also  arrived  about  the  same  time  Gen 
eral  Gage,  thus  reinforced,  prepared  for  acting  with  more 
decision ;  but,  before  he  proceeded  to  extremities,  he  con 
ceived  it  due  to  ancient  forms  to  issue  a  proclamation, 
holding  forth  to  the  inhabitants  the  alternative  of  peace 
or  war.  He  therefore  offered  pardon,  in  the  King's  name, 
to  all  who  should  forthwith  lay  down  their  arms  and  return 
to  their  respective  occupations  and  peaceable  duties,  ex 
cepting  only  from  the  benefit  of  that  pardon  "  Samuel 
Adams  and  John  Hancock,  whose  offenses  were  said  to 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  749 

be  of  too  flagitious  a  nature  to  admit  of  any  other  consid 
eration  than  that  of  condign  punishment."  He  also  pro 
claimed  that  not  only  the  persons  above  named  and  ex- 
cepted,  but  also  all  their  adherents,  associates,  and  cor 
respondents  should  be  deemed  guilty  of  treason  and  re 
bellion  and  treated  accordingly. 

By  this  proclamation  it  was  also  declared,  "  that  as  the 
courts  of  judicature  were  shut,  martial  law  should  take 
place  till  a  due  course  of  justice  should  be  re-established." 

From  the  movements  visible  among  the  British  troops, 
and  their  apparent  preparations  for  some  active  enter 
prise,  the  Americans  were  led  to  believe  that  Gage  de 
signed  to  issue  from  Boston  and  penetrate  into  the  in 
terior  of  Massachusetts;  whereupon,  with  a  view  to  an 
ticipate  or  derange  the  supposed  project  of  attack,  the 
Provincial  Congress  suggested  to  General  Ward,  who  held 
the  chief  command  of  the  army  which  blockaded  Boston 
that  measures  should  be  taken  for  the  defense  of  Dorches 
ter  Neck,  and  that  a  part  of  the  American  force  should 
occupy  an  intrenched  position  on  Bunker's  Hill,  which 
ascends  from  and  commands  the  entrance  of  the  peninsula 
of  Charlestown. 

Orders  were  accordingly  communicated  to  Colonel 
Prescott,  with  a  detachment  of  1,000  men,  to  take  pos 
session  of  that  eminence;  but,  through  some  misappre 
hension,  Breed's  Hill,  instead  of  Bunker's  Hill,  was  made 
the  site  of  the  projected  intrenchment.  By  his  conduct 
of  this  perilous  enterprise  and  the  heroic  valor  he  dis 
played  in  the  conflict  that  ensued,  Prescott  honorably  sig 
nalized  a  name  which  his  descendants  have  further 
adorned  with  the  highest  trophies  of  forensic  and  literary 
renown. 

About  9  o'clock  of  the  evening  (June  i6th),  the  detach 
ment  moved  from  Cambridge  and,  silently  traversing 


750  WASHINGTON. 

Charlestown  Neck,  gained  the  summit  of  Breed's  Hill  un 
observed.  This  eminence  is  situated  at  the  extremity  ot 
the  peninsula  nearest  to  Boston,  and  is  so  elevated  as  to 
overlook  every  part  of  that  town,  and  so  near  it  as  to  be 
within  the  reach  of  cannon  shot. 

The  American  troops,  who  were  provided  with  intrench 
ing  tools,  instantly  commenced  their  work,  which  they 
pursued  with  such  diligence  that  before  the  morning  ar 
rived  they  had  thrown  up  a  redoubt  of  considerable  dimen 
sions,  and  with  such  deep  silence  that,  although  the  penin 
sula  was  nearly  surrounded  by  British  ships  of  war  and 
transports,  their  operations  were  only  first  disclosed  to  the 
astonished  army  of  Britain  by  the  dispersion  of  the  dark 
ness  of  night,  under  whose  shade  they  had  been  conducted. 

At  break  of  day  (June  I7th),  the  alarm  was  communi 
cated  at  Boston  by  a  cannonade,  which  the  Lively,  sloop 
of  war,  promptly  directed  against  the  intrenchments  and 
embattled  array  of  the  Americans.  A  battery  of  six  guns 
was  soon  after  opened  upon  them  from  Copp's  Hill,  at 
the  north  end  of  Boston.  Under  an  incessant  shower  of 
bullets  and  bombs,  the  American  firmly  and  indefatigably 
persevered  in  their  labor  until  they  completed  a  small 
breastwork,  extending  from  the  east  side  of  the  redoubt 
to  the  bottom  of  the  hill,  toward  the  River  Mystic. 

We  have  remarked  the  mistake  that  occasioned  a  de 
parture  from  the  original  plan  of  the  American  enterprise, 
and  led  to  the  assumption  of  Breed's  Hill  instead  of  the 
other  eminence  which  it  was  first  proposed  to  occupy. 
By  a  corresponding  mistake,  the  memorable  engagement 
which  ensued  has  received  the  name  of  The  Battle  of 
Bunker  Hill. 

Gage,  perceiving  the  necessity  of  dislodging  the  Ameri 
cans  from  the  position  they  had  so  suddenly  and  daringly 
assumed,  detached,  about  noon,  on  this  service,  the  gen- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  751 

erals  Howe  and  Pigot,  with  ten  companies  of  grenadiers, 
ten  of  light  infantry  and  a  suitable  proportion  of  field  ar 
tillery.  These  troops,  crossing  the  narrow  bay  which 
lies  between  Boston  and  the  American  position,  landed  at 
Moreton's  Point  and  immediately  formed  in  order  of  bat 
tle,  but  perceiving  that  the  Americans,  undaunted  by  this 
demonstration  and  with  spirit  excited  to  the  utmost 
height  firmly  waited  the  attack,  they  refrained  from  ad 
vancing  till  the  arrival  of  a  reinforcement  from  Boston. 

Meanwhile  the  Americans  were  also  reinforced  by  a 
body  of  their  countrymen,  commanded  by  the  generals 
Warren,*  Pomeroy,  Putnam,  and  Stark;  and  the  troops 
on  the  open  ground,  tearing  up  some  adjoining  post  and 
railfence  and  fixing  the  stakes  in  a  parallel  line  with  a 
stone  and  railfence  already  standing,  filled  up  the  space 
between  with  new-mown  grass  and  formed  for  themselves 
a  cover  from  the  musketry  of  the  enemy.  Collecting  all 
their  courage  and  undepressed  by  the  advantage  which 
their  adversaries  derived  from  the  audacity  of  assault, 
they  stood  prepared  for  an  effort  which  should  yield  their 
countrymen,  if  not  victorious  liberty,  at  least  a  memorable 
example  of  what  the  brave  and  the  free  can  do  to  achieve  it. 

The  British  troops,  strengthened  now  by  the  arrival  of 
the  second  detachment,  and  formed  in  two  lines,  moved 
forward  to  the  conflict,  having  the  light  infantry  on  the 
right  wing,  commanded  by  General  Howe,  and  the  grena 
diers  on  the  left,  conducted  by  General  Pigot;  the  former 
to  attack  the  American  lines  in  flank  and  the  latter  the 
redoubt  in  front. 

The  attack  was  begun  by  a  heavy  discharge  of  field 

*  Warren  was  President  of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  had  just  been  appointed  major-general.  He  declined 
taking  any  command,  and  served  in  the  redoubt  with  his  musket 
as  a  volunteer. 


752  WASHINGTON. 

pieces  and  howitzers,  the  troops  advancing  slowly  and 
halting  at  short  intervals  to  allow  time  for  the  artillery 
to  produce  effect  on  the  works  and  on  the  spirits  of  their 
defenders.  During  their  advance  General  Gage,  who  sur 
veyed  the  field  of  battle  from  Copp's  Hill,  caused  the  bat 
tery  at  this  place  to  bombard  and  set  fire  to  the  village  of 
Charlestown,  situated  beneath  the  position  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  whom,  from  the  direction  of  the  wind,  he  expected 
to  annoy  by  the  conflagration. 

Charlestown,  one  of  the  earliest  settlements  of  the  Puri 
tans  in  New  England,  a  handsome  and  flourishing  village, 
containing  about  400  houses,  built  chiefly  of  wood,  was 
quickly  enveloped  in  a  blaze  of  destruction;  but  a  sudden 
change  of  the  wind  occurring  at  this  crisis  carried  the 
smoke  to  a  quarter  which  neither  sheltered  the  approach 
of  the  British  nor  occasioned  inconvenience  to  the  Ameri 
cans. 

The  conflagration  added  a  horrid  grandeur  to  the  inter 
esting  scene  that  was  now  unfolding  to  the  eyes  of  a 
countless  multitude  of  spectators,  who,  thronging  all  the 
heights  of  Boston  and  its  neighborhood,  awaited,  with 
throbbing  hearts,  the  approaching  battle. 

The  American  troops,  having  permitted  Howe's  division 
to  approach  unmolested  within  a  very  short  distance  of 
their  works,  then  poured  in  upon  them  such  a  deadly  and 
confounding  fire  of  smallarms  that  the  British  line  was 
broken  in  an  instant  and  fell  precipitately  back  in  head 
long  rout  toward  the  landing  place.  This  disorder  was 
repaired  by  the  vigorous  exertions  of  the  officers,  who 
again  brought  up  the  repulsed  troops  to  the  attack;  but 
the  Americans,  renewing  their  fire  with  a  precision  of  aim 
derived  from  their  habits  of  life,  and  unexampled  perhaps 
in  the  conduct  of  any  former  battle,  again  spread  such 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  753 

carnage  through  the  hostile  ranks  that  the  British  were 
a  second  time  driven  back  in  complete  confusion. 

At  this  critical  juncture  General  Clinton,  arriving  upon 
the  field  from  Boston,  aided  the  efforts  of  Howe  and  the 
other  officers  in  rallying  the  disheartened  troops,  who, 
with  some  difficulty,  were  a  third  time  led  on  to  the  charge. 
The  Americans  had  been  but  scantily  supplied  with  cart 
ridges,  partly  from  an  overstrained  attention  to  economy 
in  the  consumption  of  an  article  urgently  needed  and 
sparingly  possessed  by  their  countrymen,  and  partly  in 
deference  to  the  counsels  of  some  old  provincial  officers, 
whose  ideas  of  battle  were  derived  from  their  experience 
in  hunting,  and  in  the  system  (very  similar  to  that  em 
ployment)  of  Indian  warfare,  and  who  insisted  that,  as 
every  shot  ought  to  kill  a  man,  so  to  give  the  troops  any 
more  ammunition  than  was  absolutely  necessary  to  inflict 
on  the  enemy  a  loss  that  would  be  tantamount  to  defeat 
was  to  tempt  them  to  neglect  accuracy  of  aim  and  throw 
their  fire  away. 

To  the  discredit  of  this  counsel  the  powder  of  the  Ameri 
cans  now  began  to  fail,  and  consequently  their  fire  to 
slacken.  The  British  at  the  same  time  brought  some  of 
their  cannons  to  bear  upon  the  position  of  the  Americans, 
and  raked  the  inside  of  the  breastwork  from  end  to  end; 
the  fire  from  the  ships,  batteries,  and  field  artillery  was 
redoubled;  and  the  redoubt,  attacked  on  three  sides  at 
once  with  impetuous  valor,  was  carried  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  Yet  so  desperate  was  the  resistance  of  its  de 
fenders  that,  even  after  their  officers  had  commanded  a 
retreat,  they  continued  to  fight  till  the  redoubt  was  half 
filled  with  the  assailants. 

During  these  operations  Pigot's  division  was  attempting 
to  force  the  left  point  of  the  breastwork,  preparatory  to 
an  attack  on  the  flank  of  the  American  line;  but  while  his 
48 


754  WASHINGTON. 

troops  advanced  with  signal  intrepidity,  they  were  re 
ceived  with  unyielding  firmness  and  determination.  The 
Americans  in  this  quarter,  as  well  as  at  the  redoubt,  re 
served  their  fire  until  the  near  approach  of  the  enemy, 
and  then  poured  in  their  shot  with  such  well-directed  aim 
as  to  mow  down  the  advancing  troops  in  whole  ranks  at 
every  volley.  But  no  sooner  was  the  redoubt  lost  than 
the  breastwork  also  was  necessarily  abandoned. 

And  now  the  Americans,  beaten  but  unsubdued,  had  to 
perform  their  retreat  over  Charlestown  Neck,  which  was 
completely  raked  by  the  guns  of  the  Glasgow  man-of-war 
and  of  two  floating  batteries;  but,  great  as  was  the  ap 
parent  danger,  the  retreat  was  accomplished  with  incon 
siderable  loss. 

The  British  troops  were  too  much  exhausted  and  had 
suffered  too  severely  to  improve  their  dear-bought  vic 
tory  by  more  than  a  mere  show  of  pursuit.  They  had 
brought  into  action  3,000  men,  and  their  killed  and 
wounded  amounted  to  1,054.  The  number  of  Americans 
engaged  was  1,500,  and  their  killed,  wounded,  and  missing 
amounted  to  453.  They  lost  some  gallant  officers,  of 
whom  the  most  generally  known  and  lamented  was  Gen 
eral  Warren,  who,  having  ably  and  successfully  animated 
his  countrymen  to  resist  the  power  of  Britain,  now  gal 
lantly  fell  in  the  first  battle  that  their  resistance  produced. 
And  thus  ended  a  day  that  showed  too  late  to  the  infatu 
ated  politicians  of  Britain  how  greatly  they  had  underrated 
the  arduous  difficulties  of  the  contest  they  provoked,  and 
how  egregiously  those  men  had  deceived  them  who  con 
fidently  predicted  that  the  Americans  would  not  fight.  No 
other  imagainable  result  of  the  conflict  could  have  been 
more  unfavorable  to  the  prospects  of  Britain,  whose 
troops,  neither  exhilarated  by  brilliant  victory  nor  exas 
perated  by  disgraceful  defeat,  were  depressed  by  a  success 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  755 

of  which  it  was  evident  that  a  few  more  such  instances 
would  prove  their  ruin. 

[The  story  of  this  great  battle  is  commonly  very  inade 
quately  told.  The  confusion  of  two  distinct  names  has 
been  tolerated  mainly  in  consequence  of  ignorance  of  the 
history.  And  yet  the  confusion  of  Breed's  Hill  with 
Bunker  Hill  grew  naturally  out  of  the  facts  of  the  occa 
sion  and  of  the  scene.  To  the  American  troops  looking 
in  the  direction  of  the  British,  Bunker  Hill  was  the  height 
on  which  it  was  natural  to  pause  for  a  position  from  which 
to  fight ;  but  on  reaching  it,  Breed's  Hill,  farther  on  toward 
the  British  and  somewhat  lower  down,  was  a  bolder  choice 
for  a  daring  venture,  and  a  natural  point  to  advance  to, 
after  reaching  the  top  of  Bunker  Hill.  On  the  other  hand, 
to  the  British  looking  in  the  direction  of  the  American 
forces  it  would  be  natural  to  look  forward  from  the  lower 
Breed's  Hill  to  the  higher  Bunker  Hill;  and  when  the 
Americans,  having  fought  their  main  battle  at  Breed's 
Hill  until,  under  the  third  British  onset,  their  ammunition 
gave  out  and  they  were  compelled  to  fall  back,  the  des 
perate  finish  of  the  battle  was  at  the  base  toward  Breed's 
Hill  of  Bunker  Hill;  in  fact,  the  works  which  they  had 
thrown  up  were  in  part  at  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill.  His 
tory  however  is  incorrectly  written  in  calling  the  battle 
that  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  the  men  who  fought  it  are  given 
less  than  their  due  by  a  designation  which  fails  to  recog 
nize  the  dash  and  daring  with  which,  under  orders  to 
fortify  and  hold  the  top  of  Bunker  Hill,  they  went  down 
the  other  side  of  that  eminence  and  fought  to  a  finish  one 
of  the  greatest  battles  of  the  Revolution.  The  battle  was 
fought  on  the  I7th  of  June,  and  both  the  scene  of  it  and  its 
success  are  referred  to  with  historical  accuracy  in  an  im 
portant  contemporary  record. 

In  Dr.  James  Thacher's  Military  Journal,  the  record  un- 


756  WASHINGTON. 

der  July,  1775,  says,  with  italics,  as  follows:  "  I  improve 
the  interim  to  record  an  authentic  narrative  of  the  battle  on 
Breed's  Hill,  on  the  I7th  of  June."  *  *  *  "  It  is  said 
that  some  of  the  veteran  British  officers,  who  have  been 
in  some  hard-fought  battles  in  Europe,  observed  that  they 
had  never  witnessed  any  one  equal  in  severity  to  that  on 
Breed's  Hill."  "  It  is  stated  that  from  Breed's  Hill  battle 
to  the  25th  instant  the  British  have  thrown  upward  of 
2,000  shot  and  shell." 

There  is  no  question  of  where  the  front  of  the  battle, 
or  that  end  of  the  front  nearest  the  British  was,  and  Breed's 
Hill  was  undoubtedly  the  natural  and  proper  designation; 
at  the  same  time,  the  works  behind  which  the  Americans 
fought  extended  to  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  the  last 
severe  struggle,  and  that  in  which  the  Americans  suffered 
most,  was  at  this  point.  None  of  this  was  on  Bunker  Hill 
however,  the  top  of  which  is  considerably  back  from  its 
base  and  not  a  little  higher;  and  yet  a  very  important 
feature  in  the  whole  position  was  the  highest  part  of 
Bunker  Hill;  this  would  have  been  fortified  and  held  by 
the  Americans,  if  their  strength  at  the  moment  had  been 
sufficient  or  if  time  could  have  been  given  to  it.  It  is  of 
interest  moreover  to  note  that  on  the  day  after  the  battle 
the  British  erected  a  fort  on  Bunker  Hill  to  protect  them 
selves  from  an  apprehended  renewal  of  the  fight  by  the 
Americans.  It  was,  in  fact,  on  the  top  of  Bunker  Hill 
that  the  last  stand  of  the  retiring  Americans  was  attempted 
to  be  made,  Putnam,  if  we  may  trust  reports  to  that  effect, 
having  had  the  work  for  fortification  begun  there,  and 
enough  done  to  cause  him  to  try  to  stop  the  American 
retreat  there. 

Frothingham,  in  his  "  Siege  of  Boston,"  speaks  of 
Bunker  Hill  as,  at  the  time  of  the  battle,  "  a  well-known 
place  —  the  name  '  Bunker  Hill '  being  found  in  the  town 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  757 

records  and  in  deeds  from  an  early  period."  In  a  footnote 
he  says  Breed's  Hill  is  called  "  Green's  Hill "  in  a  British 
description  of  Charlestown  in  1775.  In  alluding  to  the  re 
mark  that  has  been  frequently  made,  that  Breed's  Hill 
has  been  robbed  of  the  glory  that  justly  belongs  to  it,  he 
says :  "  It  should  be  remembered  however  that  the  rail- 
fence  was  at  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  if  not  the  great 
post  of  the  day,  here  a  large  part  of  the  battle  was  fought." 
In  speaking  of  these  defenses  he  says:  "The  movements 
of  the  British,  along  the  margin  of  Mystic  river,  indicated 
an  intention  of  flanking  the  Americans  and  of  surrounding 
the  redoubt.  To  prevent  this,  Colonel  Prescott  ordered 
the  artillery,  with  two  field  pieces,  and  Captain  Knowlton 
with  the  Connecticut  troops,  to  leave  the  intrenchments, 
march  down  the  hill,  and  opposite  the  enemy's  right  wing. 
Captain  Knowlton  took  a  position  near  the  base  of  Bunker 
Hill,  600  feet  in  the  rear  of  the  redoubt,  behind  a  fence, 
one-half  of  which  was  stone,  with  two  rails  of  wood.  He 
then  made,  a  little  distance  in  front  of  this,  another  parallel 
line  of  fence,  and  filled  the  space  between  them  with  the 
newly-cut  grass  lying  in  the  fields."  Further  on  he  says 
that  while  the  battle  was  in  progress,  "  Colonel  Gardner 
arrived  on  Bunker  Hill,  when  Putnam  detained  a  part  of 
his  regiment  to  labor  on  the  works  commenced  there,  while 
one  company,  under  Capt.  Josiah  Harris,  took  part  at  the 
railfence.  *  *  *  Colonel  Gardner,  leading  on  a  part 
of  his  regiment,  was  descending  Bunker  Hill  when  he  re 
ceived  his  death  wound."  In  describing  the  retreat, 
Frothingham  again  alludes  to  Bunker  Hill  in  these  words : 
"  The  brow  of  Bunker  Hill  was  a  place  of  great  slaughter. 
General  Putnam  here  rode  to  the  rear  of  the  retreating 
troops,  and,  regardless  of  the  balls  flying  about  him,  with 
his  sword  drawn  and  still  undaunted  in  his  bearing,  urged 
them  to  renew  the  fight  in  the  unfinished  works.  *  Make 


758  WASHINGTON. 

a  stand  here! '  he  exclaimed; '  we  can  stop  them  yet! '  '  In 
God's  name  form,  and  give  them  one  shot  more ! '  It  was 
here  that  he  stood  by  an  artillery  piece  until  the  enemy's 
bayonets  were  almost  upon  him.  The  veteran  Pomeroy 
too,  with  his  shattered  musket  in  his  hand,  and  his  face  to 
the  foe,  endeavored  to  rally  the  men.  It  was  not  possible 
however  to  check  the  retreat." 

That  the  glory  that  now  attaches  to  Breed's  Hill  was 
intended  for  Bunker  Hill  by  the  committee  of  safety  is  a 
well-authenticated  fact.  The  order  given  to  Colonel  Pres- 
cott  by  General  Ward  was  to  proceed  to  Bunker  Hill, 
build  fortifications  to  be  planned  by  Col.  Richard  Gridley, 
the  chief  engineer,  and  defend  them  until  he  should  be  re 
lieved.  When  the  body  of  troops,  provided  with  intrench 
ing  tools,  reached  the  summit  of  Bunker  Hill,  a  consulta 
tion  was  held  and  it  was  decided  that  a  position  nearer 
Boston  —  Breed's  Hill  —  "  seemed  better  adapted  to  the 
objects  of  the  expedition,  and  better  suited  the  daring 
spirit  of  the  officers.  It  was  contended  however  that 
works  ought  not  to  be  commenced  at  this  place  until- 
Bunker  Hill  had  been  fortified,  in  order  to  cover,  in  case 
of  necessity,  a  retreat.  *  *  *  On  the  pressing  impor 
tunity  of  one  of  the  generals  it  was  concluded  to  proceed 
to  Breed's  Hill.  At  the  same  time  it  was  determined  that 
works  should  be  erected  on  Bunker  Hill."  And  this,  as 
appears  above,  was  accordingly  done. 

The  testimony  in  support  of  the  claim  that  the  British 
also  fortified  Bunker  Hill  is  equally  strong  and  convincing. 
Drake,  in  his  "  Old  Landmarks  of  Middlesex,"  says  that 
the  British  erected  a  very  strong  fortress  "  on  Bunker 
Hill." 

J.  Finch,  F.  B.  S.,  in  an  article  published  in  Silliman's 
"  Journal,"  in  1822,  "  On  the  Forts  Around  Boston,  Which 
Were  Erected  During  the  War  of  Independence,"  in  which 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  759 

he  makes  a  most  earnest  plea  for  the  preservation  of  these 
historic  spots,  says  of  Bunker  Hill:  "The  remains  of  the 
British  fort  are  visible;  the  works  must  have  been  very 
strong  and  occupied  a  large  extent  of  ground;  they  are 
on  the  summit  and  slope  of  the  hill  looking  toward  the 
peninsula."  His  description  of  the  appearance  of  Breed's 
Hill  at  that  time  shows  it  to  have  been  in  no  better  state 
of  preservation  than  Bunker  Hill.  He  says:  "  The  re 
doubt  thrown  up  by  the  Americans  is  nearly  effaced; 
scarcely  the  slightest  trace  of  it  remains."  All  of  which 
tends  to  show  that  after  nearly  half  a  century  the  fortifica 
tions  on  Bunker  Hill  [the  British  however,  not  the  Ameri 
can,  which  were  never  more  than  incomplete]  were  as 
well  known  as  those  on  Breed's  Hill.  In  confirmation  of 
the  statement  that  the  British  fortified  Bunker  Hill  is  the 
statement  of  Frothingham  in  speaking  of  the  apprehension 
entertained  by  the  British  after  battle,  that  the  contest 
might  be  renewed.  He  says :  "  The  British,  reinforced 
by  additional  troops  from  Boston,  threw  up,  during  the 
night  a  line  of  breastworks  on  the  northern  side  of  Bunker 
Hill." 

An  old  resident  of  Charlestown,  who  for  many  years 
has  made  a  study  of  the  historic  landmarks  of  that  district, 
says  that  Bunker  Hill  has  always  been  known  as  the  old 
fort,  and  in  an  article  contributed  to  the  Charlestown 
"  Enterprise,"  in  1882,  advocating  the  taking  the  hill  for 
a  park,  he  says :  "  The  little  park  thus  formed  would  be 
the  proper  site  for  the  statue  of  General  Stark,  which  the 
New  Hampshire  men  now  propose  to  add  to  the  Bunker 
Hill  collection,  being  exactly  the  place  where  his  regiment 
was  posted  while  defending  so  stubbornly  the  left  of  the 
line  of  battle,  which  all  know  never  gave  way  until  the 
redoubt  at  the  other  end  was  carried  and  occupied  by  the 
British."  Continuing,  he  says:  "After  all  the  mutilation 


760  WASHINGTON. 

that  Bunker  Hill  has  suffered  there  still  remains  an  oppor 
tunity  to  make  on  its  summit  one  of  the  most  charming 
places  of  summer  resort  possessed  by  any  city  in  the  world, 
*  *  *  where  still  may  be  traced  one  of  the  bastions  of 
the  old  fort  —  they  called  it  a  castle  —  built  by  the  British 
to  command  the  Neck,  after  they  obtained  possession  of 
the  town." 

The  authorities  quoted  confirm  the  accuracy  of  the  tra 
ditions  of  the  people  of  Charlestown,  and  the  recollection 
of  the  old  inhabitants  not  only -in  regard  to  the  existence 
of  the  fortifications,  but  as  to  their  exact  location. 

It  should  be  noted  here  that  this  great  battle  was  fought 
by  the  pick  of  the  militia  assembled  under  tHe  nominal 
command  of  Gen.  Artemas  Ward,  who  was  himself  at  the 
moment  under  an  appointment  requiring  him  to  carry  out 
the  orders  of  what  was  known  as  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
orders  given  out  through  another  body  known  as  the 
Council  of  War.  He  was  really  in  command  of  Massa 
chusetts  troops  only,  together  with  the  New  Hampshire 
regiments;  and  the  considerable  number  of  Connecticut 
troops  at  Roxbury,  under  Spencer,  and  at  Cambridge,  un 
der  Putnam,  might  have  acted  independently  had  not  the 
field  of  operations  been  that  of  Massachusetts  soil.  About 
the  middle  of  May  joint  action  by  the  Committee  of  Safety 
and  the  Council  of  War  declared  for  the  establishment  of 
a  strong  redoubt  on  Bunker  Hill,  near  the  northeastern 
termination  of  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown,  at  a  point 
no  feet  above  the  water  of  Boston  harbor.  From  this 
summit  the  hill  fell  away  by  a  gradual  slope  for  about  700 
yards,  and  then  rose  to  an  elevation  of  about  seventy-five 
feet  just  north  by  east  of  what  was  then  Charlestown.  It 
was  this  second  elevation  which  bore  the  name  of  Breed's 
Hill.  It  was  learned  in  the  American  camp  that  the 
British  commander  in  Boston,  General  Gage,  proposed  to 


MAJOR-GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  761 

carry  into  execution,  on  the  i8th  of  June,  a  plan  for  taking 
possession  of  Bunker  Hill.  This  the  Americans  antici 
pated  by  orders,  on  June  I5th,  for  occupying  and  fortifying 
the  same  position,  and  William  Prescott,  Colonel  of  a 
Middlesex  regiment,  was  put  in  charge  of  the  enterprise, 
and  a  brigade  of  1,000  men  placed  under  his  command  a 
night  and  a  day  only  in  advance  of  the  purpose  of  Gage. 
The  command  was  composed  of  300  of  Prescott's  own 
regiment,  detachments  from  the  regiments  of  Frye  and 
Bridge,  and  200  Connecticut  men  under  Knowlton.  Rich 
ard  Gridley,  an  experienced  engineer,  was  with  Prescott. 
Setting  out  from  Cambridge  Common  as  soon  as  dark 
ness  favored,  and  after  a  fervent  prayer  by  President  Lang- 
don,  of  Harvard  College,  who  was  serving  as  a  chaplain, 
the  march  led  across  the  causeway  built  on  a  low  isthmus 
separating  the  Mystic  and  Charles  rivers,  and  communi 
cating  from  the  mainland  to  the  Charlestown  peninsula, 
with  Bunker  Hill  a  short  distance  beyond  the  causeway. 
Whatever  the  orders  really  were,  Prescott  and  his  men 
chose  to  understand  them  as  justifying  going  over  Bunker 
Hill  to  Breed's  Hill,  as  a  more  favorable  position  for 
threatening  both  Boston  and  the  shipping  in  the  harbor. 
It  was  not  until  midnight  that  pickaxe  and  spade  were  set 
to  work  to  prepare  a  redoubt  about  eight  rods  square, 
but  before  daylight  the  work  was  completed.  With  the 
dawn  of  day  the  guns  of  the  British  shipping  near  at  hand 
and  a  battery  of  British  heavy  guns  mounted  on  Copp's 
Hill,  only  1,200  yards  away,  rained  shot  and  shell  upon 
the  freshly  thrown-up  fortress  of  earth;  and  such  was  the 
severity  of  the  cannonade  as  to  prevent  what  Prescott  at 
tempted —  an  extension  of  his  line  from  the  east  side  of 
the  redoubt  northerly  to  the  bottom  of  the  hill.  About 
twenty  rods  this  had  been  executed,  giving  a  breastwork 
outside  of  the  redoubt,  when  the  "  intolerable  fire  "  of  the 


762  WASHINGTON. 

great  guns  caused  its  suspension.  It  was  a  severe  trial 
to  raw  soldiers  to  thus  face  the  fire  of  artillery.  Pres- 
cott,  walking  leisurely  backward  and  forward  on  the  top 
of  the  earthwork,  and  one  of  his  captains  imitating  his 
example,  gave  a  stimulus  to  the  courage  of  the  Americans, 
and  advertised  to  the  British  the  fearless  character  of  the 
venture,  which  Gage  with  a  telescope  watched,  while  a 
Tory  brother-in-law  of  Prescott  stood  at  his  side.  "  Will 
he  fight?"  said  Gage.  "To  the  last  drop  of  his  blood," 
was  the  reply.  By  9  o'clock  jn  the  morning  it  was  evi 
dent  to  the  British  generals  that  the  delay  incident  to 
attempting  to  go  round  to  the  rear  of  the  Americans 
would  give  them  a  great  advantage,  and  that  the  attack 
must  be  made  immediately  on  the  side  that  could  be  soon 
est  reached.  It  was  one  of  those  days  of  extreme  heat 
which  sometimes  come  in  advance  of  the  American  sum 
mer,  and  Prescott's  men  were  by  noon  on  the  verge  of 
exhaustion,  save  for  the  indomitable  spirit  and  zeal  for 
action  of  the  commander  and  the  great  body  of  those 
under  him.  Messengers  repeatedly  sent  off  to  report 
progress  and  ask  for  reinforcements  and  provisions  had 
not  at  noon  brought  any  relief.  The  night  march  and  the 
twelve  hours'  labor,  the  larger  part  of  it  under  the  heat 
of  a  blazing  sun  and  amid  a  storm  of  shot  and  shells,  had 
been  endured  with  only  the  refreshment  meagerly  supplied 
from  their  knapsacks,  and  with  not  even  a  cup  of  cold 
water  to  stay  their  thirst;  while  hardly  less  serious  was 
the  failure  of  headquarters  to  add  anything  to  their  very 
scant  supply  of  powder.  The  work  however  in  the 
trenches  was  done,  and  the  tools  piled  up  in  the  rear,  when 
Putnam,  whom  Prescott's  second  messenger  had  met 
hastening  from  Cambridge  to  Charleston,  rode  up  to  the 
Breed's  Hill  redoubt  and  asked  to  have  the  intrenching 
tools  sent  back  to  Bunker  Hill  for  further  preparations 


LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

there  against  the  British  impending  effort  to  get  posses 
sion  of  the  peninsula.  The  sending  back  of  the  intrench 
ing  tools  took  away  a  considerable  number  of  Prescott's 
men,  leaving  him  about  700  or  800,  worn  with  prolonged 
toil,  weakened  by  hunger,  and  yet  resolute  to  meet  the 
expected  British  attack  from  the  force  of  about  5,000  ef 
fective  troops  which  the  British  commander  had  in  Bos 
ton,  together  with  the  British  shipping  and  floating  bat 
teries,  the  guns  of  which  raked  the  isthmus  by  which 
Charlestown  was  reached  from  the  American  camp,  and 
over  which  reinforcements  must  come. 

Apparently  nothing  could  exceed  the  danger  of  Pres 
cott's  position.  Ward  gave  no  sign  of  sending  either  food 
or  powder  or  men;  of  powder  especially  his  supply  was 
very  limited,  and  he  doubted  of  burning  it  just  then;  nor 
was  he  disposed  to  weaken  his  own  strength  at  Cambridge, 
fearing  that  the  real  battle  would  be  an  attack  on  his  posi 
tion;  the  most  that  he  would  do  was  to  order  the  New 
Hampshire  regiments  of  Stark  to  march  from  Medford, 
and  with  Reed  near  the  Charlestown  isthmus,  go  to  Pres 
cott's  support.  Stubbornly  inactive  all  day,  not  even 
leaving  his  house,  and  even  refusing  to  believe  it  when 
word  was  brought  that  the  British  were  actually  landing 
to  give  battle  against  Prescott,  the  general  in  command 
presented  an  unhappy  contrast  to  Prescott  and  Putnam 
and  the  work  to  which  they  had  with  so  much  heart  and 
courage  put  their  hands. 

To  meet  the  landing  of  the  British  on  a  point  east  by 
north  from  the  redoubt  on  Breed's  Hill,  Prescott  ordered 
his  artillery,  with  two  field  pieces  and  the  stanch  Connec 
ticut  men  under  Knowlton,  to  take  position  in  that  direc 
tion.  About  200  yards  in  the  rear  of  his  unfinished  breast 
work,  east  of  the  redoubt,  a  low  stone  wall,  over  which 
were  two  rails  of  post  and  fence  rail,  extended  back  for 


764  WASHINGTON. 

300  yards  or  more,  while  an  opportune  ditch  helped  to 
make  the  line  convenient  for  defense.  An  abundance  of 
freshly-cut  grass  was  at  hand  also,  and  with  some  further 
extemporizing  of  a  parallel  post  and  railfence  and  bring 
ing  all  the  grass  into  the  line  between  the  two,  something 
like  a  fighting  line  was  extemporized;  and  here  came  such 
individual  reinforcements  as  the  ringing  bells  and  drums 
beating  to  arms  in  Cambridge  had  sent  off  without  much 
reference  to  orders  from  the  timid  and  hesitating  head 
quarters.  Here  came  venerable  Seth  Pomeroy  of  North- 
hampton,  riding  a  borrowed  horse  to  Charlestown  Neck, 
and  thence  proceeding  on  foot,  his  fowling  piece  on  his 
shoulder,  to  take,  amid  loud  cheers,  his  place  at  the  fence 
and  winrow  line.  Here  came  also  Joseph  Warren,  three 
days  before  elected  a  provincial  major-general,  entreated 
by  Elbridge  Gerry  not  to  thus  put  his  life  in  peril;  fully 
aware  of  the  conditions  at  headquarters  and  the  dangers 
to  be  met  at  Prescott's  redoubt;  but,  more  than  all,  alive 
to  the  possibility  of  significance  beyond  expression  or  esti 
mate  in  fighting  on  that  day  or  even  dying  for  one's  coun 
try  in  the  initial  battle  for  liberty  then  and  there  to  be 
fought;  it  was  about  2  o'clock  as,  with  a  musket  in  his 
hand,  the  task  only  of  a  private  soldier  in  view,  he  crossed 
over  the  top  of  Bunker  Hill  alone,  stopped  for  a  short 
time  at  the  railfence  and  winrow  defense  to  talk  with 
Putnam,  and  passed  on  thence  to  Prescott's  redoubt;  de 
clining,  both  with  Putnam  and  Prescott,  to  take  any  other 
position  than  that  of  a  man  with  a  gun,  and  choosing  in  the 
line  a  place  of  danger  and  importance. 

Some  fragments  of  Ward's  army,  or  of  the  troops  willing 
to  take  his  orders,  reached  the  positions  of  either  Pres 
cott  or  Putnam  before  the  fight  was  on;  detachments  of 
125  Essex  men;  70  Worcester  and  Middlesex  men,  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Buckminster;  above  50  more  from  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  765 

same  counties  under  John  Nixon;  about  40  Worcester 
county  men,  under  Willard  Moore,  and  about  50  privates 
from  a  Lancaster  regiment,  with  no  higher  officers  than 
captains.  Six  light  field  pieces  brought  upon  the  ground 
were  of  little  use  from  want  of  ammunition.  These 
reached  Prescott  before  the  battle.  After  the  British  had 
landed,  and  just  before  they  advanced  to  the  attack,  Col. 
John  Stark,  with  New  Hampshire  levies  next  in  number 
to  the  men  of  Prescott's  own  regiment,  reached  Putnam's 
position  and  took  a  hand  in  completing  the  fence  and  grass 
breastworks  and  in  fighting  with  Knowlton's  Connecticut 
men  on  Prescott's  flank  while  Prescott  himself  fought  at 
the  redoubt. 

Howe  brought  into  action  the  chief  strength  of  the 
British  army,  after  having  distributed  refreshments  to 
them  in  great  abundance,  and  with  every  effort  to  send 
them  to  their  task  prepared  for  energetic  action  and  speedy 
success.  About  2,000  men  had  been  started  when  rein 
forcements  were  hurried  after  them,  and  probably  from 
2,500  to  3,000  experienced  and  disciplined  soldiers  were 
launched  at  the  embattled  farmers  behind  Prescott's  earth 
work  and  the  line  of  stone  wall,  railfence,  and  grass,  be 
hind  which  Stark  and  Knowlton  and  Reed  mustered  their 
commands.  By  the  time  that  the  news  of  the  concentra 
tion  of  the  British  forces  upon  the  impending  battle 
reached  Ward  at  Cambridge  his  fear  for  his  own  position 
gave  way,  and  under  pressure  he  ordered  reinforcements 
and  supplies,  which  might,  if  they  had  been  sent  soon 
enough,  have  enabled  the  Americans  to  drive  the  British 
in  overwhelming  defeat  back  upon  their  boats;  but  Ward's 
orders  came  too  late.  The  whole  number  of  Americans 
in  the  battle,  including  all  who  reached  the  peninsula  in 
season  for  the  fight  at  anv  part  of  the  American  line,  did 
not  exceed  1,500  men. 


766  WASHINGTON. 

Lord  Howe,  the  British  commander,  undertook  to  make 
the  burning  of  Charlestown  promote  the  success  of  his 
advance  upon  the  American  works  just  outside  of  the 
town.  Gage  had  threatened,  directly  after  the  expedition 
to  Concord,  that  Charlestown  should  be  burned  if  Ameri 
can  occupation  of  the  heights  contiguous  to  it  should  be 
attempted.  Howe  now  sent  to  Clinton  and  Burgoyne  a 
request  to  put  the  threat  in  execution;  and  with  a  prompt 
discharge  of  shells  from  Copp's  Hill,  and  a  party  of  men 
landing  to  promote  a  conflagration,  the  prompt  destruc 
tion  of  the  town  was  made  sure;  and  at  about  half-past  2 
the  British  advance  was  made  in  two  columns,  one  against 
the  redoubt,  and  the  other,  led  by  Howe  himself,  against 
the  flank,  where  Howe  calculated  upon  easily  surmount 
ing  the  railfence  and  grass  defense  to  get  upon  the  rear 
of  Prescott  and  force  him  to  a  surrender.  With  Charles- 
town's  500  edifices  of  wood  going  down  in  a  tempest 
of  fire;  with  the  battery  on  Copp's  Hill,  the  two  float 
ing  batteries,  and  the  shipping  in  the  harbor  maintaining 
an  incessant  fire  upon  the  American  position,  Howe's  col 
umns,  with  the  splendid  bravery  of  perfect  discipline,  regu 
lar  uniforms,  and  burnished  weapons,  struggled  gallantly 
through  the  tall  grass  and  across  the  walls  and  fences  of 
the  hillside  fields  to  the  near  vicinity  of  the  American 
works.  With  some  pauses  to  permit  the  artillery  to 
operate  in  advance,  and  firing  with  their  muskets  as  they 
went  forward,  the  show  they  made  was  far  more  impressive 
than  any  effect  of  the  shooting,  which  did  but  little  injury 
because  it  was  too  soon  and  too  high.  Prescott  is  said 
to  have  told  his  men,  as  he  went  the  rounds  at  the  final 
moment  of  preparation  to  receive  the  British  assault: 
"  The  Redcoats  will  never  reach  the  redoubt  if  you  will 
but  withhold  your  fire  till  I  give  the  order,  and  be  careful 
not  to  shoot  over  their  heads."  A  participant  in  the  bat- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  767 

tie,  who  was  probably  one  of  Reed's  command,  behind, 
the  railfence  and  grass  work  with  the  commands  of  Stark 
and  Knowlton,  is  known  to  the  present  writer  to  have  told 
the  story  of  Bunker  Hill  with  the  statement  that  their  or 
ders  were  not  to  fire  until  they  could  see  the  whites  of  the 
eyes  of  the  advancing  enemy  and  then  to  aim  at  the  waist 
of  their  breeches.  However  given,  this  particular  of  the 
American  action  undoubtedly  contributed  to  make  their 
fighting  phenomenally  effective.  Prescott  waited  until,  as 
he  was  himself  disposed  to  estimate,  the  enemy  were  within 
eight  rods  of  the  muskets  of  his  steady  marksmen,  and 
upon  giving  the  word  "  Fire,"  the  discharge  of  every  gun 
along  the  whole  front  of  both  redoubt  and  breastwork  cut 
down  as  with  a  scythe  nearly  every  man  in  the  front  rank 
of  the  British  advance,  and  for  the  minute  which  followed 
before  precipitate  retreat  swept  the  British  back  to  the 
foot  of  the  hill  and  even  to  their  boats,  the  American 
marksmen,  loading  their  muskets  behind  their  cover  and 
firing  at  discretion  with  perfect  marksmanship,  made  the 
slaughter  exceedingly  difficult  for  any  force  to  stand  up 
against. 

At  the  other  position  in  the  American  line,  where  Howe 
proposed  to  himself  to  brush  the  American  farmers  and 
their  grass  work  out  of  his  way,  and  pass  round  to  the 
rear  of  Prescott,  the  British  advance  was  confidently  and 
gallantly  made,  Howe's  troops  moving  into  line  with  the 
precision  of  a  mere  parade  when  within  about  eighty  or 
one  hundred  yards  of  the  American  defenses.  Here  Put 
nam,  in  the  terms  most  likely  —  for  they  sound  like  him  — 
of  the  report  already  mentioned,  made  his  men  reserve 
their  fire,  and  without  a  single  instance  of  disobedience  of 
the  order,  when  the  proper  moment  came,  resting  their 
guns  on  the  rails  of  the  fence,  the  deliberate,  accurately 
aimed,  and  universally  effective  discharge  cut  the  British 


768  WASHINGTON. 

down  so  rapidly,  and  so  soon  threw  the  force  into  com 
plete  confusion  as  to  leave  no  choice  but  of  retreat  out  of 
reach  of  the  remorseless,  deadly  fire. 

There  was  no  question  then  behind  those  American  de 
fenses  but  of  victory,  if  only  headquarters  had,  with  an 
swerable  confidence  and  courage,  soon  enough  sent  on 
supplies  of  ammunition  and  reasonably  available  reinforce 
ments.  In  the  British  ranks  confidence  and  discipline 
were  shattered,  and  only  with  difficulty  were  the  officers 
able  to  rally  their  men  for  a  renewal  of  the  attack.  Within 
about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  however  the  column  which  had 
attempted  the  assault  upon  Prescott's  redoubt  were 
brought  up  again  in  the  same  order  as  before,  and  again 
the  American  fire  was  withheld  until  the  enemy  were 
within  five  or  six  rods  of  the  redoubt,  and  then  given  with 
a  precision  which  seemed  even  more  fatal  than  that  by 
which  the  earlier  attack  was  made  of  none  effect.  Even 
while  the  British  pressed  forward  with  extreme  spirit,  the 
British  officers  especially  exposing  themselves  fearlessly, 
the  continuous  stream  of  fire  from  the  whole  American 
line  blazed  so  relentlessly,  and  cut  down  all  before  it  so 
thoroughly,  that  hardly  were  a  few  moments  of  brave  en 
durance  passed  before  again  the  confident  assailants  gave 
way  in  greater  disorder  than  before,  leaving  their  dead 
and  wounded  covering  the  ground  almost  up  to  the  front 
of  the  redoubt. 

Meanwhile  the  situation  of  Howe's  column,  brought  up 
to  a  second  attack  upon  the  railfence  and  grass-works 
line,  was  still  worse.  Flimsy  as  the  line  was  to  the  eye 
of  a  British  general,  there  was  nothing  flimsy  about  the 
line  of  fire  poured  out  by  the  steady  marksmen  behind  it. 
It  was  but  a  few  moments  before  the  British  dead  lay 
spread  in  front  of  it  as  but  a  day  before  the  grass  had  lain 
under  the  scythe  of  the  mower.  It  was  a  line  which  even 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  769 

Upon  the  second  assault  could  not  be  penetrated.  Sur 
vivors  of  the  attempt  themselves  said:  "  How  could  we 
penetrate  it?  Most  of  our  grenadiers  and  light  infantry, 
the  moment  of  presenting  themselves,  lost  three-fourths, 
and  many  nine-tenths,  of  their  men.  Some  had  only  eight 
or  nine  men  in  a  company  left,  some  only  five,  four,  or 
three."  Howe  himself,  for  a  few  seconds,  stood  alone 
among  the  officers  and  men  killed  or  wounded  around 
him.  And  to  add  to  the  startlingly  impressive  features 
of  the  scene,  the  flames  of  burning  Charlestown,  and  the 
participation  in  the  battle  of  the  artillery,  gave  a  back 
ground  to  this  scene  of  unexpected  slaughter  which 
caused  Burgoyne  to  write :  "  The  whole  was  a  complica 
tion  of  horror  and  importance  beyond  anything  it  ever 
came  to  my  lot  to  be  witness  to.  It  was  a  sight  for  a 
young  soldier  that  the  longest  service  may  not  furnish 
again." 

Practically  however  the  fight  was  now  over,  because 
the  Americans  lacked  ammunition  with  which  to  continue 
it.  Neither  Prescott's  confidence  nor  the  courage  of  his 
men  wavered  in  the  least,  but  during  the  longer  interval 
that  preceded  the  third  attack  a  council  of  officers  discov 
ered  that  there  was  very  little  powder  left.  Prescott  had 
sent  in  the  morning  for  a  supply,  but  had  received  none. 
A  few  artillery  cartridges  were  discovered  and  the  powder 
in  them  distributed  for  use  in  the  muskets.  The  alterna 
tive  of  the  bayonet  was  out  of  the  question,  as  there  were 
not  fifty  bayonets  available.  The  British  meanwhile  not 
less  stunned  than  enraged  at  the  sight  of  such  a  field  of 
their  dead  and  wounded  prepared  themselves  for  a  last 
supreme  effort;  cannon  were  brought  to  bear  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  rake  the  inside  of  the  breastworks  from  one 
end  of  it  to  the  other,  compelling  the  American  marksmen 
to  crowd  within  their  earthwork,  against  which  Howe  now 
49 


770  WASHINGTON. 

concentrated  his  forces,  except  the  light  infantry  and  part 
of  the  grenadiers  left  to  repeat  the  attack  on  the  railfence. 
For  the  third  advance,  knapsacks  were  laid  aside  and 
fixed  bayonets  brought  into  use.  Clinton,  moreover,  who 
had  until  now  watched  the  battle  from  Copp's  Hill,  under 
took,  without  orders,  to  come  up  with  two  battalions  on 
the  extreme  left  of  the  British  advance.  Prescott's  force 
within  the  redoubt  thus  assailed  numbered  less  than  700 
men,  some  of  whom  had  only  one  round  of  ammunition 
left,  and  none  more  than  four  rounds.  When  therefore, 
after  a  single  deadly  volley  from  the  Americans,  which 
caused  the  British  to  waver  while  yet  they  sprang  forward 
without  returning  the  fire,  the  path  was  clear  for  their 
bayonets;  the  American  fire  not  only  slackened,  but  began 
to  die  away,  and  with  neither  powder  nor  bayonets,  noth 
ing  more  being  possible,  Prescott,  at  a  little  before  4,  his 
redoubt  already  half  filled  with  British  regulars,  and  he 
himself  on  the  point  of  being  surrounded,  gave  the  word 
to  retreat.  Among  the  last  to  leave  the  fort,  his  coat  and 
waistcoat  rent  and  pierced  by  British  bayonets,  the  fatal 
thrust  of  which  he  had  parried  with  his  sword,  he  escaped 
unhurt.  Had  the  British  been  less  exhausted  the  close 
of  the  battle  might  have  been  much  more  disastrous  to 
the  Americans.  As  it  was,  the  defenders  of  the  redoubt 
under  Prescott  would  have  been  cut  off  had  not  the  Ameri 
can  force  at  the  railfence  held  in  check  the  third  attack 
there  until  the  main  body  had  left  Breed's  Hill  on  their 
retreat,  which  was  made  with  a  regularity  not  to  be  ex 
pected  of  troops  many  of  whom  had  never  seen  an  engage 
ment.  The  Connecticut  companies  under  Knowlton  and 
the  New  Hampshire  soldiers  under  Stark  were  the  last  to 
give  way  before  the  British  bayonets.  At  the  redoubt; 
on  the  brow  of  Bunker  Hill  where  Putnam  exerted  him 
self  to  have  the  retreating  patriots  make  a  stand;  and  on 


LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

the  isthmus  leading  from  the  peninsula  out  toward  the 
American  camp,  and  a  point  specially  exposed  to  a  raking 
fire  from  the  British,  were  the  three  points  where  Ameri 
can  blood  was  spilled.  Beyond  the  isthmus  the  British 
were  unable  to  pursue  adversaries  to  whose  courage  the 
heavy  roll  of  their  own  dead  or  wounded,  more  than  a 
third  of  those  engaged  (1,054),  bore  witness.  The  Ameri 
can  killed  and  missing  were  145,  and  the  wounded  304. 
Had  Ward  been  out  of  Putnam's  way,  had  he  fairly  stood 
by  Prescott,  it  would  have  been  not  merely  a  virtual  vic 
tory,  but  one  of  the  greatest  in  history.] 


CHAPTER  III. 

WASHINGTON  TAKES  COMMAND  OF  THE  ARMY. 

I775- 

EVERY  necessary  arrangement  with  Congress  having 
been  completed,  Washington  departed  from  Phila 
delphia,  June  21,   1775,  to  join  the  army  before 
Boston.     The  journey  was  performed  on  horseback,  and 
he  was  escorted  as  far  as  Kingsbridge,  at  the  northern 
extremity  of  New  York  island,  by  a  volunteer  company 
of  light  cavalry,  composed  of  gentlemen,  styled  the  First 
Troop.*     The  companions  of  his  journey  were  General 
Lee  and  General  Schuyler. 

General  Lee  was  an  original  genius,  possessing  the  most 
brilliant  talents,  great  military  powers,  and  extensive  in 
telligence  and  knowledge  of  the  world;  but  he  was  eccen 
tric  and  even  cynical  in  his  habits.  He  had  seen  consider 
able  active  service  in  Europe;  had  quarrelled  with  the 
British  ministry.  He  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  dispute 
between  this  country  and  Great  Britain,  being,  of  course, 
on  the  side  of  the  colonists.  Coming  over  to  this  country 
in  November,  1773,  he  had  traveled  rapidly  through  the 
Colonies,  animating  the  people,  both  by  conversation  and 

*  This  company  of  volunteers,  one  of  the  most  respectable  in 
Philadelphia,  still  retains  its  organization  and  performs  regular 
duty.  It  appears  to  hold  the  same  position  there  as  the  Ancient 
and  Honorable  Artillery  Company  does  in  Boston.  When  forming 
Washington's  escort  from  Philadelphia  to  New  York,  the  First 
Troop  was  commanded  by  Captain  Markoe. 

(772). 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  773 

his  eloquent  pen,  to  a  determined  and  persevering  resist 
ance  to  British  tyranny. 

His  enthusiasm  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  the  Colonies 
was  such  that,  after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  he  accepted, 
as  we  have  seen,  a  major-general's  commission  in  the 
American  army,  though  his  ambition  had  been  thought 
to  aim  at  the  post  of  Commander-in-Chief.  Previous  to 
this  however,  he  resigned  the  commission  which  he  had 
till  then  retained  in  the  British  service,  and  relinquished 
his  half  pay.  This  he  did  in  a  letter  to  the  British  secre 
tary  at  war,  in  which  he  expressed  his  disapprobation  of 
the  oppressive  measures  of  Parliament,  declaring  them  to 
be  so  actually  subversive  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
every  individual  subject,  so  destructive  to  the  whole  em 
pire  at  large,  and  ultimately  so  ruinous  to  His  Majesty's 
own  person,  dignity,  and  family  that  he  thought  himself 
obliged  in  conscience,  as  a  citizen,  an  Englishman,  and 
soldier  of  a  free  estate,  to  exert  his  utmost  to  defeat  them. 

Lee's  devotion  to  the  cause  of  freedom  was  apparently 
sincere,  but  his  rashness  and  violent  temper  were  destined 
to  darken  the  close  of  his  career. 

Washington's  other  companion  on  the  journey  was  a 
more  genial  and  amiable  as  well  as  a  far  more  exalted 
character. 

General  Schuyler  was  a  native  of  New  York,  a  member 
of  one  of  the  most  respectable  families  in  that  State,  and 
highly  merits  the  character  of  an  intelligent  and  meri 
torious  officer.  As  a  private  gentleman,  he  was  dignified 
but  courteous,  his  manners  urbane,  and  his  hospitality  un 
bounded.  He  was  justly  considered  as  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  champions  of  liberty,  and  his  noble  mind 
soared  above  despair,  even  at  a  period  when  he  experi 
enced  injustice  from  the  public,  and  when  darkness  and 
gloom  overspread  the  land.  He  was  able,  prompt,  and 


774  WASHINGTON. 

decisive,  and  his  conduct,  in  every  branch  of  duty,  marked 
his  active  industry  and  rapid  execution. 

With  such  companions  as  these  two  officers,  who,  as 
well  as  Washington,  had  both  served  in  the  old  French 
War,  the  journey  of  Washington  must  have  been  enlivened 
by  conversation  of  the  most  interesting  and  agreeable 
kind. 

Before  they  had  proceeded  many  miles  from  Philadel 
phia,  they  were  met  by  a  messenger  from  the  army  before 
Boston  bearing  dispatches  to  Congress, 'containing  the  news 
of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  To  Washington's  eager 
inquiry,  how  the  militia  had  behaved  in  the  battle,  he  of 
course  received  the  most  satisfactory  answer;  he  exclaimed 
on  hearing  it:  "The  liberties  of  the  country  are  safe!" 
The  moral  effect  of  that  battle  was  not  confined  to  his  esti 
mate  of  its  importance.  It  was  felt  through  the  whole 
country  during  the  war. 

As  the  cavalcade  passed  through  the  towns  of  New 
Jersey,  great  demonstrations  of  respect  and  enthusiastic 
greetings  everywhere  met  the  new  Commander-in-Chief. 
•His  fine  martial  figure,  and  the  grave  and  commanding 
presence  which  distinguished  him  through  life,  inspired 
at  once  a  high  degree  of  awe  and  of  confidence;  while 
the  splendid  appearance  of  the  First  Troop,  and  the  attend 
ance  of  the  famous  and  popular  generals  who  accompanied 
him,  rendered  the  spectacle  still  more  attractive  and  im 
posing. 

[Washington's  commission  was  signed  on  the  I9th  of 
June,  1775,  and  on  the  following  day  a  demonstration  of 
local  patriotism  was  made  under  the  eye  of  the  new  Com 
mander-in-Chief,  by  a  march  out  to  the  commons,  and 
organization  in  brigade  of  "  the  three  battalions  of  Phila 
delphia  and  the  Liberties,  together  with  the  artillery  com 
pany,  a  troop  of  light  horse,  several  companies  of  light 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  775 

infantry,  rangers,  and  riflemen,  in  all  about  2,000."  This 
was  the  first  Continental  demonstration  under  the  eye 
of  Washington  as  Continental  Commander.  The  depart 
ure  for  New  York,  then  very  largely  loyal  to  British 
views  of  "  the  rebellion,"  was  in  some  sense  a  venture 
into  the  enemy's  country,  although  favorers  of  the  popu 
lar  cause  were  in  sufficient  numbers  for  a  demonstration 
of  welcome  to  the  popular  chief.  Washington  set  off  for 
his  great  work  on  Friday,  June  23d,  "  accompanied  a  few 
miles  from  town  by  the  troop  of  light  horse,  and  by  all  the 
officers  of  the  city  militia  on  horseback,"  and  these,  on 
parting  with  him,  expressed  "  the  most  ardent  wishes  for 
his  success  over  +he  enemies  of  our  liberty  and  country."* 
General  Schuyler  wrote  to  the  New  York  Provincial  or 
Colony  Congress  from  New  Brunswick,  on  Saturday,  June 

24,  1775: 

"  General  Washington,  with  his  retinue,  Is  now  here, 
and  proposes  to  be  at  Newark  by  9  tomorrow  morn- 
ing.  The  situation  of  the  men  of  war  [British]  at  New 
York  (we  are  informed)  is  such  as  may  make  it  necessary 
that  some  precaution  should  be  taken  in  crossing  Hud 
son's  river,  and  he  would  take  it  as  a  favor  if  some  gen 
tlemen  of  your  body  would  meet  him  tomorrow  at 
Newark,  as  the  advice  you  may  there  give  him  will  de 
termine  whether  he  will  continue  his  proposed  route  or 
not." 

The  body  thus  appealed  to  had  on  the  23d  taken  order 
to  have  Colonel  Lasher,  said  to  have  been  a  German  shoe 
maker,  "  send  one  of  his  field-officers  to  meet  General 
Washington,  and  to  know  when  he  will  be  in  this  city," 
and  "  to  make  such  orders  as  to  have  his  battalion  ready 
to  receive  General  Washington  when  he  shall  arrive." 

*Rivington's  Gazetteer,  June  29,  1775,  quoted  by  Ford,  Vol.  II, 
p.  494. 


776  WASHINGTON. 

In  response  to  General  Schuyler's  letter  the  New  York 
Congress  deputed  Thomas  Smith,  John  Sloss  Hobart, 
Gouverneur  Morris,  and  Richard  Montgomery,  "  to  go 
immediately  to  Newark,  and  recommend  to  General 
Washington  the  place  which  they  shall  think  most  pru 
dent  for  him  to  cross  at."  Not  only  were  very  many  of 
the  New  York  people  ardently  British  in  their  prejudices 
and  purposes,  and  the  Provincial  Congress,  representing 
the  popular  cause,  engaged  in  considering  how  to  com 
promise  with  Great  Britain,  but  for  the  very  day  of  the 
coming  of  the  foremost  "  rebel "  leader,  the  arrival  by 
ship  from  England  of  Tryon,  the  royal  governor,  was  ex 
pected;  he  had  in  fact  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor 
and  might  land  at  i  o'clock.  The  redoubtable  Lasher, 
with  his  battalion,  was  ordered  to  be  as  numerous  as  pos 
sible  with  divers  companies  of  militia  at  divers  points 
and  distribute  his  military  manners  to  either  of  the  emi 
nent  comers  as  circumstances  might  require.  The  event 
was  a  reception  to  Washington  early  enough  to  allow  of 
attention  to  Tryon  after  the  "  rebels  "  had  carried  out 
their  programme.  It  was  on  Sunday,  June  25th,  and  in 
the  first  half  of  the  afternoon,  when  the  morning  services 
in  the  churches  were  over.  One  account,  given  by  Gil 
bert  Livingston  in  a  report  to  Dr.  Peter  Tappan,  was  as 
follows: 

"  Last  Sunday  about  2  o'clock,  the  Generals  Washing 
ton,  Lee,  and  Schuyler  arrived  here.  They  crossed  the 
North  river  at  Hoboken  and  landed  at  Colonel  Lispe- 
nard's.  There  were  eight  or  ten  companies  under  arms, 
all  in  uniforms,  who  marched  out  to  Lispenard's.  The 
procession  began  from  there  thus  —  the  companies  first, 
the  [New  York  Provincial]  Congress  next,  two  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  general  officers  next,  and  a  com 
pany  of  horse  from  Philadelphia,  who  came  with  the  gen- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  777 

eral,  brought  up  the  rear.  There  were  an  innumerable 
company  of  people,  men,  women,  and  children  present." 
Another  account  said  that  it  was  with  "  a  greater  number 
of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  this  city  than  ever  appeared 
here  on  any  occasion  before."  A  staunch  Royalist,  Judge 
Thomas  Jones,  made  this  record: 

"After  12  o'cloclc  the  same  day  Washington,  Lee,  and 
Schuyler,  three  of  the  first  rebel  generals  appointed  by 
Congress  to  the  command  of  their  army,  the  two  first 
on  their  way  to  Boston,  the  latter  for  Albany,  to  com 
mand  the  expedition  preparing  against  Canada,  arrived 
from  Philadelphia,  and  were  entertained  at  the  house  of 
Leonard  Lispenard,  Esq.,  about  two  miles  out  of  town. 
Upon  this  occasion  the  volunteer  companies  raised  for 
the  express  purpose  of  rebellion,  the  members  of  the 
Provincial  Congress,  those  of  the  city  committee,  the 
parsons  of  the  dissenting  meeting-houses,  with  all  the 
leaders  and  partisans  of  faction  and  rebellion  (including 
Peter  R.  Livingston,  Esq.,  ajid  Thomas  Smith,  John 
Smith,  and  Joshua  Hett  Smith,  the  brother-in-law  and 
brothers  of  William  Smith,  Esq.,)  waited  upon  the  beach 
to  receive  them  upon  their  landing  from  the  Jersey  shore, 
and  conducted  them  up  to  Lispenard's,  amidst  the  re 
peated  shouts  and  huzzas  of  the  seditious  and  rebellious 
multitude,  where  they  dined,  and  toward  evening  were 
escorted  to  town,  attended  and  conducted  in  the  same 
tumultuous  and  ridiculous  manner." 

Washington  wrote  to  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia, 
after  reaching  New  York: 

"  Gentlemen :  The  rain  on  Friday  afternoon  and  Sat 
urday;  the  advice  of  several  gentlemen  of  the  Jerseys  and 
this  city,  by  no  means  to  cross  Hudson's  river  at  the 
lower  ferry;  and  some  other  occurrences  too  trivial  to 
mention  (which  happened  on  the  road),  prevented  my 


778  WASHINGTON. 

arrival  at  this  place  until  the  afternoon  of  this  day.  In 
the  morning,  after  giving  General  Schuyler  such  orders, 
as,  from  the  result  of  my  inquiry  into  matters  here,  ap 
pear  necessary,  I  shall  set  out  on  my  journey  to  the  camp 
at  Boston  and  shall  proceed  with  all  the  dispatch  in  my 
power.  Powder  is  so  essential  an  article  that  I  cannot 
help  again  repeating  the  necessity  of  a  supply.  The  camp 
at  Boston  from  the  best  accounts  I  can  get  from  thence, 
is  but  very  poorly  supplied.  At  this  place  they  have 
scarce  any.  How  they  are  provided  in  General  Wooster's 
camp  I  have  not  been  able  yet  to  learn. 

"  Governor  Tryon  is  arrived  and  General  Schuyler  di 
rected  to  advise  you  of  the  line  of  conduct  he  moves  in. 
I  fear  it  will  not  be  very  favorable  to  the  American  cause/' 

General  Wooster's  command  consisted  of  Connecticut 
troops  posted  on  tfre  southern  border  of  that  Colony  to 
protect  its  water  front  on  Long  Island  Sound.  Ten  days 
before  Washington  arrived  in  New  York,  the  Provincial 
Congress  of  New  York,  in  view  of  a  report  that  the 
landing  of  a  British  regiment  from  Ireland  was  immi 
nent,  asked  General  Wooster  to  come  within  five  miles 
of  the  city  for  its  defense,  and  to  come  for  that  purpose 
under  the  direction  of  the  Continental  Congress,  or  that 
of  New  York.  With  the  approval  of  the  Connecticut 
authorities,  General  Wooster  fixed  himself  in  camp  near 
New  York,  having  marched  for  that  purpose  June  28th. 
New  York  had  occasion  to  acknowledge  this  action  by 
saying:  "We  beg  leave  to  testify  to  you  our  high  sense 
of  the  readiness  which  you  show  to  assist  our  Colony. 
That  honest  zeal,  which  inspirits  our  countrymen  in  Con 
necticut,  commands  our  admiration  and  praise." 

At  5  P.  M.  of  Sunday,  June  25th,  Washington  further 
wrote  to  the  Continental  Congress: 

"  Upon  my  arrival  here  this  afternoon  I  was  informed 


LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

that  an  express  was  in  town  from  the  provincial  camp  in 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and  having  seen  among  other  papers 
in  his  possession  a  letter  directed  to  you  as  president  of 
Congress  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  open  it. 

"  You  will  find,  Sir,  by  that  letter,  a  great  want  of  pow 
der  in  the  provincial  army;  which  I  sincerely  hope  the 
Congress  will  supply  as  speedily  and  as  effectually  as  is 
in  their  power.  One  thousand  pounds  in  weight  were 
sent  to  the  camp  at  Cambridge  three  days  ago  from  this 
city;  which  has  left  this  place  almost  destitute  of  this 
necessary  article;  there  being  at  this  time  from  the  best 
information  not  more  than  four  barrels  of  powder  in  the 
city  of  New  York." 

On  Monday,  the  26th  of  June,  the  New  York  Congress 
approved  the  draught  of  an  address  to  General  Washing 
ton,  and  at  2:30  that  afternoon  it  was  presented  to  him. 
Its  terms  were  these: 

"At  a  tinre  when  the  most  loyal  of  his  Majesty's  sub 
jects,  from  a  regard  to  the  laws  and  constitution  by  which 
he  sits  on  the  throne,  feel  themselves  reduced  to  the  un 
happy  necessity  of  taking  up  arms  to  defend  their  dearest 
rights  and  privileges,  while  we  deplore  the  calamities  of 
this  divided  Empire,  we  rejoice  in  the  appointment  of  a 
gentleman  from  whose  abilities  and  virtue  we  are  taught 
to  expect  both  security  and  peace. 

"  Confiding  in  you,  Sir,  and  in  the  worthy  generals  im 
mediately  under  your  command,  we  have  the  most  flatter 
ing  hopes  of  success  in  the  glorious  struggle  for  American 
liberty,  and  the  fullest  assurances  that  whenever  this  im 
portant  contest  shall  be  decided  by  that  fondest  wish  of 
every  American  soul,  an  accommodation  with  our  mother 
country,  you  will  cheerfully  resign  the  important  deposit 


780  WASHINGTON. 

committed  into  your  hands,  and  resume  the  character  of 
our  worthiest  citizen." 

In  reply  Washington  said: 

"At  the  same  time  that  with  you  I  deplore  the  unhappy 
necessity  of  such  an  appointment  as  that  with  which  I 
am  now  honored,  I  cannot  but  feel  sentiments  of  the 
highest  gratitude  for  this  affecting  instance  of  distinction 
and  regard. 

"  May  your  warmest  wishes  be  realized  in  the  success 
of  America,  at  this  important  "and  interesting  period ;  and 
be  assured  that  every  exertion  of  my  worthy  colleagues 
and  myself  will  be  extended  to  the  re-establishment  of 
peace  and  harmony  between  the  mother  country  and 
these  Colonies.  As  to  the  fatal  but  necessary  opera 
tions  of  war,  when  we  assumed  the  soldier  we  did 
not  lay  aside  the  citizen,  and  we  shall  most  sincerely  re 
joice  with  you  in  that  happy  hour,  when  the  re-establish 
ment  of  American  liberty,  on  the  most  firm  and  solid 
foundations,  shall  enable  us  to  return  to  our  private 
stations,  in  the  bosom  of  a  free,  peaceful,  and  happy 
country."] 

Washington  had  already  decided  that  General  Schuyler 
was  to  remain  in  New  York,  to  direct  the  military  opera 
tions  in  that  quarter.  His  knowledge  of  the  Colony,  his 
extensive  influence  among  its  inhabitants,  his  high  posi 
tion  and  well-known  character  for  military  skill  and  ex 
perience,  peculiarly  fitted  General  Schuyler  for  taking  the 
command  at  this  important  post.  The  presence  of  Gov 
ernor  Tryon,  who  arrived  at  this  juncture,  and  the  great 
number  of  adherents  to  the  royal  cause  who  were  residing 
in  various  parts  of  the  Colony,  and  were  watching  for  an 
opportunity  to  embarrass  the  operations  of  Congress  and 
of  the  patriotic  party,  rendered  General  Schuyler's  task 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  781 

one  of  great  difficulty,  requiring  sound  Judgment  and 
policy  as  well  as  military  skill. 

[To  Major-General  Philip  Schuyler  Washington  gave 
the  following  directions,  June  25,  1775: 

"  You  are  to  take  upon  you  the  command  of  all  the 
troops  destined  for  the  New  York  department,  and  see  that 
the  orders  of  the  Continental  Congress  are  carried  into 
execution,  with  as  much  precision  and  exactness  as  pos 
sible.  For  your  better  government  therein,  you  are  here 
with  furnished  with  a  copy  of  the  instructions  given  me 
by  that  honorable  body.  Such  parts  thereof  as  are  within 
the  line  of  your  duty,  you  will  please  to  pay  particular 
attention  to.  Delay  no  time  in  occupying  the  several  posts 
recommended  by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  this  Colony, 
and  puting  them  in  a  fit  posture  to  answer  the  end  de 
signed;  neither  delay  any  time  in  securing  the  stores, 
which  are,  or  ought  to  have  been,  removed  from  this  city 
by  order  of  the  Continental  Congress. 

"  Keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  Governor  Tryon,  and,  if 
you  find  him  attempting,  directly  or  indirectly,  any 
measures  inimical  to  the  common  cause,  use  every  means 
in  your  power  to  frustrate  his  designs.  It  is  not  in  my 
power,  at  this  time,  to  point  out  the  mode  by  which  this 
end  is  to  be  accomplished;  but  if  forcible  measures  are 
judged  necessary,  I  should  have  no  difficulty  in  ordering 
them,  if  the  Continental  Congress  was  not  sitting;  but 
as  this  is  the  case,  and  the  seizing  of  governors  quite  a 
new  thing,  and  of  exceeding  great  importance,  I  must 
refer  you  to  that  body  for  direction  if  the  Governor  should 
make  any  move  toward  increasing  the  strength  of  the 
Tory  party,  or  in  arming  them  against  the  cause  we  are 
embarked  in. 

"  In  like  manner  watch  the  movements  of  the  Indian 
Agent,  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  and  prevent,  as  far  as  you 


782  WASHINGTON. 

can,  the  effect  of  his  influence  to  our  prejudice  with  the  In 
dians.  Obtain  the  best  information  you  can  of  the  temper 
and  disposition  of  those  people,  and  also  of  the  Canadians, 
that  a  proper  line  may  be  marked  out  to  conciliate  their 
good  opinion,  or  facilitate  any  future  operation. 

"  The  posts  on  Lake  Champlain,  &c.,  you  will  please  to 
have  properly  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition; 
and  this  I  am  persuaded  you  will  aim  at  doing  on  the 
best  terms,  to  prevent  our  good  cause  from  sinking  under 
a  heavy  load  of  expense." 

The  Governor  for  British  control  of  New  York,  Tryon, 
had  held  the  position  since  August,  1771,  and  was  on  the 
return  from  a  visit  of  some  months  to  England,  when  he 
thus  came  under  scrutiny  by  Washington  and  Schuyler, 
because,  with  great  talent  for  mischief,  he  was  bitterly 
hostile  to  the  patriots  represented  by  Washington. 

Johnson  was  a  nabob  of  wealth  and  large  influence  with 
the  Indians,  at  his  seat  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  river 
on  what  was  then  the  frontier  of  New  York.] 

After  giving  General  Schuyler  his  instructions,  Wash 
ington,  still  accompanied  by  General  Lee,  and  escorted  by 
successive  companies  of  volunteers,  pursued  his  journey 
through  Connecticut  till  he  arrived  at  Springfield,  Mass., 
loo  miles  from  Boston.  Here  he  was  met  by  a  committee 
from  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  who  had 
been  directed  to  provide  escorts,  and  to  attend  him  in 
person  during  the  remainder  of  the  route. 

On  the  2d  of  July,  1775,  he  arrived  at  Watertown, 
where  the  Congress  of  Massachusetts  was  then  sitting. 
He  was  received  with  great  cordiality  and  respect,  and 
greeted  with  a  congratulatory  address,  in  which  occurred 
this  statement: 

"  We  would  not  presume  to  prescribe  to  your  Excel 
lency,  but  supposing  you  would  choose  to  be  informed  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  783 

the  general  character  of  the  soldiers  who  compose  the 
army,  we  beg  leave  to  represent,  that  the  greatest  part  of 
them  have  not  before  seen  service;  and  although  naturally 
brave  and  of  good  understanding,  yet,  for  want  of  experi 
ence  in  military  life,  have  but  little  knowledge  of  divers 
things  most  essential  to  the  preservation  of  health  and 
even  life.  The  youth  of  the  army  are  not  possessed  of 
the  absolute  necessity  of  cleanliness  in  their  dress  and 
lodging,  continual  exercise,  and  strict  temperance,  to  pre 
serve  them  from  diseases  frequently  prevailing  in  camps, 
especially  among  those  who  from  childhood,  have  been 
used  to  a  laborious  life." 

To  this  address  Washington  made  the  following  reply: 
"  Gentlemen,  your  kind  congratulations  on  my  appoint 
ment  and  arrival  demand  my  warmest  acknowledgments, 
and  will  ever  be  retained  in  grateful  remembrance.  In 
exchanging  the  enjoyments  of  domestic  life  for  the  duties 
of  my  present  honorable  but  arduous  station,  I  only  emu 
late  the  virtue  and  public  spirit  of  the  whole  province  of 
Massachusetts,  which,  with  a  firmness  and  patriotism 
without  example,  has  sacrificed  all  the  comforts  of  social 
and  political  life,  in  support  of  the  rights  of  mankind  and 
the  welfare  of  our  common  country.  My  highest  ambition 
is  to  be  the  happy  instrument  of  vindicating  these  rights, 
and  to  see  this  devoted  province  again  restored  to  peace, 
liberty,  and  safety. 

"The  short  space  of  time,  which  has  elapsed  since  my 
arrival,  does  not  permit  me  to  decide  upon  the  state  of 
the  army.  The  course  of  human  affairs  forbids  an  ex 
pectation  that  troops  formed  under  such  circumstances 
should  at  once  possess  the  order,  regularity,  and  discipline 
of  veterans.  Whatever  deficiences  there  may  be  will,  I 
doubt  not,  soon  be  made  up  by  the  activity  and  zeal  of 
the  officers,  and  the  docility  and  obedience  of  the  men. 


784  WASHINGTON. 

These  qualities,  united  with  their  native  bravery  and 
spirit,  will  afford  a  happy  presage  of  success,  and  put  a 
final  period  to  those  distresses  which  now  overwhelm  this 
once  happy  country. 

"  I  most  sincerely  thank  you  for  your  declaration  of 
readiness  at  all  times  to  assist  me  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  my  station.  They  are  so  complicated  and  ex 
tended  that  I  shall  need  the  assistance  of  every  good  man 
and  lover  of  his  country.  I  therefore  repose  the  utmost 
confidence  in  your  aid. 

"  In  return  for  your  affectionate  wishes  to  myself,  per 
mit  me  to  say  that  I  earnestly  implore  that  Divine  Being 
in  whose  hands  are  all  human  events,  to  make  you  and 
your  constituents  as  distinguished  in  private  and  public 
happiness  as  you  have  been  by  ministerial  oppression  and 
private  and  public  distress."] 

When  the  ceremony  of  this  public  reception  was  con 
cluded,  Washington,  escorted  by  a  company  of  light  horse 
and  an  immense  cavalcade  of  citizens,  proceeded  to  the 
camp  .at  Cambridge.  We  may  imagine  the  enthusiasm 
with  which  he  was  received  —  the  huzzas  of  the  multitude, 
the  roar  of  cannon,  the  feu  de  foie  of  musketry,  echoed 
back  by  the  surrounding  hills,  while  all  were  eagerly  en 
deavoring  to  gain  a  view  of  that  noble  form,  and  calm, 
dignified  countenance,  which  formed  the  principal  attrac 
tion  of  that  interesting  and  exciting  scene.* 

*  The  following  description  of  Washington's  appearance  is  from 
Thacher's  Military  Journal,  July  20,  1775 : 

"  I  have  been  mucii  gratified  this  day  with  a  view  of  General 
Washington.  His  Excellency  was  on  horseback,  in  company  with 
several  military  gentlemen.  It  was  not  difficult  to  distinguish  him 
from  all  others;  his  personal  appearance  is  truly  noble  and  ma 
jestic,  being  tall  and  well  proportioned.  His  dress  is  a  blue  coat 
with  buff-colored  facings;  a  rich  epaulette  on  each  shoulder;  buff 
under-dress,  and  an  elegant  small  sword;  a  black  cockade  in  his 
hat." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  785 

It  was  on  the  2d  of  July,  1775,  that  Washington  arrived 
at  Cambridge,  and  occupied  the  headquarters  which  had 
been  provided  for  him  at  the  Craigie  Mansion.*  It  was 
not  till  the  next  day  that  he  formally  took  command  of 
the  army. 

The  Rev.  William  Emerson  has  furnished  a  graphic 
description  of  the  camp  after  the  arrival  of  Washington. 
"  There  is  great  overturning  in  the  camp,  as  to  order  and 
regularity.  New  lords,  new  laws.  The  Generals, 
Washington  and  Lee,  are  upon  the  lines  every  day. 
New  orders  from  His  Excellency  are  read  to  the  re 
spective  regiments  every  morning  after  prayers.  The 
strictest  government  is  taking  place,  and  great  distinc 
tion  is  made  between  the  officers  and  soldiers.  Every 
one  is  made  to  know  his  place,  and  to  keep  it,  or 
be  tied  up  and  receive  thirty  or  forty  lashes,  according  to 
his  crime.  Thousands  are  at  work  every  day  from  4 
till  ii  o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  is  surprising  how 
much  work  has  been  done.  The  lines  are  extended  almost 
from  Cambridge  to  Mystic  river,  so  that  very  soon  it 
will  be  morally  impossible  for  the  enemy  to  get  between 
the  works,  except  in  one  place,  which  is  supposed  to  be 
left  purposely  unfortified,  to  entice  the  enemy  out  of  their 
fortresses.  Who  would  have  thought,  twelve  months  past, 
that  all  Cambridge  and  Charlestown  would  be  covered 
over  with  American  camps,  and  cut  up  into  forts  and 
intrenchments,  and  all  the  lands,  fields,  orchards  laid 
common  —  horses  and  cattle  feeding  in  the  choicest  mow 
ing-land,  whole  fields  of  corn  eaten  down  to  the  ground, 
and  large  parks  of  well-regulated  locusts  cut  down  for 
firewood  and  other  public  uses? 

*  The  house  is  still  standing  in  perfect  preservation,  and  cele 
brated  as  having  become  the  residence  of  the  American  poet, 
Longfellow. 

SO 


786  WASHINGTON. 

"  This,  I  must  say,  looks  a  little  melancholy.  My  quarters 
are  at  the  foot  of  the  famous  Prospect  Hill,  where  such 
great  preparations  are  made  for  the  reception  of  the 
enemy.  It  is  very  diverting  to  walk  among  the  camps. 
They  are  as  different  in  their  form  as  the  owners  are  in 
their  dress;  and  every  tent  is  a  portraiture  of  the  temper 
and  taste  of  the  persons  who  encamp  in  it.  Some  are 
made  of  boards,  and  some  of  sail-cloth.  Some  partly  of 
one  and  partly  of  the  other.  Again,  others  are  made  of 
stone  and  turf,  brick  or  brustu  Some  are  thrown  up  in  a 
hurry;  others  are  cautiously  wrought  with  doors  and  win 
dows,  done  with  wreaths  and  withes,  in  the  manner  of  a 
basket.  Some  are  your  proper  tents  and  marquees,  look 
ing  like  the  regular  camp  of  the  enemy.  In  these  are  the 
Rhode  Islanders,  who  are  furnished  with  tent  equipage, 
and  everything  in  the  most  exact  English  style.  However, 
I  think  this  great  variety  is  rather  a  beauty  than  a  blemish 
in  the  army." 

Early  in  July  (1775),  a  correspondence  between  Generals 
Lee  and  Burgoyne  attracted  much  attention.  General  Lee 
had  served  with  General  Burgoyne  in  Portugal,  and  an 
intimate  friendship  had  long  existed  between  them.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  latter  in  Boston,  General  Lee,  then  in 
Philadelphia,  wrote  to  his  friend  a  letter  full  of  invectives 
against  the  British  ministry,  and  containing  an  elaborate 
statement  of  his  views  of  the  merits  of  the  contest.  Though 
written  with  a  warmth  approaching  to  violence,  General 
Burgoyne  replied  to  it  courteously,  and  proposed  an 
interview  with  General  Lee  at  Brown's  House,  on  Boston 
Neck.  This  was  sent  out  (July  8th)  by  a  trumpeter.  The 
letter  and  the  expediency  of  the  proposed  interview  were 
laid  before  the  Provincial  Congress.  Though  Congress, 
to  prevent  jealousy,  appointed  Elbridge  Gerry  to  attend 
General  Lee,  they  suggested  whether  it  "  might  not  have 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  787 

a  tendency  to  lessen  the  influence  which  the  Congress 
would  wish  to  extend  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  to 
facilitate  and  succeed  the  operations  of  the  war."  In  con 
sequence  of  this  hint,  General  Lee,  in  a  note  to  General 
Burgoyne,  declined  to  meet  him.  The  correspondence  be 
tween  the  two  generals  was  published,  and  was  commented 
on  in  the  journals.* 

Washington's  first  care  on  taking  the  command  was  to 
ascertain  the  actual  condition  and  position  of  the  army, 
and  to  obtain  a  knowledge  of  the  numbers  and  designs  of 
the  enemy.  This  with  his  usual  activity  and  perseverance, 
he  had  accomplished  in  a  week  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
make  the  following  report  to  the  President  of  Congress : 

CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE,  July  10,  1775. 

"  SIR. —  I  arrived  safe  at  this  place  on  the  third  instant, 
after  a  journey  attended  with  a  good  deal  of  fatigue,  and 
retarded  by  necessary  attentions  to  the  successive  civilities 
which  accompanied  me  in  my  whole  route. 

"  Upon  my  arrival,  I  immediately  visited  the  several 
posts  occupied  by  our  troops;  and  as  soon  as  the  weather 
permitted,  reconnoitered  those  of  the  enemy.  I  found 
the  latter  strongly  intrenched  on  Bunker's  Hill,  about  a 
mile  from  Charlestown,  and  advanced  about  half  a  mile 
from  the  place  of  the  late  action,  with  their  sentries  ex 
tended  about  150  yards  on  this  side  of  the  narrowest  part 
of  the  neck  leading  from  this  place  to  Charlestown.  Three 
floating  batteries  lie  in  Mystic  river  near  their  camp,  and 
one  twenty-gun  ship  below  the  ferry-place,  between  Boston 
and  Charlestown.  They  also  have  a  battery  on  Copp's 
Hill,  on  the  Boston  side,  which  much  annoyed  our  troops 
in  the  late  attack,  f  Upon  the  Neck,  they  have  also  deeply 

*  Frothingham,  "  Siege  of  Boston." 
tAt  Bunker's  Hill. 


788  WASHINGTON. 

intrenched  and  fortified.  These  advanced  guards,  till  last 
Saturday  morning,  occupied  Brown's  houses,  about  a  mile 
from  Roxbury  meeting-house,  and  twenty  rods  from  their 
lines;  but  at  that  time,  a  party  from  General  Thomas's 
camp  surprised  the  guard,  drove  them  in,  and  burned  the 
houses.  The  bulk  of  their  army,  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Howe,  lies  on  Bunker's  Hill,  and  the  remainder  on 
Roxbury  Neck,  except  the  light  horse,  and  a  few  men  in 
the  town  of  Boston. 

"  On  our  side,  we  have  thrown  up  intrenchments  on 
Winter  and  Prospect  Hills  —  the  enemy's  camp  in  full 
view,  at  the  distance  of  little  more  than  a  mile.  Such 
intermediate  points  as  would  admit  a  landing,  I  have  since 
my  arrival  taken  care  to  strengthen  down  to  Sewall's 
farm,  where  a  strong  intrenchment  has  been  thrown  up. 
At  Roxbury,  General  Thomas  has  thrown  up  a  strong 
work  on  the  hill,  about  200  yards  above  the  meeting-house; 
which  with  the  brokenness  of  the  ground,  and  a  great 
number  of  rocks,  has  made  that  pass  very  secure.  The 
troops  raised  in  New  Hampshire,  with  a  regiment  from 
Rhode  Island,  occupy  Winter  Hill;  a  part  of  those  from 
Connecticut,  under  General  Putnam,  are  on  Prospect 
Hill.  The  troops  in  this  town  are  entirely  of  the  Massa 
chusetts;  the  remainder  of  the  Rhode  Island  men  are  at 
Seawall's  farm.  Two  regiments  of  Connecticut,  and  nine 
of  the  Massachusetts,  are  at  Roxbury.  The  residue  of 
the  army,  to  the  number  of  about  700,  are  posted  in 
several  small  towns  along  the  coast,  to  prevent  the  depre 
dations  of  the  enemy. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  I  think  myself  authorized  to  say, 
that  considering  the  great  extent  of  line,  and  the  nature 
of  the  ground,  we  are  as  well  secured  as  could  be  expected 
in  so  short  a  time,  and  under  the  disadvantages  we  labor. 
These  consist  in  a  want  of  engineers  to  construct  proper 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  789 

works  and  direct  the  men,  a  want  of  tools,  and  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  men  to  man  the  works  in  case  of  an 
attack.  You  will  observe  by  the  proceedings  of  the  coun 
cil  of  war,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose,  that  it  is 
our  unanimous  opinion,  to  hold  and  defend  these  works 
as  long  as  possible.  The  discouragement  it  would  give 
the  men,  and  its  contrary  effects  on  the  ministerial  troops, 
thus  to  abandon  our  encampment  in  their  face,  formed 
with  so  much  labor,  added  to  the  certain  destruction  of  a 
considerable  and  valuable  extent  of  country,  and  our 
uncertainty  of  finding  a  place  in  all  respects  so  capable 
of  making  a  stand,  are  leading  reasons  for  this  determina 
tion.  At  the  same  time,  we  are  very  sensible  of  the  diffi 
culties  which  attend  the  defense  of  lines  of  so  great 
extent,*  and  the  dangers  which  may  ensue  from  such  a 
division  of  the  army. 

"  My  earnest  wish  to  comply  with  the  instructions  of 
the  Congress  in  making  an  early  and  complete  return  of 
the  state  of  the  army  has  led  into  an  involuntary  delay 
of  addressing  you,  which  has  given  me  much  concern. 
Having  given  orders  for  this  purpose  immediately  on  my 
arrival,  and  unapprised  of  the  imperfect  disobedience 
which  had  been  paid  to  those  of  the  like  nature  from 
General  Ward,  I  was  led  from  day  to  day  to  expect  they 
would  come  in,  and  therefore  detained  the  messenger. 
They  are  not  now  so  complete  as  I  could  wish;  but  much 
allowance  is  to  be  made  for  inexperience  in  forms,  and  a 
liberty  which  had  been  taken  (not  given)  on  this  subject. 
These  reasons,  I  flatter  myself,  will  no  longer  exist;  and 
of  consequence,  more  regularity  and  exactness  will  in 
future  exist.  This  with  a  necessary  attention  to  the  lines, 
the  movements  of  the  ministerial  troops,  and  our  im 
mediate  security,  must  be  my  apology,  which  I  beg  you 

*  Twelve  miles. 


790  WASHINGTON. 

to  lay  before  Congress  with  the  utmost  duty  and  re 
spect. 

"  We  labor  under  great  disadvantages  for  want  of 
tents;  for  though  they  have  been  helped  out  by  a  collec 
tion  of  now  useless  sails  from  the  seaport  towns,  the 
number  is  far  short  of  our  necessities.  The  colleges  and 
houses  of  this  town  are  necessarily  occupied  by  the  troops, 
which  affords  another  reason  for  keeping  our  present 
situation.  But  I  most  sincerely  wish  the  whole  army 
was  properly  provided  to  take  the  field,  as  I  am  well 
assured,  that  (besides  greater  expedition  and  activity  in 
case  of  alarm)  it  would  highly  conduce  to  health  and 
discipline.  As  materials  are  not  to  be  had  here,  I  would 
beg  leave  to  recommend  the  procuring  a  further  supply 
from  Philadelphia  as  soon  as  possible. 

"  I  should  be  extremely  deficient  in  gratitude  as  well 
as  justice,  if  I  did  not  take  the  first  opportunity  to  ac 
knowledge  the  readiness  and  attention  which  the  Provin 
cial  Congress  and  different  committees  have  shown,  to 
make  everything  as  convenient  and  agreeable  as  possible. 
But  there  is  a  vital  and  inherent  principle  of  delay  incom 
patible  with  military  service,  in  transacting  business 
through  such  numerous  and  different  channels.  I  esteem 
it  therefore  my  duty  to  represent  the  inconvenience  which 
must  unavoidably  ensue  from  a  dependence  on  a  number 
of  persons  for  supplies,  and  submit  it  to  the  consideration 
of  Congress,  whether  the  public  service  will  not  be  best 
promoted  by  appointing  a  commissary-general  for  these 
purposes.  We  have  a  striking  instance  of  the  preference 
of  such  a  mode  in  the  establishment  of  Connecticut,  as 
their  troops  are  extremely  well  provided  under  the  direc 
tion  of  Mr.  Trumbull,  and  he  has  at  different  times  assisted 
others  with  various  articles.  Should  my  sentiments  hap 
pily  coincide  with  those  of  your  honors  on  this  subject, 
I  beg  leave  to  recommend  Mr.  Trumbull  as  a  very  proper 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  791 

person  for  this  department.  In  the  arrangement  of  troops 
collected  under  such  circumstances,  and  upon  the  spur 
of  immediate  necessity,  several  appointments  are  omitted, 
which  appear  to  be  indispensably  necessary  for  the  good 
government  of  the  army  —  particularly  a  quartermaster- 
general,  a  commissary  of  musters,  and  a  commissary  of 
artillery.  These  I  must  earnestly  recommend  to  the  notice 
and  provision  of  the  Congress. 

"  I  find  myself  already  much  embarrassed  for  want  of 
a  military  chest.  The  embarrassments  will  increase  every 
day;  I  must  therefore  request  that  money  may  be  for 
warded  as  soon  as  possible.  The  want  of  this  most  neces 
sary  article  will  (I  fear)  produce  great  inconveniences,  if 
not  prevented  by  an  early  attention.  I  find  the  army  in 
general,  and  the  troops  raised  in  Massachusetts  in  par 
ticular,  very  deficient  in  necessary  clothing.  Upon  in 
quiry,  there  appears  no  probability  of  obtaining  an> 
supplies  in  this  quarter;  and  on  the  best  consideration  of 
this  matter  I  am  able  to  form,  I  am  of  opinion  that  a 
number  of  hunting  shirts  (not  less  than  10,000),  would, 
in  a  great  degree,  remove  this  difficulty  in  the  cheapest 
and  quickest  manner.  I  know  nothing,  in  a  speculative 
view,  more  trivial,  yet,  if  put  in  practice,  would  have  a 
happier  tendency  to  unite  the  men,  and  abolish  those  pro 
vincial  distinctions  which  lead  to  jealously  and  dissatis 
faction. 

"  In  a  former  part  of  this  letter  I  mentioned  the  want 
of  engineers.  I  can  hardly  express  the  disappointment 
I  have  experienced  on  this  subject  —  the  skill  of  those 
we  have  being  very  imperfect,  and  confined  to  the  mere 
manual  exercise  of  cannon,  whereas  the  war  in  which. we 
are  engaged  requires  a  knowledge  comprehending  the 
duties  of  the  field  and  fortification.  If  any  persons  thus 
qualified  are  to  be  found  in  the  southern  Colonies,  it 


792  WASHINGTON. 

would  be  of  great  public  service  to  forward  them  with  all 
expedition. 

"  Upon  the  article  of  ammunition  I  must  re-echo  the 
former  complaints  on  this  subjects.  We  are  so  exceed 
ingly  destitute  that  our  artillery  will  be  of  little  use  with 
out  a  supply  both  large  and  seasonable.  What  we  have 
must  be  reserved  for  the  smallarms,  and  that  managed 
with  the  utmost  frugality.  *  *  * 

"  The  state  of  the  army  you  will  find  ascertained  with 
tolerable  precision  in  the  returns  which  accompany  this 
letter.  Upon  finding  the  number*  of  men  to  fall  so  far 
short  of  the  establishment,  and  below  all  expectation,  I 
immediately  called  a  council  of  the  general  officers,  whose 
opinion  (as  to  the  mode  of  filling  up  the  regiments,  and 
providing  for  the  present  exigency)  I  have  the  honor  of 
inclosing,  together  with  the  best  judgment  we  are  able  to 
form  of  the  ministerial  troops.  From  the  number  of  boys, 
deserters,  and  negroes,  that  have  been  enlisted  in  the 
troops  of  this  province,  I  entertain  some  doubts  whether 
the  number  required  can  be  raised  here;  and  all  the  gen 
eral  officers  agree  that  no  dependence  can  be  put  on  the 
militia  for  a  continuance  in  camp,  or  regularity  and  dis 
cipline  during  the  short  time  they  may  stay.  This  un 
happy  and  devoted  province  has  been  so  long  in  a  state 
of  anarchy,  and  the  yoke  has  been  laid  so  heavily  on  it, 
that  great  allowances  are  to  be  made  for  troops  raised 
under  such  circumstances.  The  deficiency  of  numbers, 
discipline,  and  stores,  can  only  lead  to  the  conclusion, 
that  their  spirit  has  exceeded  their  strength.  But  at  the 
same  time,  I  would  humbly  submit  to  the  consideration  of 
Congress  the  propriety  of  making  some  further  provision 
of  men  from  the  other  Colonies.  If  these  regiments 
should  be  completed  to  their  establishment,  the  dismission 
*  The  actual  number  at  this  time  was  14,500. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  793 

of  those  unfit  for  duty  on  account  of  their  age  or  character 
would  occasion  a  considerable  reduction;  and  at  all  events, 
they  have  been  enlisted  upon  such  terms  that  they  may 
be  disbanded  when  the  other  troops  arrive.  But  should 
my  apprehensions  be  realized,  and  the  regiments  here  not 
filled  up,  the  public  cause  would  suffer  by  an  absolute 
dependence  upon  so  doubtful  an  event,  unless  some  pro 
vision  is  made  against  such  a  disappointment. 

"  It  requires  no  military  skill  to  judge  of  the  difficulty 
of  introducing  proper  discipline  and  subordination  into  an 
army,  while  we  have  the  enemy  in  view,  and  are  in  daily 
expectation  of  an  attack;  but  it  is  of  so  much  importance 
that  every  effort  will  be  made  which  time  and  circum 
stances  will  admit.  In  the  meantime  I  have  a  sincere 
pleasure  in  observing  that  there  are  materials  for  a  good 
army  —  a  great  number  of  able-bodied  men,  active,  zeal 
ous  in  the  cause,  and  of  unquestionable  courage.  *  *  * 

"  Generals  Gates  and  Sullivan  have  both  arrived  in 
good  health. 

"  My  best  abilities  are  at  all  times  devoted  to  the  service 
of  my  country;  but  I  feel  the  weight,  importance,  and  vari 
ety  of  my  present  duties  too  sensibly,  not  to  wish  a  more 
immediate  and  frequent  communication  with  the  Congress. 
I  fear  it  may  often  happen  in  the  course  of  our  present 
operations  that  I  shall  need  that  assistance  and  direction 
from  them  which  time  and  distance  will  not  allow  me  to 
receive."* 

We  have  copied  nearly  the  whole  of  this  letter,  in  order 
not  only  to  give  the  details  of  the  condition  of  the  army 
at  this  time  on  Washington's  own  authority,  but  also  to 
show  the  style  which  he  then  thought  proper  to  adopt  in 
his  communications  to  Congress.  At  a  later  period  less 
deference  was  expressed,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case. 

*  Washington's  Official  Letters. 


794  WASHINGTON. 

In  his  letter  above  quoted,  Washing-ton  by  no  means 
exaggerated  the  disorderly  and  destitute  condition  of  the 
army.  Though  the  rolls  showed  17,000  men,  including  the 
sick  and  absent,  the  number  present  fit  for  duty  was  only 
14,500;  so  that  new  recruits  had  to  be  sought  from  the 
governments  of  the  New  England  Colonies.  The  irregu 
larities  in  dress  were  soon  remedied  in  part  by  the  adop 
tion  of  the  hunting  shirt  as  recommended  by  Washington 
in  his  letter.  The  want  of  a  system  for  obtaining  supplies 
was  severely  felt.  The  troops  from  Connecticut  had  a 
proper  commissariat,  under  Mr.  Trumball's  direction,  as 
we  have  seen;  but  those  who  came  from  the  other  Col 
onies  were  not  so  well  furnished.  Individuals  brought  to 
camp  their  own  provisions  on  their  own  horses.  In  some 
parts  committees  of  supplies  were  appointed  who  pur 
chased  necessaries  at  the  public  expense,  sent  them  on  to 
camp,  and  distributed  them  to  such  as  were  in  want, 
without  any  regularity  or  system;  the  country  afforded 
provisions,  and  nothing  more  was  wanting  to  supply  the 
army  than  proper  systems  for  their  collection  and  dis 
tribution. 

Other  articles,  though  equally  necessary,  were  almost 
wholly  deficient,  and  could  not  be  procured  but  with 
difficulty.  On  the  4th  of  August  (1775),  the  whole  stock 
of  powder  in  the  American  camp,  and  in  the  public  maga 
zines  of  the  four  New  England  provinces,  would  make 
but  little  more  than  nine  rounds  a  man. 

The  continental  army  remained  in  this  destitute  con 
dition  for  a  fortnight  or  more.  This  was  generally  known 
among  themselves,  and  was  also  communicated  to  the 
British  by  a  deserter;  but  they,  suspecting  a  plot,  would 
not  believe  it. 

A  supply  of  a  few  tons  was  sent  on  to  them  from  the 
committee  of  Elizabethtown,  but  this  was  done  privately, 
lest  the  adjacent  inhabitants,  who  were  equally  destitute, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  795 

should  stop  it  for  their  own  use.  The  public  rulers  in 
Massachusetts  issued  a  recommendation  to  the  inhabi 
tants  not  to  fire  a  gun  at  beast,  bird,  or  mark,  in  order 
that  they  might  husband  their  little  stock  for  the  more 
necessary  purpose  of  shooting  men.  A  supply  of  several 
thousand  pounds  weight  of  powder  was  soon  after  ob 
tained  from  Africa,  in  exchange  for  New  England  rum. 
This  was  managed  with  so  much  address,  that  every  ounce 
for  sale  in  the  British  forts  on  the  African  coasts,  was 
purchased  up  and  brought  off  for  the  use  of  the  Americans. 

Embarrassments  from  various  quarters  occurred  in  the 
formation  of  a  continental  army.  The  appointment  of 
general  officers  made  by  Congress  was  not  satisfactory. 
Enterprising  leaders  had  come  forward  with  their  fol 
lowers  on  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  without 
scrupulous  attention  to  rank.  When  these  were  all 
blended  together,  it  was  impossible  to  assign  to  every 
officer  the  station  which  his  services  merited,  or  his  vanity 
demanded.  Materials  for  a  good  army  were  collected. 
The  husbandmen  who  flew  to  arms  were  active,  zealous, 
and  of  unquestionable  courage;  but  to  introduce  discipline 
and  subordination  among  freemen,  who  were  habituated 
to  think  for  themselves,  was  an  arduous  labor. 

The  want  of  system  and  of  union,  under  proper  hands, 
pervaded  every  department.  From  the  circumstance  that 
the  persons  employed  in  providing  necessaries  for  the 
army  were  unconnected  with  each  other,  much  waste  and 
unnecessary  delays  were  occasioned.  The  troops  of  the 
different  Colonies  came  into  service  under  variant  estab 
lishments  —  some  were  enlisted  with  the  express  condition 
of  choosing  their  officers.  The  rations  promised  by  the 
local  Legislatures  varied  both  as  to  quantity,  quality,  and 
price.  To  form  one  uniform  mass  of  these  discordant 
materials,  and  to  subject  the  licentiousness  of  independent 


796  WASHINGTON. 

freemen  to  the  control  of  military  discipline,  was  a  delicate 
and  difficult  business. 

Washington  however,  not  discouraged  by  the  arduous 
nature  of  the  task,  at  once  began  to  mature  his  plans  for 
bringing  order  out  of  confusion.  He  arranged  the  army 
into  six  brigades  of  six  regiments  each,  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  troops  from  the  same  Colony  should  be  brought 
together,  as  far  as  practicable,  and  act  under  a  commander 
from  that  Colony.*  The  whole  force  was  thrown  into 
three  grand  divisions.  General  Ward  commanded  the 
right  wing  at  Roxbury;  General  Lee,  the  left  at  Winter 
Hill;  and  the  center  was  commanded  by  General  Putnam. 
General  Washington,  from  his  headquarters  at  Cambridge, 
directed  the  whole.  Method  and  punctuality  were  intro 
duced.  The  officers  and  privates  were  taught  to  know 
their  respective  places,  and  to  have  the  mechanism  and 
movements  as  well  as  the  name  of  an  army. 

Gates,  who  had  served  with  Washington  in  the  unfor 
tunate  expedition  of  Braddock,  and  had  been  appointed  by 
Congress  adjutant-general,  was  now  performing  excellent 
service  in  disciplining  the  army,  and  accustoming  the 
soldiers  to  habits  of  order  and  regularity.  He  was  a 
Briton  by  birth,  and  since  the  French  War  had  resided  in 
Virginia,  where  he  owned  an  estate.  He  had  been  a 
frequent  visitor  at  Mount  Vernon,  but  had  recently 
adopted  habits  of  distance  and  reserve  toward  Wash 
ington. 

Among  the  members  of  Washington's  military  family 
were  his  first  aid,  Colonel  Mifflin,  of  Philadelphia,  recently 
appointed;  his  second  aid,  John  Trumbull,  son  of  the 
Governor  of  Connecticut;  and  Joseph  Reed,  his  secretary, 
a  lawyer  of  Philadelphia,  who  had  received  a  part  of  his 
education  in  England,  had  taken  an  early  part  in  the 

*  Sparks,  "  Life  of  Washington,"  p.  136. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  797 

revolutionary  controversy,  and  exerted  much  influence  on 
the  patriotic  side.  On  these  gentlemen  devolved  a  prin 
cipal  part  of  the  duty  of  entertaining  the  numerous  vis 
itors  who  resorted  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  at  Craigie  House.  Washington  cared  little  for 
the  convivialities  of  the  table,  and  it  was  his  habit,  after 
remaining  at  it  a  short  time,  to  leave  the  company  with 
his  aids  and  secretary,  and  retire  to  his  private  apartment, 
where  the  labor  of  thinking  and  writing  on  the  immense 
and  complicated  business  of  his  station  awaited  him. 

He  had  already  planted  the  "  original  germ  of  the  Con 
tinental  Army,"  and  was  carefully  fostering  its  growth. 
The  officers  were  commissioned  anew  by  Congress,  and 
the  system  of  uniform  organization  was  gradually  acquir 
ing  form  and  consistency.  When  the  rules  and  regula 
tions  prescribed  by  Congress  were  presented  to  the  sol 
diers,  they  objected  to  them  as  inconsistent  with  the  terms 
of  their  original  enlistment.  Washington  reasoned  with 
them,  but  wisely  abstained  from  coercion,  leaving  it 
optional  with  the  men  to  subscribe  the  articles  or  not; 
but  making  the  subscription  a  necessary  condition  with 
all  new  recruits. 

His  intercourse  with  the  Continental  Congress  was  a 
more  difficult  affair.  This  body  possessed  very  limited 
powers.  Unlike  the  present  Congress,  it  had  no  direct 
control  over  the  people,  and  could  only  obtain  men, 
money,  and  supplies,  by  recourse  to  the  Provincial  Legis 
latures,  whose  compliance  with  its  requisitions  depended 
on  their  resources,  and  their  attachment  to  the  cause  of 
liberty.  Still  it  had  the  supreme  disposal  of  affairs,  and 
its  directions  were  never  openly  resisted.  The  members 
of  Congress  however  were  at  this  time  divided  in  opinion 
as  to  the  means  of  obtaining  redress  for  those  grievances 
which  were  the  cause  of  the  war.  Some  were  timid,  and 


798  WASHINGTON. 

longed  for  returning  peace  on  any  reasonable  terms,  but 
the  majority  were  resolute  in  opposition  to  the  mother 
country.  Most  of  the  members  were  distrustful  of  mili 
tary  power  as  dangerous  to  the  very  liberties  for  which 
they  were  contending. 

Washington  perceived  this  feeling  in  Congress,  and 
respected  it  for  its  motive.  It  interfered  with  the  active 
and  comprehensive  measures  which  he  desired  to  pursue, 
but  it  caused  no  relaxation  in  his  efforts  for  the  general 
welfare;  nor  was  any  feeling  on  this  delicate  subject  ever 
permitted  to  appear  in  his  conversation  or  correspondence. 

The  formation  of  the  whole  military  system  of  the 
country  devolved  upon  him.  His  correspondence  with 
Congress  shows  that  almost  invariably  important  meas 
ures  originated  with  him,  were  suggested  by  him,  and 
were  sanctioned  and  aided  by  them.  His  letters  were  read 
to  the  House  when  in  session,  and  almost  every  important 
resolution  respecting  the  army  was  the  result  of  his 
recommendation.  Every  attentive  reader  of  American  his 
tory  is  acquainted  with  this  fact.  But  although  conscious 
of  power,  Washington  was  conscientiously  scrupulous  in 
its  exercise.  He  referred  everything  to  Congress  on 
which  it  was  proper  for  them  to  take  action;  and  was 
careful  to  avoid  the  slightest  appearance  of  usurping 
powers  not  belonging  properly  to  his  office.  It  often 
happened  therefore  that  the  service  was  embarrassed,  and 
the  Commander-in-Chief  greatly  perplexed,  by  the  dis 
tance  of  Congress  from  the  scene  of  action  and  the  slow 
ness  of  its  movements  even  in  times  of  great  danger  and 
emergency. 

In  addition  to  his  intercourse  with  Congress,  Wash 
ington  corresponded  with  the  local  authorities  of  the  sev 
eral  Colonies,  in  whom  was  lodged,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  the  real  power  of  aiding  his  operations  by  furnish- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  799 

ing  men  and  supplies.  This  intercourse  with  the  different 
Governors,  Legislatures,  conventions,  and  committees  of 
safety,  however,  made  him  well  acquainted  with  the  actual 
condition  of  the  country  in  all  its  details,  and  enabled  him 
to  apply  his  own  admirable  administrative  talents  with 
precision  and  effect,  as  well  as  to  make  his  real  character 
and  noble  designs  thoroughly  known  to  the  people,  in 
whose  cause  he  was  laboring  with  so  much  zeal,  assiduity, 
and  effect.  "  They  saw  that  he  was  the  very  man  whom 
the  exigencies  of  the  service  and  the  country  demanded; 
and  they  felt  safe  in  listening  to  counsels,  and  obeying 
commands,  which  evidently  proceeded  from  one  whose 
spirit  was  as  just,  and  enlightened,  and  candid,  as  it  was 
noble  and  majestic,  and  in  which  moderation,  wisdom, 
and  firmness  of  the  highest  order,  were  harmoniously  com 
bined  with  the  deepest  and  most  glowing  enthusiasm  of 
the  patriot  and  the  hero/'* 

One  of  the  earliest  instances  of  Washington's  corre 
spondence  with  the  provincial  authorities  took  place  soon 
after  his  taking  the  com'mand  at  Cambridge,  and  it  was 
in  an  affair  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  welfare  of 
the  country.  The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  and  the 
Governor  of  Connecticut  applied  to  him  for  detachments 
from  the  army  for  the  protection  of  such  parts  of  their 
sea-coast  as  were  exposed  to  predatory  attacks  from  the 
British  cruisers.  This  brought  up  the  question  as  to  the 
whole  system  on  which  the  war  was  to  be  conducted. 
Should  the  army  be  liable  to  have  detachments  taken 
from  it  and  distributed  over  the  country  on  application 
from  the  local  authorities,  or  should  it  be  retained  in  one 
compact  body,  always  ready  for  attack  or  defense. 

Washington  at  once  perceived  the  fatal  consequences 
of  establishing  so  bad  a  precedent  in  the  outset  of  the 

*  C.  W.  Upham,  "  Life  of  General  Washington." 


800  WASHINGTON. 

contest  as  that  which  was  desired  by  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut;  and  the  following  answer  which  he  addressed 
(July  31,  1775)  to  the  speaker  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
Massachusetts  evinces  that,  as  usual,  he  was  equal  to  the 
occasion  : 

"  SIR. —  I  have  considered  the  application  made  to  me 
yesterday  from  the  General  Court,  with  all  the  attention 
due  to  the  situation  of  the  people  in  whose  behalf  it  is 
made,  and  the  respect  due  to  such  a  recommendation. 
Upon  referring  to  my  instructions,  and  consulting  with 
those  members  of  Congress  who  are  present,  as  well  as 
the  general  officers,  they  all  agree  that  it  would  not  be 
consistent  with  my  duty  to  detach  any  part  of  the  army 
now  here  on  any  particular  provincial  service.  It  has 
been  debated  in  Congress  and  settled,  that  the  militia,  or 
other  internal  strength  of  each  province,  is  to  be  applied 
for  defense  against  those  small  and  particular  depreda 
tions,  which  were  to  be  expected,  and  to  which  they  were 
supposed  to  be  competent.  This  will  appear  the  more 
proper,  when  it  is  considered  that  every  town,  and  indeed 
every  part  of  our  sea-coast,  which  is  exposed  to  these 
depredations,  would  have  an  equal  claim  upon  this  army. 

"  It  is  the  misfortune  of  our  situation  which  exposes  us 
to  these  ravages,  and  against  which,  in  my  judgment,  no 
such  temporary  relief  could  possibly  secure  us.  The  great 
advantage  the  enemy  have  of  transporting  troops,  by  being 
masters  of  the  sea,  will  enable  them  to  harass  us  by  diver 
sions  of  this  kind;  and  should  we  be  tempted  to  pursue 
them  upon  every  alarm,  the  army  must  either  be  so 
weakened  as  to  expose  it  to  destruction,  or  a  great  part 
of  the  coast  be  still  left  unprotected.  Nor,  indeed,  does 
it  appear  to  me  that  such  a  pursuit  would  be  attended  with 
the  least  effect.  The  first  notice  of  such  an  excursion 
would  be  its  actual  execution;  and  long  before  any  troops 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  801 

could  reach  the  scene  of  action,  the  enemy  would  have 
an  opportunity  to  accomplish  their  purpose  and  retire. 
It  would  give  me  great  pleasure  to  have  it  in  my  power 
to  extend  protection  and  safety  to  every  individual;  but 
the  wisdom  of  the  General  Court  will  anticipate  me  in  the 
necessity  of  conducting  our  operations  on  a  general  and 
impartial  scale,  so  as  to  exclude  any  just  cause  of  com 
plaint  and  jealousy. 

"  I  beg,  sir,  you  will  do  me  the  honor  to  communicate 
these  sentiments  to  the  General  Court,  and  to  apologize 
for  my  involuntary  delay,  as  we  were  alarmed  this  morning 
by  the  enemy,  and  my  time  was  taken  up  in  giving  the 
necessary  directions. 

"  I  shall  be  happy  in  every  opportunity  of  showing  my 
very  great  respect  and  regard  for  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and  am,  sir,  etc/' 

This  letter  could  not  be  otherwise  than  satisfactory  to 
Massachusetts  and  the  whole  country.  It  settled  the 
question,  and  established  the  precedent  which  was  fol 
lowed  throughout  the  war.  "  It  was  established  as  a  rule, 
that  attacks  of  the  enemy  at  isolated  points  along  the 
coast  must  be  repelled  by  the  militia  in  the  vicinity,  ex 
cept  when  the  continental  army  was  in  a  condition  to 
make  detachments  without  jeopardizing  the  common 
cause."* 

The  necessity  of  keeping  the  army  unbroken  by  detach 
ments  was  sufficiently  apparent  at  this  time,  from  the 
really  formidable  force  opposed  to  it.  General  Gage's 
army  in  Boston  number  full  11,000  regular  troopsf  in  fine 

*  Sparks,  "  Life  of  Washington." 

t  In  the  last  week  in  July,  1775,  the  number  of  inhabitants  was 
stated  at  6,753;  the  number  of  troops,  with  their  dependents, 
women,  and  children,  at  13,600.  The  town  became  sickly,  both 
among  the  people  and  the  troops,  for  neither  had  been  accustomed 


802  WASHINGTON. 

condition,  burning  for  action;  and  he  was  assisted  by  Gen 
erals  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Burgoyne,  who  were  justly  re 
garded  as  among  the  ablest  officers  in  the  service  of 
Great  Britain. 

General  Gage  had  served  as  a  colonel  in  Braddock's 
expedition;  and  there  had  subsisted  between  him  and 
Washington  a  warm  friendship,  until  the  recent  active  part 
which  both  had  taken  on  opposite  sides  in  the  revolu 
tionary  contest,  had  thrown  them  widely  apart.  An  inci 
dent  of  the  siege  estranged  them  forever. 

Certain  officers  and  men,  taken  by  the  British  in  the 
battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  had  been  thrown  into  the  prison 
for  common  felons  in  Boston,  and  as  report  said,  very  ill- 
treated.  When  intelligence  of  this  affair  reached  Wash 
ington,  August  nth,  he  promptly  transmitted  the  follow 
ing  letter  to  General  Gage: 

"  SIR. —  I  understand  that  the  officers  engaged  in  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  their  country,  who,  by  the  fortune  of 
war,  have  fallen  into  your  hands,  have  been  thrown,  in 
discriminately,  into  a  common  jail,  appropriated  for  felons ; 
that  no  consideration  has  been  had  for  those  of  the  most 
respectable  rank,  when  languishing  with  wounds  and 
sickness;  and  that  some  have  been  amputated  in  this  un 
worthy  situation. 

"  Let  your  opinion,  sir,  of  the  principles  which  actuate 
them,  be  what  it  may,  they  suppose  that  they  act  from 
the  noblest  of  all  principles,  a  love  of  freedom  and  their 
country.  But  political  principles,  I  conceive,  are  foreign 

to  live  on  salt  provisions.  "  We  are  in  the  strangest  state  in  the 
world,"  a  lady  writes,  August  loth,  "  surrounded  on  all  sides.  The 
whole  country  is  in  arms,  and  intrenched.  We  are  deprived  of 
fresh  provisions,  subject  to  continual  alarms  and  cannonadings,  the 
Provincials  being  very  audacious,  and  advancing  near  to  our  lines, 
since  the  arrival  of  Generals  Washington  and  Lee  to  command 
them."  —  Frothingham,  Siege  of  Boston. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  803 

to  this  point.  The  obligations  arising  from  the  right  of 
humanity,  and  claims  of  rank,  are  universally  binding  and 
extensive,  except  in  case  of  retaliation.  These,  I  should 
have  hoped,  would  have  dictated  a  more  tender  treatment 
of  those  individuals,  whom  chance  of  war  had  put  in  your 
power.  Nor  can  I  forbear  suggesting  its  fatal  tendency 
to  widen  that  unhappy  breach,  which  you,  and  those 
ministers  under  whom  you  act,  have  repeatedly  declared 
your  wish  is  to  see  forever  closed. 

"  My  duty  now  makes  it  necessary  to  apprise  you,  that 
for  the  future,  I  shall  regulate  all  my  conduct  toward  those 
gentlemen  who  are,  or  may  be,  in  our  possession,  exactly 
by  the  rule  you  shall  observe  toward  those  of  ours,  now 
in  your  custody. 

"  If  severity  and  hardship  mark  the  line  of  your  conduct, 
painful  as  it  may  be  to  me,  your  prisoners  will  feel  its 
effects.  But  if  kindness  and  humanity  are  shown  to  ours, 
I  shall  with  pleasure  consider  those  in  our  hands  as  only 
unfortunate,  and  they  shall  receive  from  me  that  treat 
ment  to  which  the  unfortunate  are  ever  entitled. 

"  I  beg  to  be  favored  with  an  answer  as  soon  as  possible, 
and  am,  sir,  your  very  humble  servant." 

General  Gage  replied  to  this  carefully  worded  communi 
cation  in  the  following  insolent  and  insulting  terms: 

"  SIR. —  To  the  glory  of  civilized  nations,  humanity  and 
war  have  been  compatible,  and  humanity  to  the  sub 
dued  has  become  almost  a  general  system.  Britons  are 
pre-eminent  in  mercy,  have  outgrown  common  examples, 
and  overlooked  the  criminal  in  the  captive.  Upon  these 
principles  your  prisoners,  whose  lives,  by  the  law  of  the 
land,  are  destined  to  the  cord,  have  hitherto  been  treated 
with  care  and  kindness,  and  more  comfortably  lodged 
than  the  King's  troops,  in  the  hospitals;  indiscriminately, 


804  WASHINGTON. 

it  is  true,  for  I  acknowledge  no  rank  that  is  not  derived 
from  the  King. 

"  My  intelligence  from  your  army  would  justify  some 
recriminations.  I  understand  there  are  some  of  the  King's 
faithful  subjects,  taken  some  time  since  by  the  rebels, 
laboring  like  negro  slaves  to  gain  their  daily  subsistence, 
or  reduced  to  the  wretched  alternative  to  perish  by  famine, 
or  take  arms  against  their  King  and  country.  Those  who 
have  made  the  treatment  of  the  prisoners  in  my  hands,  or 
of  your  other  friends  in  Boston,  a  pretense  for  such 
measures,  found  barbarity  upon  falsehood. 

"  I  would  willingly  hope,  sir,  that  the  sentiments  of 
liberality,  which  I  have  always  believed  you  possess,  will 
be  exerted  to  correct  these  misdoings.  Be  temperate  in 
political  disquisition;  give  free  operation  to  truth,  and 
punish  those  who  deceive  and  misrepresent;  and  not  only 
the  effects,  but  the  cause,  of  this  unhappy  conflict  will  be 
removed.  Should  those,  under  whose  usurped  authority 
you  act,  control  such  a  disposition,  and  dare  to  call 
severity  retaliation,  to  God,  who  knows  all  hearts,  be  the 
appeal  of  the  dreadful  consequences,"  etc. 

Washington's  indignation  at  the  receipt  of  this  letter 
must  have  been  great.  His  reply  however  is  strictly  con 
sistent  with  his  usual  calmness  and  dignity: 

"  I  addressed  you,"  he  writes,  "  on  the  nth  instant,  in 
terms  which  gave  the  fairest  scope  for  humanity  and 
politeness,  which  were  supposed  to  form  a  part  of  your 
character.  I  remonstrated  with  you  on  the  unworthy 
treatment  shown  to  the  officers  and  citizens  of  America, 
whom  the  fortune  of  war,  chance,  or  a  mistaken  confidence, 
had  thrown  into  your  hands.  Whether  British  or  Ameri 
can,  mercy,  fortitude,  and  patience  are  most  pre-eminent; 
whether  our  virtuous  citizens,  whom  the  hand  of  tyranny 
has  forced  into  arms  to  defend  their  wives,  their  children, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  805 

and  their  property,  or  the  mercenary  instruments  of  law 
less  domination,  avarice,  and  revenge,  best  deserve  the 
appellation  of  rebels,  and  the  punishment  of  that  cord, 
which  your  affected  clemency  has  forborne  to  inflict; 
whether  the  authority  under  which  I  act  is  usurped,  or 
founded  upon  the  genuine  principles  of  liberty,  were  alto 
gether  foreign  to  the  subject.  I  purposely  avoided  all 
political  disquisition;  nor  shall  I  now  avail  myself  of  those 
advantages,  which  the  sacred  cause  of  my  country,  of 
liberty,  and  of  human  nature,  give  me  over  you;  much 
less  shall  I  stoop  to  retort  and  invective;  but  the  intelli 
gence  you  say  you  have  received  from  our  army  requires 
a  reply.  I  have  taken  time,  sir,  to  make  a  strict  inquiry, 
and  find  it  has  not  the  least  foundation  in  truth.  Not  only 
your  officers  and  soldiers  have  been  treated  with  the  ten 
derness  due  to  fellow-citizens  and  brethren,  but  even  those 
execrable  parricides,  whose  counsels  and  aid  have  deluged 
their  country  with  blood,  have  been  protected  from  the 
fury  of  a  justly  enraged  people.  Far  from  compelling  or 
permitting  their  assistance,  I  am  embarrassed  with  the 
numbers  who  crowd  to  our  camp,  animated  with  the  purest 
principles  of  virtue  and  love  to  their  country. 

"  You  affect,  sir,  to  despise  all  rank  not  derived  from 
the  same  source  with  your  own.  I  cannot  conceive  one 
more  honorable  than  that  which  flows  from  the  uncor- 
rupted  choice  of  a  brave  and  free  people,  the  purest  source 
and  original  fountain  of  all  power.  Far  from  making  it  a 
plea  for  cruelty,  a  mind  of  true  magnanimity  and  enlarged 
ideas  would  comprehend  and  respect  it. 

"  What  may  have  been  the  ministerial  views  which  have 
precipitated  the  present  crisis,  Lexington,  Concord,  and 
Charlestown,  can  best  declare.  May  that  God  to  whom 
you  then  appeal  judge  between  America  and  you.  Under 
his  providence,  those  who  influence  the  councils  of  America 


806  WASHINGTON. 

and  all  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  united  Colonies,  at  the 
hazard  of  their  lives,  are  determined  to  hand  down  to  pos 
terity  those  just  and  invaluable  privileges  which  they  re 
ceived  from  their  ancestors. 

"  I  shall  now,  sir,  close  my  correspondence  with  you 
perhaps  forever.  If  your  officers,  our  prisoners,  receive 
a  treatment  from  me  different  from  that  which  I  wished 
to  show  them,  they  and  you  will  remember  the  occasion 
of  it." 

General  Gage  must  have  felf,  on  reading  this  letter,  his 
own  utter  littleness  in  comparison  with  his  correspondent. 
His  conduct  was  as  impolitic  as  it  was  insolent.  By  set 
ting  at  naught  all  the  rules  of  honorable  warfare,  and  inti 
mating  that  the  highest  American  officers  would  be  treated 
as  criminals,  he  made  retaliation  indispensable.  Washing 
ton  therefore  gave  orders  that  the  British  prisoners  in  his 
hands  should  receive  the  same  treatment  as  was  known 
to  be  practiced  on  the  American  prisoners  in  Boston. 
They  were  accordingly  marched  off  to  Northampton,  to  be 
closely  confined  in  jail.  This  was  in  strict  compliance 
with  the  laws  of  war.  But  Washington,  unwilling  to  pun 
ish  the  innocent  for  the  crime  of  the  guilty,  countermanded 
the  order  for  their  close  confinement  before  they  reached 
Northampton,  and  directions  were  sent  by  Colonel  Reed, 
his  secretary,  that  they  should  be  at  liberty  to  go  abroad 
on  their  parole,  and  should  have  every  indulgence  con 
sistent  with  their  security. 

Soon  after  this  affair  the  companies  of  riflemen  from 
Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland,  raised  by  order  of 
Congress,  arrived  at  the  camp  in  Cambridge.  Dr. 
Thacher  thus  describes  them  in  his  "  Military  Journal:  " 

"  Several  companies  of  riflemen,  amounting,  it  is  said, 
to  more  than  1,400  men,  have  arrived  here  from  Pennsyl- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  807 

vania  and  Maryland,  a  distance  of  from  500  to  700  miles. 
They  are  remarkably  stout  and  hardy  men,  many  of  them 
exceeding  six  feet  in  height.  They  are  dressed  in  white 
frocks,  or  rifle  shirts,  and  round  hats.  These  men  are 
remarkable  for  the  accuracy  of  their  aim,  striking  a  mark 
with  great  certainty  at  200  yards  distance.  At  a  review, 
a  company  of  them,  while  on  a  quick  advance,  fired  their 
balls  into  objects  of  seven  inches  in  diameter,  at  the  dis 
tance  of  250  yards.  They  are  now  stationed  on  our  lines, 
and  their  shot  have  frequently  proved  fatal  to  British  offi 
cers  and  soldiers  who  expose  themselves  to  view,  even  at 
more  than  double  the  distance  of  common  musket  shot."* 

*  The  British  officers,  about  this  time,  were  much  annoyed  at  the 
success  of  the  American  sentinels  in  dispersing  handbills  among 
their  rank  and  file.  One  was  framed,  entitled  "An  Address  to  the 
Soldiers;"  another  contained  the  following  comparison: 

Prospect  Hill.  Bunker's  Hill. 

1.  Seven  dollars  a  month.  i.  Three  pence  a  day. 

2.  Fresh     provisions,     and     in 

plenty.  2.  Rotten  salt  pork. 

3.  Health.  3.  The  scurvy. 

4.  Freedom,      ease,      affluence, 

and  a  good  farm.  4.  Slavery,  beggary,  and  want. 

"  These  bills,"  says  a  letter,  July  24th,  "  are  blown  into  their 
camp,  and  get  into  the  hands  of  their  soldiers,  without  the  officers 
being  able  to  prevent  it.  Major  Bruce  complained,  at  an  inter 
view  the  other  day,  of  such  usage.  We  retorted  his  decoying  our 
sentries  from  their  posts,  two  rascals  having  left  us  a  day  or  two 
before,  by  his  or  some  other  officer's  means.  Colonel  Reed  also 
sent  to  General  Gage  a  copy  of  the  declaration  of  the  united  Col 
onies,  who  pronounced  its  contents  to  be  '  as  replete  with  deceit 
and  falsehood  as  most  of  their  (the  American's)  publications.' " — 
Frothingham,  Siege  of  Boston. 


808  WASHINGTON. 

One  of  these  companies  was  commanded  by  Daniel 
Morgan,  who  was  subsequently  so  much  distinguished  as 
a  general.  His  men  were  so  serviceable  in  the  war  that 
the  mention  of  "  Morgan's  riflemen "  has  long  been 
familiar  to  the  readers  of  the  revolutionary  history. 

In  addition  to  this  seasonable  addition  to  his  force, 
Washington  was  now  receiving  reinforcements  of  militia 
from  the  New  England  Colonies. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

WASHINGTON  SENDS  A  DETACHMENT  TO  CANADA. 

i775>  1776. 

WHILE  the  events  which  we  have  just  related  were 
passing  in  the  camp  before  Boston,  General 
Schuyler,  who,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  been 
intrusted  with  the  military  command  of  the  province  of 
New  York,  had  been  preparing  to  enter  Canada.  A  reso 
lution  of  Congress  had  authorized  him  to  take  possession 
of  St.  John's  and  Montreal  as  soon  as  he  should  find  it 
practicable;  and  he  had  written  to  Washington,  from 
Ticonderoga,  on  the  3ist  of  July  (1775),  informing  him  of 
his  preparations  for  crossing  the  lake. 

Washington  proposed  to  aid  him  by  sending  a  detach 
ment  from  the  army  at  Cambridge,  which  should  march 
through  Maine  to  attack  Quebec.  This  plan  is  described 
in  the  following  extract  from  his  letter  to  General  Schuyler 
of  the  2oth  of  August: 

"  The  design  of  this  express  is  to  communicate  to  you 
a  plan  of  an  expedition  which  has  engaged  my  thoughts 
for  several  days.  It  is  to  penetrate  into  Canada  by  way 
of  Kennebec  river,  and  so  to  Quebec,  by  a  route  ninety 
miles  below  Montreal.  I  can  very  well  spare  a  detach 
ment  for  this  purpose  of  1,000  or  1,200  men,  and  the  land 
carriage  by  the  route  proposed  is  too  inconsiderable  to 
make  an  objection. 

"  If  you  are  resolved  to  proceed,  which  I  gather  from 
your  last  letter  is  your  intention,  it  would  make  a  diversion 

(809) 


810  WASHINGTON. 

that  would  distract  Carleton  and  facilitate  your  views. 
He  must  either  break  up  and  follow  this  party  to  Quebec, 
by  which  he  will  leave  you  a  free  passage,  or  he  must 
suffer  that  important  place  to  fall  into  our  hands  —  an 
event  that  would  have  a  decisive  effect  and  influence  on 
the  public  interests.  There  may  be  some  danger  that 
such  a  sudden  incursion  might  alarm  the  Canadians  and 
detach  them  from  that  neutrality  which  they  have  hitherto 
observed,  but  I  should  hope  that,  with  suitable  precautions 
and  a  strict  discipline,  any  apprehensions  and  jealousies 
might  be  removed.  The  few  wliom  I  have  consulted  upon 
it  approve  it  much,  but  the  final  determination  is  deferred 
until  I  hear  from  you.  You  will  therefore,  by  the  return 
of  this  messenger,  inform  me  of  your  ultimate  resolution. 
If  you  mean  to  proceed,  acquaint  me  as  particularly  as 
you  can  with  the  time  and  force,  what  late  accounts  you 
have  had  from  Canada,  and  your  opinion  as  to  the  senti 
ments  of  the  inhabitants,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Indians, 
upon  a  penetration  into  their  country;  what  number  of 
troops  are  at  Quebec,  and  whether  any  men-of-war,  with 
all  other  circumstances  which  may  be  material  in  the  con 
sideration  of  a  step  of  such  importance.  Not  a  moment's 
time  is  to  be  lost  in  the  preparations  for  this  enterprise, 
if  the  advices  received  from  you  favor  it.  With  the  utmost 
expedition,  the  season  will  be  considerably  advanced,  so 
that  you  will  dismiss  the  express  as  soon  as  possible/'* 

A  month  later  he  writes  to  Congress  an  account  of  the 
starting  of  the  expedition  and  its  design. 

*Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  8th  inst.  I  received  yesterday. 
I  am  happy  to  learn  that  the  troops  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Arnold  were  to  march  so  soon.  I  hope  our  people  will  commit 
no  depredations  in  Canada;  all  possible  care  will  be  taken  of  it; 
but  yet  I  have  many  fears  on  that  score,  as  they  stole  thirty-two 
sheep  at  Isle  aux  Noix,  contrary  to  the  most  pointed  orders. — 
Sparks,  Correspondence  of  the  Revolution. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  811 

"  I  am  now  to  inform  the  honorable  Congress,"  he  says, 
"  that,  encouraged  by  the  repeated  declarations  of  the 
Canadians  and  Indians  and  urged  by  their  requests,  I  have 
detached  Colonel  Arnold,  with  1,000  men,  to  penetrate 
into  Canada  by  way  of  Kennebec  river,  and,  if  possible,  to 
make  himself  master  of  Quebec.  By  this  maneuver  I  pro 
posed  either  to  divert  Carleton  from  St.  John's,  which 
would  leave  a  free  passage  to  General  Schuyler,  or,  if  this 
did  not  take  effect,  Quebec,  in  its  present  defenseless  state, 
must  fall  into  his  hands  an  easy  prey.  I  made  all  possible 
inquiry  as  to  the  distance,  the  safety  of  the  route,  and  the 
danger  of  the  season  being  too  far  advanced;  but  found 
nothing  in  either  to  deter  me  from  proceeding,  more 
especially  as  it  met  with  very  general  approbation  from 
all  whom  I  consulted  upon  it.  But,  that  nothing  might 
be  omitted  to  enable  me  to  judge  of  its  propriety  and 
probable  consequences,  I  communicated  it  by  express  to 
General  Schuyler,  who  approved  of  it  in  such  terms  that 
I  resolved  to  put  it  in  immediate  execution.  They  have 
now  left  this  place  seven  days,  and,  if  favored  with  a  good 
wind,  I  hope  soon  to  hear  of  their  being  safe  in  Kennebec 
river." 

In  order  to  understand  thoroughly  the  object  and  the 
history  of  this  expedition  of  Arnold  to  Quebec,  it  is  nec 
essary  to  give  a  general  sketch  of  the  joint  operations  of 
the  expedition  sent  from  New  York  about  the  same  time, 
which  was  intended  to  co-operate  with  him  in  occupying 
Canada. 

Congress  had  early  turned  its  attention  toward  Canada 
and  endeavored  to  gain  the  co-operation  or  at  least  to 
secure  the  neutrality  of  the  inhabitants  in  its  dispute  with 
Great  Britain.  The  Congress  of  the  preceding  year  had 
circulated  an  address  to  the  Canadians,  evidently  intended 
to  render  them  disaffected  to  the  British  administration, 


813  WASHINGTON. 

and  to  make  them  enter  into  the  sentiments  and  measures 
of  the  other  provinces.  Although  that  address  did  not 
make  on  the  minds  of  the  Canadians  all  that  impression 
which  was  intended  and  desired,  yet  it  was  not  altogether 
without  effect,  for  the  great  body  of  the  people  wished  to 
remain  neutral  in  the  contest. 

Congress  mistook  the  reluctance  of  the  Canadians  to 
engage  in  active  operations  against  them  for  a  decided 
partiality  to  their  cause,  and  resolved  to  anticipate  the 
British  by  striking  a  decisive  blow  in  that  quarter.  In 
this  purpose  they  were  encouraged  by  the  easy  success  of 
the  enterprise  against  the  forts  on  the  lakes,  and  by  the 
small  number  of  troops  then  in  Canada.  They  appointed 
General  Schuyler  commander  of  the  expedition,  with  Gen 
eral  Montgomery  under  him. 

Early  in  September  (1775),  these  officers,  with  about 
1,000  men,  made  an  attempt  on  Fort  St.  John,  situated  on 
the  River  Sorel,  which  flows  from  Lake  Champlain  and 
joins  the  St.  Lawrence;  but  found  it  expedient  to  retire  to 
Isle  aux  Noix,  at  the  entrance  of  the  lake,  about  twelve 
miles  above  the  fort,  and  wait  for  reinforcements. 

Meanwhile  General  Schuyler  was  taken  ill  and  returned 
to  Albany,  leaving  the  command  in  the  hands  of  General 
Montgomery,  with  instructions  to  prosecute  the  enterprise 
on  receiving  the  expected  reinforcements.  The  reinforce 
ments  arrived;  the  attack  on  Fort  St.  John  was  renewed; 
and,  after  a  vigorous  defense,  it  surrendered  about  the 
middle  of  November.  In  it  the  Americans  found  a  con 
siderable  number  of  brass  and  iron  cannon,  howitzers,  and 
mortars,  a  quantity  of  shot  and  small  shells,  about  800 
stand  of  smallarms,  and  some  naval  stores;  but  the  powder 
and  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted. 

During  the  siege  of  Fort  St.  John,  Fort  Chamblee  had 
been  taken,  which  furnished  General  Montgomery  with  a 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  813 

plentiful  supply  of  provisions,  of  which -he  stood  greatly  in 
need.  General  Carleton,  who  was  on  his  way  from  Mon 
treal  to  relieve  the  garrison,  had  been  defeated,  and  Col. 
Ethan  Allen,  who  had  made  an  unauthorized  attack  on 
Montreal,  was  overcome  and  taken  prisoner. 

On  the  fall  of  Fort  St.  John,  General  Montgomery  ad 
vanced  against  Montreal,  which  was  in  no  condition  to 
resist  him.  Governor  Carleton,  sensible  of  his  inability 
to  defend  the  town,  quitted  it,  and  next  day  General  Mont 
gomery  entered  the  place.  A  body  of  provincials  under 
Colonel  Easton  took  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  and, 
by  means  of  an  armed  vessel  and  floating  batteries,  com 
manded  the  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  British 
force,  which  had  retreated  down  the  river  from  Montreal, 
consisting  only  of  about  120  soldiers,  with  several  officers, 
under  General  Prescott,  and  accompanied  by  Governor 
Carleton,  in  eleven  vessels,  seeing  it  impracticable  to  force 
the  passage,  surrendered  by  capitulation.  The  vessels 
contained  a  considerable  quantity  of  provisions,  arms,  and 
ammunition,  which  furnished  a  seasonable  supply  to  the 
Americans.  About  midnight  of  the  day  before  the  capitu 
lation,  Governor  Carleton  escaped  down  the  river  in  a 
boat  with  muffled  oars  and  safely  reached  Quebec. 

It  was  now  the  iQth  of  November  (1775),  and  the  severe 
weather  which  had  set  in  was  very  unfavorable  to  military 
operations.  General  Montgomery,  a  young  man  of  su 
perior  talents  and  high  spirit,  found  himself  in  extremely 
unpleasant  circumstances.  He  was  at  the  head  of  a  body 
of  men,  many  of  whom  were  not  deficient  in  personal 
courage,  but  were  strangers  to  military  subordination. 
The  term  of  service  for  which  numbers  of  them  were  en 
gaged  was  near  an  end,  and,  already  weary  of  the  hard 
ships  of  war,  they  clamorously  demanded  a  discharge. 
Hitherto  his  career  had  been  successful,  and  he  was  ambi- 


814  WASHINGTON. 

tious  of  closing  the  campaign  by  some  brilliant  achieve 
ment,  which  might  at  once  elevate  the  spirits  of  the  Ameri 
cans  and  humble  the  pride  of  the  British  ministry.  With 
these  views,  even  at  that  rigorous  season  of  the  year,  he 
hastened  toward  Quebec,  although  he  found  it  necessary 
to  weaken  his  little  army,  which  had  never  exceeded  2,000 
men,  by  discharging  such  of  his  followers  as  had  become 
weary  of  the  service. 

About  the  middle  of  September  (1775),  the  detachment 
of  1,100  men,  under  Colonel  Arnold,  was  sent,  as 
we  have  seen,  from  the  camp  at  Cambridge,  by  Washing 
ton,  with  orders  to  proceed  across  the  country  against 
Quebec,  by  a  route  which  had  not  been  explored  and  was 
little  known.  The  party  embarked  at  Newbury,  steered 
for  the  Kennebec,  and  ascended  that  river.  But  their 
progress  was  impeded  by  rapids,  by  an  almost  impassable 
wildernessi,  by  bad  weather,  and  by  want  of  provisions. 
They  separated  into  several  divisions.  After  encounter 
ing  many  difficulties,  the  last  division,  under  Colonel  Enos, 
was  unwilling  to  proceed,  and  returned  to  the  camp  at 
Cambridge.*  But  the  other  divisions,  under  Arnold, 
pressed  forward  amidst  incredible  hardships  and  priva 
tions,  and  triumphed  over  obstacles  nearly  insuperable. 
For  a  month  they  toiled  through  a  rough,  barren,  and  un 
inhabited  wilderness,  without  seeing  a  human  habitation 
or  the  face  of  an  individual,  except  those  of  their  own 
party,  and  with  very  scanty  provisions.  At  length,  on  the 
Qth  of  November,  Arnold,  with  his  force  much  diminished, 
arrived  at  Point  Levi,  opposite  Quebec. 

His  appearance  was  not  unexpected,  for  the  Lieutenant- 

*  Enos,  on  his  arrival  at  the  camp,  was  put  under  arrest  by  Wash 
ington's  orders.  He  was  afterward  tried  for  his  defection,  and 
acquitted.  He  then  resigned  his  commission  and  retired  to  Ver 
mont. —  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  815 

Governor  had  been  for  some  time  apprised  of  his  march. 
In  the  early  part  of  his  progress,  Arnold  had  met  an  In 
dian,  to  whom,  although  a  stranger,  he  had  imprudently 
intrusted  a  letter  to  General  Schuyler,  under  cover  to  a 
friend  in  Quebec.  The  Indian,  instead  of  faithfully  deliv 
ering  the  letter  according  to  the  directions  which  he  had 
received,  carried  it  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  who,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  Americans  from  passing  the  river, 
immediately  removed  all  the  canoes  from  Point  Levi,  and 
began  to  put  the  city  in  a  posture  of  defense,  which  before 
might  easily  have*  -been  surprised.  On  discovering  the 
arrival  of  Arnold  at  Point  Levi,  the  British  commander 
stationed  two  vessels  of  war  in  the  river  to  guard  the  pas 
sage;  and,  at  that  interesting  crisis,  Colonel  McLean,  who 
had  retreated  before  Montgomery,  arrived  from  the  Sorel 
with  about  170  newly-raised  troops  to  assist  in  the  defense 
of  the  place. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  vigilance  of  the  British,  on  the 
night  of  the  I4th  of  November  Arnold  crossed  the  river 
with  500  men,  in  thirty-five  canoes,  and  landed  unperceived 
near  the  place  where  the  brave  and  enterprising  Wolfe 
had  landed  about  sixteen  years  before,  thence  named 
Wolfe's  Cove.  He  had  provided  scaling  ladders,  but 
was  unable  to  carry  them  over  the  river  along  with 
his  troops,  and  consequently  was  not  in  a  condition  to 
make  an  immediate  attempt  on  the  town.  Instead  how 
ever  of  concealing  himself  till  he  could  bring  forward  his 
scaling  ladders,  and  then  make  a  sudden  and  unexpected 
attack  by  night,  he  marched  part  of  his  troops  in  military 
parade  in  sight  of  the  garrison,  and  so  put  the  British  fully 
on  their  guard.  He  wished  to  summon  them  to  surrender, 
but  they  fired  on  his  flag  of  truce  and  refused  to  hold  any 
intercourse  with  him.  He  therefore,  on  the  igth  of  the 
month,  turned  his  back  on  Quebec  and  marched  to  Point 


816  WASHINGTON. 

aux  Trembles,  about  twenty  miles  above  the  city,  where 
General  Montgomery,  with  the  force  under  his  command, 
joined  him  on  the  ist  of  December. 

Soon  after  Arnold's  retreat,  Governor  Carleton  arrived 
in  Quebec  and  made  every  exertion  to  put  the  place  in  a 
state  of  defense.  Having  brought  the  scaling  ladders 
across  the  river,  General  Montgomery,  with  the  whole  of 
the  American  force,  appeared  before  Quebec  on  the  5th 
of  December  (1775).  The  garrison  was  then  more  numerous 
than  the  army  which  came  to  take  the  place.  So  greatly 
was  the  American  force  reduced  that  it  scarcely  amounted 
to  1,000  men,  while  General  Carleton  had  about  1,500 
soldiers,  militia,  seamen,  and  volunteers  under  his  com 
mand. 

General  Montgomery  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  summon  the 
garrison  to  surrender,  but  it  was  fired  upon,  as  that  of 
Arnold  had  been.  He  therefore,  in  the  depth  of  a  Cana 
dian  winter,  and  in  the  most  intense  cold,  erected  batteries; 
but  his  artillery  was  too  light  to  make  any  impression  on 
the  fortifications.  He  now  determined  to  storm  the  town, 
and  the  assault  was  made  on  the  morning  of  the  3ist  of 
December  (1775). 

About  4  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  the  midst  of  a  violent 
storm  of  snow,  two  feints  and  two  real  attacks  were  simul 
taneously  made.  The  real  attacks  were  conducted  by 
Montgomery  and  Arnold.  Montgomery,  advancing  at 
the  head  of  about  200  men,  fell  by  the  first  discharge  of 
grapeshot  from  the  works.  Several  of  his  best  officers 
being  killed,  his  division  retreated.  Arnold,  at  the  head 
of  about  300  men,  in  a  different  quarter,  maintained  a  fierce 
and  obstinate  conflict  for  some  time;  but  was  at  last 
wounded  and  repulsed.  The  death  of  Montgomery  was 
the  subject  of  much  regret,  as  he  had  been  universally 
loved  and  esteemed.  On  assembling  after  the  assault,  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  817 

Americans  could  not  muster  many  more  than  400  effective 
men,  who  chose  Arnold  their  commander,  and,  in  the  hope 
of  receiving  reinforcements,  resolved  to  remain  in  the 
vicinity  of  Quebec. 

Carleton,  the  Governor,  whether  from  policy  or  human 
ity,  treated  the  prisoners  with  kindness. 

The  Americans  were  not  ignorant  of  their  own  great  in 
feriority  in  point  of  numbers  to  the  garrison,  and  were 
not  without  apprehension  of  being  attacked;  but,  although 
the  garrison  was  three  times  more  numerous  than  the 
blockading  army,  yet  it  was  of  such  a  mixed  and  precarious 
nature  that  Carleton  did  not  deem  it  prudent  to  march 
out  against  the  enemy. 

A  small  reinforcement  from  Massachusetts  reached  the 
American  camp,  and  all  the  troops  that  could  be  spared 
from  Montreal  marched  to  join  their  countrymen  before 
Quebec;  but  the  month  of  February  (1776)  was  far  ad 
vanced  before  the  army  amounted  to  960  men.  Arnold 
however  resumed  the  siege,  but  his  artillery  was  inade 
quate  to  the  undertaking  and  made  no  impression  on  the 
works.  Although  unsuccessful  against  the  town,  he  de 
feated  a  body  of  Canadians  who  advanced  to  relieve  it. 

When  the  Americans  entered  the  province  many  of  the 
inhabitants  were  well  disposed  toward  them,  but  by  their 
ill-behavior  they  forfeited  the  good-will  and  provoked  the 
hostility  of  the  Canadians.  They  compelled  the  people, 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  to  furnish  them  with  articles 
below  the  current  prices;  gave  illegal  or  unsigned  certifi 
cates  for  goods  which  they  had  received,  and,  in  conse 
quence,  many  of  the  certificates  were  rejected  by  the  quar 
termaster-general;  they  made  promises  and  did  not  per 
form  them;  and  they  insulted  and  abused  the  people  when 
they  demanded  payment  of  their  just  debts.  By  such  un 
worthy  conduct  they  alienated  the  affections  of  the  Cana- 
52 


818  -  WASHINGTON. 

dians,  who  considered  Congress  as  bankrupt,  and  their 
army  as  a  band  of  plunderers. 

On  hearing  of  such  scandalous  misconduct,  Congress 
ordered  justice  to  be  done  to  the  Canadians,  and  the  strict 
est  military  discipline  to  be  observed.  But  in  Canada 
the  tide  of  popular  sentiment  and  feeling  was  turned 
against  the  Americans,  who,  by  their  dishonorable  prac 
tices,  had  awakened  a  spirit  of  indignation  and  hostility, 
which  all  the  policy  of  Governor  Carleton  had  been  unable 
to  excite. 

While  the  American  army  lay  before  Quebec  the  troops 
caught  the  smallpox  from  a  woman  who  had  been  a  nurse 
in  a  hospital  of  the  city,  and  the  loathsome  disease  spread 
rapidly  among  them.  In  order  to  mitigate  the  ravages  of 
this  destructive  malady,  many  of  the  men  inoculated  them 
selves,  regardless  of  orders  to  the  contrary.  The  rein 
forcements  which  were  daily  arriving  had  recourse  to  the 
same  practice,  and  so  general  was  the  infection  that,  on 
the  ist  of  May  (1776),  although  the  army  amounted  to 
2,000  men,  not  more  than  900  were  fit  for  duty.  In  this 
diseased  state  of  the  troops,  medicines  and  everything 
necessary  for  the  sick  were  wanting.  The  men  were  also 
scattered  for  want  of  barracks.  Major-General  Thomas, 
who  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  American 
army  in  Canada,  arrived  in  camp  on  the  ist  of  May.  He 
found  the  troops  enfeebled  by  disease,  ill-supplied  with 
provisions,  and  with  only  a  small  quantity  of  ammunition. 
The  river  was  opening  below,  and  he  was  well  aware  that 
as  soon  as  ships  could  force  their  way  through  the  ice  the 
garrison  would  be  reinforced.  On  the  5th  of  May  there 
fore  he  resolved  to  retreat  toward  Montreal,  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  same  day  he  received  certain  information 
that  a  British  fleet  was  in  the  river.  Next  morning,  some 
of  the  ships,  by  great  exertion  and  with  much  danger, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  819 

pressed  through  the  ice  into  the  harbor,  and  landed  some 
troops. 

The  Americans  were  preparing  to  retire.  General 
Carleton  marched  out  to  attack  them ;  but,  instead  of  wait 
ing  his  approach,  they  made  a  precipitate  retreat,  leaving 
behind  them  their  sick,  baggage,  artillery,  and  military 
stores.  Many  of  those  who  were  ill  of  the  smallpox  es 
caped  from  the  hospitals  and  concealed  themselves  in  the 
country,  where  they  were  kindly  entertained  by  the  Cana 
dians  till  they  recovered  and  were  able  to  follow  their 
countrymen.  General  Carleton  could  not  overtake  the 
American  army,  but  he  took  about  100  sick  prisoners, 
whom  he  treated  with  his  characteristic  humanity. 

The  Americans  retreated  about  forty-five  miles  and  then 
halted  a  few  days,  but  afterward  proceeded  to  Sorel  in  a 
deplorable  condition  and  encamped  there.  In  this  inter 
val  some  reinforcements  arrived,  but  General  Thomas  was 
seized  with  the  smallpox  and  died.  He  was  succeeded  in 
the  command  by  General  Sullivan. 

The  British  had  several  military  posts  in  Upper  Canada, 
and  the  Americans  established  one  at  the  Cedars,  a  point 
of  land  which  projects  into  the  St.  Lawrence  about  forty 
miles  above  Montreal.  Captain  Forster,  who  had  marched 
from  Oswegatchie,  appeared  before  this  post  with  a  com 
pany  of  regulars  and  a  considerable  number  of  Indians, 
and  the  American  commanding  officer  surrendered  the 
place  after  a  short  resistance.  An  American  party  of 
about  100  men,  under  Major  Sherburne,  left  Montreal  to 
assist  their  countrymen  at  the  Cedars,  but  as  they  ap 
proached  that  place,  on  the  day  after  the  surrender,  and 
ignorant  of  that  event,  they  were  suddenly  and  unexpect 
edly  attacked  by  a  body  of  Indians  and  Canadians.  After 
defending  themselves  for  some  time,  the  Americans  were 


820  WASHINGTON. 

overpowered,  and  many  of  them  fell  under  the  tomahawks 
of  the  Indians.  The  rest  were  made  prisoners. 

Arnold,  who  in  the  month  of  January  had  been  raised 
to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  and  who  then  commanded 
at  Montreal,  was  desirous  of  recovering  the  Cedars  and 
of  relieving  the  prisoners  there;  and  for  these  purposes 
marched  toward  that  place,  at  the  head  of  about  800  men. 
But,  on  his  approach,  Captain  Forster  gave  him  notice 
that  unless  he  agreed  to  a  cartel,  which  had  already  been 
signed  by  Major  Sherburne  and  some  other  officers,  the 
Indians  would  put  all  the  prisoners  to  death.  In  these 
circumstances,  Arnold  reluctantly  signed  the  cartel  and 
retired.  Congress  long  hesitated  and  delayed  to  sanction 
this  agreement. 

Before  the  end  of  May  the  British  force  in  Canada  was 
greatly  increased;  and,  including  the  German  mercenaries, 
was  estimated  at  13,000  men.  That  force  was  widely  dis 
persed,  but  Three  Rivers,  about  ninety  miles  above  Quebec 
and  as  much  below  Montreal,  was  the  general  point  of 
rendezvous.  A  considerable  detachment,  under  General 
Frazer,  had  already  arrived  there.  That  detachment  Gen 
eral  Sullivan  wished  to  surprise,  and  appointed  General 
Thompson  to  command  the  troops  in  the  expedition  sent 
out  for  that  purpose.  The  enterprise  failed;  Thompson 
was  made  prisoner  and  his  detachment  dispersed,  but  with 
out  any  great  loss. 

The  royal  military  and  naval  forces  having  been  col 
lected  at  Three  Rivers,  a  long  village  so  named  from  its 
contiguity  to  a  river  which  empties  itself  into  the  St.  Law 
rence  by  three  mouths,  advanced  by  land  and  water  toward 
the  Sorel.  General  Sullivan  had  retreated  up  that  river, 
and  General  Burgoyne,  who  had  left  Boston  and  joined 
Carleton,  was  ordered  cautiously  to  pursue  him.  On  the 
1 5th  of  June  (1776),  General  Arnold  quitted  Montreal, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  821 

crossed  the  river  at  Longueille,  marched  on  Chamblee, 
and  conducted  the  army  to  Crown  Point,  with  little  loss 
in  the  retreat.  Thus  terminated  the  invasion  of  Canada, 
in  which  the  American  army  endured  great  hardships  and 
sustained  considerable  loss,  without  any  apparent  advan 
tage  to  the  cause  in  which  it  was  engaged. 

It  is  certain  nevertheless  that  Washington  acted  with 
his  usual  good  judgment  in  sending  out  the  expedition 
under  Arnold.  It  came  very  near  capturing  Quebec,  and 
only  failed  under  a  combination  of  unfortunate  circum 
stances,  against  the  occurrence  of  which  no  human  fore 
sight  could  provide. 


CHAPTER  V. 

WASHINGTON  EXPELS  THE  BRITISH  FROM  BOSTON. 

1775-1776. 

CONSIDERING  the  strength  of  the  British  army  in 
Boston,  it  might  be  matter  of  surprise  that  Gen 
eral  Gage  had  made  no  serious  attack  upon  the 
besieging  army;  but  his  experience  of  the  valor  and  de 
termination  of  the  colonists,  as  well  as  of  the  formidable 
mode  of  warfare  adopted  in  the  battles  of  Lexington  and 
Bunker  Hill,  had  taught  him  to  respect  them  as  soldiers. 
Writing  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  he  says :  "  The  trials  we 
have  had  show  the  rebels  are  not  the  despicable  rabble  too 
many  have  supposed  them  to  be,  and  I  find  it  owing  to  a 
military  spirit  encouraged  among  them  for  a  few  years 
past,  joined  with  an  uncommon  degree  of  zeal  and  enthu 
siasm,  that  they  are  otherwise." 

Gage  was  desirous  of  occupying  New  York,  but  would 
not  venture  to  evacuate  Boston  without  express  orders 
from  the  government.  He  therefore  determined  to  winter 
in  Boston,  and  began  to  make  preparations  for  occupying 
the  houses  in  the  town  as  barracks  for  the  soldiery. 

While  this  was  going  forward  he  received  a  summons 
from  the  government  commanding  his  return  to  England 
(September  26,  1775),  "  in  order  to  give  His  Majesty  exact 
information  of  everything  that  it  may  be  necessary  to  pre 
pare,  as  early  as  possible,  for  the  operations  of  the  next 
year,  and  to  suggest  to  His  Majesty  such  matters  in  rela- 

(822) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  823 

tion  thereto  as  his  knowledge  and  experience  of  the  ser 
vice  enabled  him  to  furnish." 

In  replying  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  October  1st,  General 
Gage  recommended  the  measure,  which  the  ministry 
adopted  in  the  ensuing  year,  of  abandoning  New  England 
and  occupying  New  York.  "  I  am  of  opinion,"  he  wrote, 
"  that  no  offensive  operations  can  be  carried  on  to  advan 
tage  from  Boston.  On  the  supposition  of  a  certainty  of 
driving  the  rebels  from  their  intrenchments,  no  advantage 
would  be  gained  but  reputation;  victory  could  not  be  im 
proved,  through  the  want  of  every  necessary  to  march 
into  the  country.  The  loss  of  men  would  probably  be 
great,  and  the  rebels  be  as  numerous  in  a  few  days  as 
before  their  defeat;  besides,  the  country  is  remarkably 
strong  and  adapted  to  their  way  of  fighting." 

General  Gage  now  prepared  to  depart  for  England,  ex 
pecting  to  return  after  the  King  and  the  ministry  should 
have  obtained  the  "  exact  information "  which  they  so 
much  desired,  and  in  which  they  had,  sooth  to  say,  been 
woefully  deficient  ever  since  the  controversy  began.  His 
departure  was  attended  with  the  usual  formalities,  such 
as  a  fulsomely  flattering  address  from  the  council,  prais 
ing  him  for  all  the  virtues  which  he  did  not  possess;  and 
another  from  the  loyal  inhabitants,  a  little  more  "  reserved 
in  its  indorsement  of  his  proceedings."  Gage,  in  his  re 
plies,  charged  all  the  troubles  of  the  people  on  designing, 
ambitious  leaders,  who  had  "  erected  a  tyranny  upon  the 
most  free,  happy,  and  lenient  government."  He  embarked 
on  the  loth  of  October  (1775)  for  England,  and  soon  found 
that  his  services  in  America  for  the  future  would  be  dis 
pensed  with.*  His  successor,  General  Howe,f  was  an 

•   *  Frothingham,  "  Siege  of  Boston." 

t  Howe  was  a  brother  to  Viscount  Howe,  killed  at  Ticonderoga 
in  1758;  and  also  of  Lord  Howe,  the  admiral. 


824  WASHINGTON. 

abler  officer  and  a  more  popular  man.  His  views  respect 
ing  the  military  operations  to  be  pursued  coincided  how 
ever  with  those  of  his  predecessor.  Writing  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  October  Qth,  he  says,  "  that  the  opening  of 
the  campaign  from  this  quarter  would  be  attended  with 
great  hazard,  as  well  from  the  strength  as  from  the  in 
trenched  position  the  Americans  had  taken."  He  recom 
mended  an  evacuation  of  Boston,  and  desired  reinforce 
ments  to  arrive  early  in  the  spring. 

Meantime  Washington,  having  no  knowledge  of  the 
enemy's  design  to  remain  inactive  and  to  go  into  winter 
quarters  without  attempting  offensive  operations,  was  im 
patient  for  action.  He  was  prevented  however  from  any 
attempt  on  the  town  by  his  want  of  powder.  Only  small 
quantities  could  be  collected  and  in  no  proportion  to  the 
demand.  Apprehensive  that  the  enemy  might  discover 
this  deficiency  and  attack  and  disperse  his  army,  he  re 
sorted  to  a  variety  of  expedients  to  conceal  his  situation. 
His  own  officers  even  were  not  aware  how  little  powder 
was  in  store.  The  proposal  to  surprise  the  enemy  was 
nevertheless  entertained  by  him,  and  referred  to  a  council 
of  war,  as  early  as  September.  It  was  induced  by  com 
plaints  among  the  people  of  the  inactivity  of  the  army. 
The  eyes  of  all  were  fixed  on  Washington,  and  it  was  very 
unreasonably  expected  that  he  would,  by  a  bold  exertion, 
free  the  town  of  Boston  from  the  British  troops.  The 
dangerous  situation  of  public  affairs  led  him  to  conceal 
the  real  scarcity  of  arms  and  ammunition,  and  with  that 
magnanimity  which  is  characteristic  of  great  minds,  to 
suffer  his  character  to  be  assailed  rather  than  vindicate 
himself  by  exposing  his  many  wants.  There  were  not 
wanting  persons  who,  judging  from  the  superior  numbers 
of  men  in  the  American  army,  boldly  asserted  that,  if  the 
Commander-in-Chief  were  not  desirous  of  prolonging  his 


BARON  DE  KALB  INTRODUCING  LAFAYETTE  TO  SILAS  DEANE. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  825 

importance  at  the  head  of  an  army,  he  might  by  a  vigorous 
exertion  gain  possession  of  Boston.  Such  suggestions 
were  reported  and  believed  by  many,  while  they  were  un- 
contradicted  by  the  General,  who  chose  to  risk  his  fame 
rather  than  expose  his  army  and  his  country. 

In  the  following  extract  from  his  letter  to  the  President 
of  Congress,  of  September  21  (1775),  he  refers  to  the  pro 
posed  attack  as  well  as  to  the  destitute  condition  of  the 
army: 

"  The  state  of  inactivity  in  which  this  army  has  lain  for 
some  time  by  no  means  corresponds  with  my  wishes  to 
relieve  my  country,  by  some  decisive  stroke,  from  the 
heavy  expense  its  subsistence  must  create.  After  fre 
quently  reconnoitering  the  situation  of  the  enemy  in  the 
town  of  Boston,  collecting  all  possible  intelligence,  and 
digesting  the  whole,  a  surprise  did  not  appear  to  me 
wholly  impracticable,  though  hazardous.  I  communi 
cated  it  to  the  general  officers  some  days  before  I  called 
them  to  a  council,  that  they  might  be  prepared  with  their 
opinions.  The  result  I  have  the  honor  of  inclosing.  I 
cannot  say  that  I  have  wholly  laid  it  aside;  but  new  events 
may  occasion  new  measures.  Of  this  I  hope  the  honor 
able  Congress  can  need  no  assurance  —  that  there  is  not 
a  man  in  America  who  more  earnestly  wishes  such  a  ter 
mination  of  the  campaign  as  to  make  the  army  no  longer 
necessary. 

"  It  gives  me  great  pain  to  be  obliged  to  solicit  the  at 
tention  of  the  honorable  Congress  to  the  state  of  this 
army,  in  terms  which  imply  the  slightest  apprehension  of 
being  neglected.  But  my  situation  is  inexpressibly  dis 
tressing;  to  see  the  winter  fast  approaching  upon  a  naked 
army;  the  time  of  their  service  within  a  few  weeks  of  ex 
piring,  and  no  provision  yet  made  for  such  important 
events.  Added  to  these,  the  military  chest  is  totally  ex- 


826  WASHINGTON. 

hausted ;  the  paymaster  has  not  a  single  dollar  in  hand ; 
the  commissary-general  assures  me  he  has  strained  his 
credit  for  the  subsistence  of  the  army  to  the  utmost.  The 
quartermaster-general  is  precisely  in  the  same  situation, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  troops  are  in  a  state  not  far 
from  mutiny,  upon  the  deduction  from  their  stated  allow 
ance.  I  know  not  to  whom  I  am  to  impute  this  failure, 
but  I  am  of  opinion,  if  the  evil  is  not  immediately  remedied, 
and  more  punctually  observed  in  future,  the  army  must 
absolutely  break  up.  I  hoped  I  had  so  fully  expressed 
myself  on  this  subject  (both  by  letter  and  to  those  mem 
bers  of  the  Congress  who  honored  the  camp  with  a  visit), 
that  no  disappointment  could  possibly  happen;  I  there 
fore  hourly  expected  advice  from  the  paymaster  that  he 
had  received  a  fresh  supply,  in  addition  to  the  $172,000 
delivered  him  in  August;  and  thought  myself  warranted 
to  assure  the  public  creditors  that  in  a  few  days  they 
should  be  satisfied.  But  the  delay  has  brought  matters 
to  such  a  crisis  as  admits  of  no  further  uncertain  expecta 
tion.  I  have  therefore  sent  off  this  express,  with  orders 
to  make  all  possible  dispatch.  It  is  my  most  earnest  re 
quest  that  he  may  be  returned  with  all  possible  expedition, 
unless  the  honorable  Congress  have  already  forwarded 
what  is  so  indispensably  necessary." 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Warren,  Speaker  of  the  Massachu 
setts  Assembly,  we  find  a  still  more  graphic  picture  of 
suffering.  In  this  communication  he  says: 

"  I  promised  the  gentlemen  who  did  me  the  honor  to 
call  upon  me  yesterday,  by  order  of  your  House,  that  I 
would  inquire  of  the  quartermaster-general,  and  let  them 
know  to-day,  what  quantity  of  wood  and  hay  were  neces 
sary  to  supply  this  army  through  the  winter.  I  accord 
ingly  did  so,  and  desired  General  Gates  this  morning  to 
inform  you  that  it  was  his  (the  quartermaster's)  opinion 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  827 

it  would  require  10,000  cords  of  the  first  and  200  tons  of 
the  latter  to  answer  our  demands;  but  the  hurry,  in  which 
we  have  been  all  day  engaged,  caused  him  to  forget  it,  till 
a  fresh  complaint  brought  it  again  to  remembrance. 

"  When  the  committee  were  here  yesterday  I  told  them 
I  did  not  believe  we  had  then  more  than  four  days*  stock 
of  wood  beforehand.  I  little  thought  that  we  had  scarce 
four  hours*,  and  that  the  different  regiments  were  upon 
the  point  of  cutting  each  other's  throats  for  a  few  stand 
ing  locusts  near  their  encampments  to  dress  their  victuals 
with.  This  however  is  the  fact;  and,  unless  some  expedi 
ent  is  adopted  by  your  honorable  body  to  draw  more  teams 
into  the  service,  or  the  quartermaster-general  is  empow 
ered  to  impress  them,  this  army  (if  there  comes  a  spell  of 
rainy  and  cold  weather)  must  inevitably  disperse,  the  con 
sequences  of  which  need  no  animadversions  of  mine. 

"  It  has  been  a  matter  of  great  grief  to  me  to  see  so 
many  valuable  plantations  of  trees  destroyed.  I  endeav 
ored  (whilst  there  appeared  a  possibility  of  restraining  it) 
to  prevent  the  practice;  but  it  is  out  of  my  power  to  do  it. 
From  fences  to  forest  trees,  and  from  forest  trees  to  fruit 
trees,  is  a  natural  advance  to  houses,  which  must  next 
follow.  This  is  not  all;  the  distress  of  the  soldiers  in  the 
article  of  wood  will,  I  fear,  have  an  unhappy  influence  upon 
their  enlisting  again.  In  short,  sir,  if  I  did  not  apprehend 
every  evil  that  can  result  from  the  want  of  these  two  cap 
ital  articles,  wood  especially,  I  would  not  be  so  importu 
nate.  My  anxiety  on  this  head  must  plead  my  excuse. 
At  the  same  time  I  assure  you  that,  with  great  respect  and 
esteem,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant." 

.  Washington's  humanity  and  courtesy  are  finely  illus 
trated  by  an  incident  which  took  place  in  October,  1775. 
Two  armed  vessels,  sent  to  intercept  two  brigantines,  un 
derstood  to  be  bound  from  England  to  Quebec  witb  arms 


828  WASHINGTON. 

and  ammunition,  failed  in  that  object,  but  attacked  St. 
John's,  plundered  the  inhabitants,  and  brought  off  several 
prisoners.  On  their  being  brought  to  the  camp  at  Cam 
bridge,  Washington  severely  reprimanded  the  captors, 
set  the  prisoners  at  liberty,  treated  them  with  the  utmost 
kindness,  restored  the  plundered  property,  and  sent  them 
to  their  homes.  The  acting  Governor  of  St.  John's,  who 
was  one  of  the  prisoners,  expressed  the  liveliest  gratitude 
to  Washington  for  the  kind  treatment  received  from  him. 
As  the  year  (1775)  drew  near  a  close,  Washington  found 
himself  embarrassed  with  a  new  and  very  serious  difficulty. 
It  had  become  necessary  to  form  a  new  army.  The  term 
of  service  of  the  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  troops 
would  expire  on  the  1st  of  December,  and  that  of  the  re 
mainder  of  the  army  at  the  end  of  that  month.  Congress 
had  had  the  matter  under  consideration,  and  a  committee, 
consisting  of  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Lynch,  and  Mr.  Harrison, 
repaired  to  headquarters  at  Cambridge  (October  18,  1775), 
and  there,  in  conjunction  with  Washington,  made  arrange 
ments  for  organizing,  regulating,  and  supporting  the  con 
tinental  army.  It  was  presumed  that  the  spirit  which 
had  hitherto  operated  on  the  yeomanry  of  the  country 
would  induce  most  of  the  same  individuals  to  engage  for 
another  twelvemonth,  but  on  experiment  it  was  found 
that  much  of  their  military  ardor  had  already  evaporated. 
The  first  impulse  of  passion,  and  the  novelty  of  the  scene, 
had  brought  many  to  the  field  who  had  great  objections 
against  continuing  in  the  military  line.  They  found  that 
to  be  soldiers  required  sacrifices  of  which,  when  they  as 
sumed  that  character,  they  had  no  idea.  So  unacquainted 
were  the  bulk  of  the  people  with  the  mode  of  carrying  on 
modern  war  that  many  of  them  flew  to  arms  with  the  de 
lusive  expectation  of  settling  the  whole  dispute  by  a  few 
decisive  and  immediate  engagements.  Experience  soon 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  829 

taught  them  that  to  risk  life  in  open  fighting  was  but  a 
part  of  the  soldier's  duty. 

The  plan  of  organization  proposed  by  Washington  to 
the  committee  of  Congress  was  adopted.  It  was  to  be 
twice  as  large  as  that  of  the  enemy  in  Boston,  and  to  con 
sist  of  twenty-six  regiments  of  eight  companies  each,  be 
sides  riflemen  and  artillery,  the  whole  amounting  to  20,372 
men.  The  term  of  service  was  to  be  for  one  year  —  an 
arrangement  which,  as  will  be  seen,  was  a  source  of  em 
barrassment  which  interfered  with  Washington's  opera 
tions  very  seriously.  But  such  was  the  jealousy  of  mili 
tary  power  among  the  members  of  Congress  and  the  peo 
ple,  that  this  system  of  short  enlistments  was  persisted  in 
throughout  the  war. 

The  committee  of  Congress  remaining  some  time  in 
Cambridge,  Washington  embraced  the  opportunity  of  con 
ferring  freely  with  them  and  learning  what  reliance  could 
be  placed  on  the  efficient  support  of  Congress  in  his  future 
operations.  This  was  more  satisfactory  than  the  written 
correspondence  which  he  had  hitherto  maintained  with  the 
Congress,  and  he  was  enabled  by  personal  intercourse 
with  the  committee  to  express  his  own  views  frankly  and 
freely.  All  the  proceedings  of  the  committee  were,  on 
their  return,  approved  by  Congress. 

The  readiest  means  of  obtaining  supplies  for  the  army 
was  the  fitting  out  of  armed  vessels  for  intercepting  those 
sent  from  England  for  the  enemy  in  Boston.  Congress 
had  hitherto  made  no  provision  for  a  navy,  and  Washing 
ton  took  on  himself  the  responsibility  of  creating  one.  It 
was  on  a  small  scale  indeed,  but  we  should  ever  remem 
ber  that  to  the  Father  of  his  Country  is  due  the  honor  of 
founding  the  proud  and  glorious  navy  of  the  United  States. 

He  had  no  instructions  from  Congress  on  the  subject, 
but  the  public  welfare  demanded  immediate  action,  and 


830  WASHINGTON. 

he  did  not  hesitate  to  take  the  necessary  measures.  He 
caused  vessels  to  be  procured  in  Salem,  Beverly,  Marble- 
head,  and  Plymouth,  fitted  out  and  manned  by  officers 
and  sailors  from  the  army.  And  he  gave  to  the  captains 
instructions  to  cruise  against  such  vessels  as  were  found 
in  the  service  of  the  enemy,  and  seize  all  such  as  were 
laden  with  soldiers,  arms,  ammunition,  or  provisions.  In 
a  short  time  six  armed  schooners  were  under  sail  and 
cruising  off  the  coast  of  New  England. 

One  of  these  schooners,  the  Lee,  commanded  by  Cap 
tain  Manly,  was  particularly  successful.  On  the  2Qth  of 
November  (1775)  she  took  the  brig  Nancy,  an  ordnance 
vessel  from  Woolwich,  containing  a  large  brass  mortar, 
several  pieces  of  brass  cannon,  a  large  quantity  of  arms 
and  ammunition,  with  all  manner  of  tools,  utensils,  and 
machines,  necessary  for  camps  and  artillery.  Had  Con 
gress  sent  an  order  for  supplies  they  could  not  have  made 
out  a  list  of  articles  more  suitable  to  Washington's  situ 
ation  than  what  was  thus  providentially  thrown  into  his 
hands. 

In  about  nine  days  after,  three  ships,  with  various  stores 
for  the  British  army,  and  a  brig  from  Antigua  with  rum, 
were  taken  by  Captain  Manly.  Before  five  days  more  had 
elapsed,  several  other  storeships  were  captured.  By  these 
means  the  distresses  of  the  British  troops  in  Boston  were 
increased  and  supplies  for  the  continental  army  were  pro 
cured.  Naval  captures,  being  unexpected,  were  matter 
of  triumph  to  the  Americans  and  of  surprise  to  the  British. 
The  latter  scarcely  believed  that  the  former  would  oppose 
them  by  land  with  a  regular  army,  but  never  suspected 
that  a  people  so  unfurnished  as  they  were  with  many  things 
necessary  for  arming  vessels  would  presume  to  attempt 
anything  on  the  water.  A  spirit  of  enterprise,  invigo 
rated  by  patriotic  zeal,  prompted  the  hardy  New  England- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  831 

men  to  undertake  the  hazardous  business,  and  their  suc 
cess  encouraged  them  to  proceed.  Before  the  close  of 
the  year  (1775),  Congress  determined  to  build  five  vessels 
of  thirty-two  guns,  five  of  twenty-eight,  and  three  of 
twenty-four.*  While  the  Americans  were  fitting  out 

*  Under  date  of  May  8,  1902,  Hon.  Arthur  D.  Osborn,  of  New 
Haven,  Conn.,  made  an  address  in  that  city  on  "Armed  Vessels  of 
Connecticut  During  the  Revolutionary  War,"  in  which  he  said: 

"  The  more  the  history  of  our  modest  little  State  is  studied,  the 
more  those  who  love  Connecticut  as  the  home  of  their  ancestors 
will  find  in  that  history  to  stimulate  their  interest  and  gratify  their 
pride.  We. cannot  realize  in  the  midst  of  our  abundance  with  what 
slender  resources  our  forefathers  engaged  in  the  Revolutionary 
War.  In  place  of  the  complex  machinery  which  produces  for  us 
such  astonishing  results  with  lightning  speed,  they  had  only  the 
slow  handiwork  of  craftsmen,  dependent  largely  for  their  tools  and 
materials  on  the  mother  country.  And  yet  when  the  Revolutionary 
struggle  .commenced,  the  peaceful  waters  of  Long  Island  Sound 
even  then  bore  the  beginnings  of  that  mighty  commerce  which  now 
passes  through  it,  exceeding  in  volume  and  value  all  that  enters 
New  York  harbor  from  foreign  ports.  The  hardy  men  who  peopled 
its  Connecticut  shores  had  already  learned  the  arts  of  ship  building 
and  navigation,  and  they  fitted  out,  manned,  and  equipped  a  fleet  of 
armed  vessels  very  early  in  the  war.  Their  number  was  constantly 
increased  until  the  Record  shows  a  list  of  180  vessels,  carrying 
1,380  guns  and  more  than  6,000  men.  This  is  the  statement  in  the 
Revolutionary  Record  of  the  Naval  Service  of  Connecticut,  com 
piled  from  the  list  prepared  by  Lieutenant,  afterward  Rear-Ad 
miral,  George  F.  Emmons.  This  list  does  not  include  all  the  vessels 
which  were  furnished  by  Connecticut,  but  it  is  surprisingly  large. 

"  Before  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution,  New  England  had 
created  a  considerable  commerce  with  European  countries,  with 
the  West  Indies,  and  along  the  coast,  and  the  vessels,  with  the 
crews  engaged  in  it,  became  the  privateers  and  war  vessels  referred 
to  by  Admiral  Emmons.  Long  Island  Sound  and  especially  New 
London  afforded  them  harbors  for  rendezvous  and  refuge,  and  it 
is  very  likely  that  the  attacks  which  they  made  upon  British  com 
merce  instigated  the  expeditions  along  the  coast  of  the  Sound, 
which  effected  the  burning  of  Fairfax.  Norwalk,  New  London, 
and  the  capture  of  New  Haven. 


832  WASHINGTON. 

armed  vessels,  and  before  they  had  made  any  captures,  an 
event  took  place  which  would  have  disposed  a  less  deter 
mined  people  to  desist  from  provoking  the  vengeance  of 
the  British  navy. 

"  There  were  three  classes  of  these  vessels.  First,  the  privateers 
which  have  already  been  referred  to.  The  privateers  carried  from 
two  to  twenty  guns  and  crews  numbering  from  25  to  100,  and  in 
a  few  cases  150  men.  The  guns  were  mostly  six  and  twelve- 
pounders,  with  a  few  twenty-four  pounders  and  some  smaller  guns. 
The  vessels  were  from  less  than  100  to  250  tons. 

"  In  the  second  class  were  included  the  vessels  built  by  the  State 
of  Connecticut.  In  July,  1775,  the  General  Assembly  ordered  two 
vessels  to  be  bought  and  fitted  for  cruising.  These  were  the 
'  Minerva '  and  the  '  Spy.'  In  December,  1775,  the  General 
Assembly  ordered  a  war  vessel  built,  which  was  completed  in  May, 
1776,  and  named  the  '  Defence '  and  rigged  as  a  brig.  She  cruised 
off  Boston  under  the  command  of  Captain  Harding,  where  she 
captured,  after  a  spirited  engagement,  two  transports  with  210 
soldiers  on  board,  and  the  next  day  another  transport  with  112 
soldiers.  She  was  afterward  chased  into  New  London  by  two 
frigates.  In  1777,  she  came  under  the  command  of  Captain  Samuel 
Smedley. 

"  The  largest  State  vessel  of  Connecticut  was  the  '  Oliver  Crom 
well,'  of  twenty  guns,  built  at  Saybrook  in  1776. 

"  In  the  third  class  were  the  vessels  built  in  the  State  under  the 
orders  of  the  Continental  Congress.  In  1775  the  Continental  Con 
gress  ordered  a  number  of  war  vessels  to  be  built;  three  to  carry 
twenty-four  guns,  five  twenty-eight  guns,  and  five  thirty-two  guns. 
One  of  these  was  assigned  to  Connecticut  and  was  built  at 
Chatham,  on  the  Connecticut  river.  She  was  named  the  '  Trum- 
bull '  and  carried  twenty-eight  guns.  Capt.  Dudley  Saltonstall  was 
appointed  to  command  her  and  afterward  Capt.  James  Nicholson. 

"Another  vessel  assigned  to  Connecticut  was  the  thirty-six-gun 
ship  *  Confederacy/  which  was  built  on  the  Thames  river,  near 
Norwich. 

"  The  havoc  which  these  vessels  made  with  the  British  merchant 
marine  created  consternation  among  their  owners  and  brought 
loud  remonstrances  to  the  ears  of  the  British  ministry.  All  these 
vessels,  the  privateers,  the  State  vessels,  and  the  United  States 
ships,  were  officered  and  manned  by  Connecticut  men." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  833 

This  was  the  burning  of  Falmouth  (now  Portland,  Me.), 
which  was  brought  about  by  a  previous  incident  on  the 
coast  of  Massachusetts. 

The  British  naval  forces  were  frequently  engaged  in  de 
stroying  the  armed  American  vessels  which  Washington 
had  fitted  out,  as  we  have  just  seen,  for  cruisers.  At 
Gloucester  the  Falcon  sloop-of-war,  having  chased  an 
American  vessel  into  the  harbor,  dispatched  three  boats, 
with  about  forty  men,  to  bring  her  off,  when  the  party 
were  so  warmly  received  by  the  militia,  who  had  collected 
on  the  shore,  that  the  captain  thought  it  necessary  to  send 
a  reinforcement  and  to  commence  cannonading  the  town. 
A  very  smart  action  ensued,  which  was  kept  up  for  several 
hours,  but  resulted  in  the  complete  defeat  of  the  assail 
ants,  leaving  upward  of  thirty  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the 
Americans. 

This  repulse  excited  the  British  to  deeds  of  revenge 
upon  several  of  the  defenseless  towns  on  the  coast,  and 
to  declare  that  many  of  them  should  be  reduced  to  ashes, 
unless  the  inhabitants  consented  to  an  unconditional  com 
pliance  with  all  their  demands.  The  burning  of  Falmouth 
seems  to  have  been  a  consequence  of  this  determination. 

In  compliance  with  a  resolution  of  the  Provincial  Con 
gress  to  prevent  Tories  from  carrying  out  their  effect,  the 
inhabitants  of  Falmouth  had  obstructed  the  loading  of  a 
mast  ship.  The  destruction  of  the  town  was  therefore 
determined  on,  as  an  example  of  vindictive  punishment. 
Captain  Mowat,  detached  for  that  purpose  with  armed 
vessels*  by  Admiral  Graves,  arrived  off  the  place  on  the 

*The  force  consisted  of  a  sixty-four,  a  twenty-gun  ship,  two 
sloops  of  eighteen  guns,  two  transports,  and  600  men.  They  took 
two  mortars,  four  howitzers,  and  other  artillery  —  a  pretty  formid 
able  apparatus  for  setting  fire  to  a  small  seaport  village.  The 
recent  conflict  at  Gloucester  had  taught  the  enemy  a  lesson. 
53 


834  WASHINGTON. 

evening  of  the  I7th  of  October  (1775),  and  gave  notice  to 
the  inhabitants  that  he  would  allow  them  two  hours  "  to 
remove  the  human  species." 

Upon  being  solicited  to  afford  some  explanation  of  this 
extraordinary  summons,  he  replied  that  he  had  orders  to 
set  on  fire  all  the  seaport  towns  from  Boston  to  Halifax, 
and  that  he  supposed  New  York  was  already  in  ashes. 
He  could  dispense  with  his  orders,  he  said,  on  no  terms 
but  the  compliance  of  the  inhabitants  to  deliver  up  their 
arms  and  ammunition,  and  thejr  sending  on  board  a  sup 
ply  of  provisions,  and  four  of  the  principal  persons  of  the 
town  as  hostages  that  they  should  engage  not  to  unite 
with  their  countrymen  in  any  kind  of  opposition  to  Brit 
ain;  and  he  assured  them  that,  on  a  refusal  of  these  con 
ditions,  he  should  lay  the  town  in  ashes  within  three  hours. 
Unprepared  for  the  attack,  the  inhabitants,  by  entreaty, 
obtained  the  suspension  of  an  answer  till  the  morning, 
and  employed  this  interval  in  removing  their  families  and 
effects. 

The  next  day  Captain  Mowat  commenced  a  furious  can 
nonade  and  bombardment,  and  a  great  number  of  people 
standing  on  the  heights,  were  spectators  of  the  conflagra 
tion,  which  reduced  many  of  them  to  penury  and  despair. 
More  than  400  houses  and  stores  were  burnt.  Newport, 
R.  L,  being  in  a  very  exposed  situation  and  threatened 
with  a  similar  attack,  was  compelled  to  stipulate  for  a 
weekly  supply  to  avert  it. 

An  event  of  considerable  importance  occurred  in  Octo 
ber,  which  occasioned  much  surprise  and  speculation.  It 
was  the  defection  of  Dr.  Benjamin  Church,  who  had  long 
sustained  a  high  reputation  as  a  patriot  and  son  of  liberty. 
He  had  for  some  time  been  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  Massachusetts,  and  had  been  appointed 
surgeon-general  and  director  of  the  military  hospitals  at 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  835 

Cambridge.  This  gentleman  was  detected  in  a  traitorous 
correspondence  with  the  enemy  in  Boston.  A  letter  in 
cipher,  written  by  him,  was  intrusted  to  the  care  of  a 
female,  with  whom  he  was  Well  acquainted,  to  be  con 
veyed  to  Boston.  On  examination  the  woman  absolutely 
refused  to  reveal  the  name  of  the  writer  till  she  was  terri 
fied  by  threats  of  severe  punishment,  when  she  named 
Dr.  Church.  He  was  greatly  agitated  and  confounded,, 
manifested  marks  of  guilt,  and  made  no  attempt  to  vindi 
cate  himself.  But  after  the  letter  was  deciphered,  and 
he  had  taken  time  to  reflect,  he  used  all  his  powers  of  per 
suasion  to  make  it  appear  that  the  letter  contained  no  in 
formation  that  would  injure  the  American  cause;  and 
made  a  solemn  appeal  to  heaven  that  it  was  written  for 
the  purpose  of  procuring  some  important  intelligence  from 
the  enemy.  He  was  tried,  convicted,  and  expelled  from 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  Congress  afterward 
resolved,  "  that  he  be  closely  confined  in  some  secure  jail 
in  Connecticut,  without  the  use  of  pen,  ink,  or  paper;  and 
that  no  person  be  allowed  to  converse  with  him,  except 
in  the  presence  and  hearing  of  a  magistrate,  or  the  sheriff 
of  the  county."  He  was  finally  permitted  to  depart  from 
the  country.  He  embarked  for  the  West  Indies;  the  ves 
sel  foundered  at  sea  and  all  were  lost.* 

A  skirmish  occurred  at  Lechmere's  Point  on  the  9th 
of  November  (1775),  to  which  Washington  refers  in  the 
following  extract  from  a  letter  to  Congress  of  the  nth, 
in  which  his  situation  and  that  of  the  army  is  feelingly 
described. 

"  The  trouble  I  have  in  the  arrangement  of  the  army  is 
really  inconceivable.  Many  of  the  officers  sent  in  their 
names  to  serve  in  expectation  of  promotion;  others  stood 
aloof,  to  see  what  advantage  they  could  make  for  them- 

*Thacher,   "Military  Journal." 


836  WASHINGTON. 

selves;  whilst  a  number  who  had  declined  have  again  sent 
in  their  names  to  serve.  So  great  has  the  confusion  aris 
ing  from  these  and  many  other  perplexing  circumstances 
been  that  I  found  it  absolutely  impossible  to  fix  this  very 
interesting  business  exactly  on  the  plan  resolved  on  in  the 
•conference,  though  I  have  kept  up  to  the  spirit  of  it  as 
near  as  the  nature  and  necessity  of  the  case  would  admit. 
The  difficulty  'with  the  soldiers  is  as  great,  indeed  more 
so,  if  possible,  than  with  the  officers.  They  will  not  enlist 
until  they  know  their  colonel,  lieutenant-colonel,  major, 
and  captain ;  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  fix  the  officers  the 
first  thing,  which  is  at  last  in  some  manner  done,  and  I 
have  given  out  enlisting  orders. 

"  You,  sir,  can  much  easier  judge  than  I  can  express  the 
anxiety  of  mind  I  must  labor  under  on  the  occasion, 
especially  at  this  time,  when  we  may  expect  the  enemy 
will  begin  to  act  on  the  arrival  of  their  reinforcements, 
part  of  which  is  already  come  and  the  remainder  daily 
dropping  in. 

"  I  have  other  distresses  of  a  very  alarming  nature. 
The  arms  of  our  soldiery  are  so  exceedingly  bad  that  I 
assure  you,  sir,  I  cannot  place  a  proper  confidence  in  them. 
Our  powder  is  wasting  fast,  notwithstanding  the  strictest 
care,  economy,  and  attention  are  paid  to  it.  The  long 
series  of  wet  weather  which  we  have  had  renders  the 
greater  part  of  what  has  been  served  out  to  the  men  of 
no  use.  Yesterday  I  had  a  proof  of  it,  as  a  part  of  the 
enemy,  about  400  or  500,  taking  the  advantage  of  a  high 
tide,  landed  at  Lechmere's  Point;  we  were  alarmed,  and 
of  course  ordered  every  man  to  examine  his  cartouch-box, 
when  the  melancholy  truth  appeared;  and  we  were  obliged 
to  furnish  the  greater  part  of  them  with  fresh  ammunition. 

"The  damage  done  at  the  Point  was  the  taking  of  a 
.man,  who  watched  a  few  horses  and  cows;  ten  of  the  latter 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  837 

were  carried  off.  Colonel  Thompson  marched  down  with 
his  regiment  of  riflemen  and  was  joined  by  Colonel  Wood- 
bridge,  with  a  part  of  his  and  a  part  of  Patterson's  regi 
ment,  who  gallantly  waded  through  the  water  and  soon 
obliged  the  enemy  to  embark  under  cover  of  a  man-of-war, 
a  floating  battery,  and  the  fire  of  a  battery  on  Charlestown 
Neck.  We  have  two  of  our  men  dangerously  wounded 
by  grapeshot  from  the  man-of-war,  and  by  a  flag  sent  out 
this  day  we  are  informed  the  enemy  lost  two  of  their  men." 

General  Putnam,  who  was  on  duty  during  the  whole 
siege  of  Boston,  and  who  enjoyed  in  a  high  degree  the 
confidence  of  Washington,  was  intrusted  with  the  bold 
undertaking  of  fortifying  Cobble  Hill,  afterward  called 
Barrell's  Farm.  It  is  the  beautiful  eminence  which  forms 
the  site  of  the  McLean  Hospital.  Here  Putnam,  with  a 
strong  detachment  of  the  army,  broke  ground  on  the  night 
of  the  22d  of  November  (1775),  without  the  least  annoy 
ance  from  the  enemy,  whose  works  at  Bunker  Hill  were 
very  near. 

Next  day  General  Heath  followed  with  another  detach 
ment  to  complete  the  works.  The  enemy  were  expected 
to  sally  out  and  attack  the  intrenching  party,  and  Colonel 
Bond's  regiment  and  the  picket  guard  on  Prospect  Hill 
were  ordered  to  support  General  Heath.  But  General 
Howe  adhered  to  his  policy  of  inaction  till  the  works  were 
completed.  It  was  considered  at  the  time  to  be  the  most 
perfect  piece  of  fortification  constructed  by  the  Americans 
during  the  siege,  and  "  on  the  day  of  its  completion  was 
named  Putnam's  Impregnable  Fortress."* 

Washington,  knowing  the  weakness  and  destitution  of 
his  army  in  comparison  with  that  of  the  enemy,  consid 
ered  his  position  at  this  time  as  extremely  critical.  "  Our 
situation,"  he  writes,  November  28  (1775),  "is  truly 
*  Frothingham,  "  Siege  of  Boston." 


838  WASHINGTON. 

alarming;  and  of  this  General  Howe  is  well  apprised,  it 
being  the  common  topic  of  conversation  with  the  people 
who  left  Boston  last  Friday.  No  doubt  when  he  is  rein 
forced  he  will  avail  himself  of  the  information." 

Washington  thus  describes  the  works  in  addition  to 
those  at  Cobble  Hill,  which  were  erected  in  November: 
"  I  have  caused  two  half-moon  batteries  to  be  thrown  up 
for  occasional  use,  between  Lechmere's  Point  and  the 
mouth  of  Cambridge  river,  and  another  work  at  the  causey 
going  to  Lechmere's  Point,  to  command  that  pass  and 
rake  the  little  rivulet  that  runs  by  it  to  Patterson's  Fort. 
Besides  these  I  have  been  and  marked  out  three  places 
between  Sewall's  Point  and  our  lines  on  Roxbury  Neck, 
for  works  to  be  thrown  up,  and  occasionally  manned,  in 
case  of  a  sortie  when  the  bay  gets  froze." 

In  December,  1775,  notwithstanding  the  severe  cold 
and  a  heavy  fall  of  snow,  Washington  caused  strong  forti 
fications  to  be  erected  at  Lechmere's  Point.  The  enemy 
did  not  fire  upon  the  intrenching  party.  Washington  de 
clares  (December  I5th)  that  he  was  unable  to  account  for 
their  silence,  unless  it  were  to  lull  him  into  a  fatal  security 
to  favor  some  attempt  they  might  have  in  view  for  the  last 
of  the  month.  "  If  this  be  their  drift,"  he  writes,  "  they 
deceive  themselves,  for,  if  possible,  it  has  increased  my 
vigilance,  and  induced  me  to  fortify  all  the  avenues  to  our 
camp,  to  guard  against  any  approaches  on  the  ice." 

The  expectation  of  an  assault  from  the  enemy  was  now 
general  in  the  army,  but  the  works  at  Lechmere's  Point 
nevertheless  went  on.  A  causeway  over  the  marsh  lead 
ing  to  this  point  was  completed  on  the  i6th  of  December, 
and  on  the  I7th  General  Putnam,  with  a  detachment  of 
300  men,  broke  ground  near  the  water  side,  within  half  a 
mile  of  a  British  man-of-war.  A  few  shots  from  Cobble 
Hill  drove  one  of  the  enemy's  ships  down  the  river  below 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  839 

the  ferry.  General  Heath,  with  a  second  detachment, 
going  to  complete  the  works  begun  by  Putnam,  was  as 
sailed  by  a  cannonade  from  the  enemy's  batteries,  which 
lasted  several  days. 

Washington  and  his  staff  visited  the  spot  during  this 
time,  and  the  work  was  persisted  in  until  it  was  completed, 
when  it  was  considered  as  commanding  Boston,  so  that 
in  the  event  of  the  bombardment  of  the  town  being  deemed 
advisable,  it  could  easily  have  been  effected  from  this  point. 
"  It  will  be  possible,"  wrote  Colonel  Moylan,  "  to  bombard 
Boston  from  Lechmere's  Point.  Give  us  powder  and  au 
thority  (for  that,  you  know,  we  want,  as  well  as  the  other). 
I  say,  give  us  these,  and  Boston  can  be  set  in  flames."* 

On  the  nth  of  December,  Mrs.  Washington  arrived  at 
Cambridge,  accompanied  by  her  son,  John  Parke  Custis, 
and  his  wife.  She  received  a  very  hospitable  welcome 
from  the  most  distinguished  families  in  Massachusetts. 
Her  presence  was,  on  this  as  well  as  on  all  similar  subse 
quent  occasions,  hailed  with  enthusiasm  by  the  army. 
Her  present  visit  seems  to  have  been  induced  by  an  ap 
prehension  of  danger  from  the  exposed  situation  of  Mount 
Vernon,  accessible  as  it  was  to  British  ships  of  war.  She 
had  no  fears  on  that  head  herself,  and  whatever  may  have 
prompted  her  visit  to  the  camp,  the  practice  was  continued 
through  the  subsequent  campaigns  of  the  war.  In  the 
winter  time  she  was  thus  enabled  to  enjoy  the  society  of 
her  illustrious  husband,  and  to  cheer  him  in  the  midst  of 
his  labors  and  cares.  Whenever  active  operations  were 
to  commence  in  the  spring,  she  would  return  to  Mount 
Vernon.  On  the  present  occasion,  she  remained  at  head 
quarters  till  after  the  close  of  the  siege. 

•Early  in  December  (1775)  the  Connecticut  troops, 
availing  themselves  of  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  en- 

*  Frothingham,  "  Siege  of  Boston." 


840  WASHINGTON. 

listment,  left  the  army.  They  had  demanded  a  bounty  as 
a  condition  of  re-enlistment,  and  when  it  was  refused  be 
came  mutinous;  "and  deaf  to  the  entreaties  of  their  offi 
cers,  and  regardless  of  the  contempt  with  which  their  own 
government  threatened  to  treat  them  on  their  return,  they 
had  resolved  to  quit  the  lines  on  the  6th  of  December." 
At  a  convention,  composed  of  a  committee  of  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts  and  officers  of  the  army,  it  was 
decided  to  call  in  3,000  of  the  Massachusetts  minute-men, 
and  2,000  from  New  Hampshire,  to  man  the  lines,  which 
would  be  fearfully  -weakened  by  their  defection.  They 
were  to  arrive  on  the  loth  of  December. 

The  Connecticut  men  did  not  wait  for  the  coming  in  of 
the  militia,  but  went  off,  many  of  them  as  early  as  the  ist 
of  December.  "  Several  got  away,"  says  Washington, 
"  with  their  arms  and  ammunition." 

Their  places  however  were  speedily  filled  by  the  rein 
forcements  from  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire,  who 
promptly  and  cheerfully  complied  with  the  call  for  their 
services.  By  the  i8th  of  December  this  arrangement  was 
completed.  We  may  vainly  attempt  to  imagine  the  in 
tense  anxiety  Washington  must  have  felt  during  the  time 
which  intervened  between  the  departure  of  the  old  soldiers 
and  the  arrival  of  the  fresh  reinforcements.  His  lines,  at 
many  important  points,  were  literally  deserted.  In  writ 
ing  to  the  President  of  Congress  however,  dm  ing  this  very 
interval  (December  n  [1775]),  he  refers  to  it,  among 
other  matters,  as  a  thing  of  no  very  great  consequence: 
"  The  information  I  received,"  he  writes,  "  that  the  enemy 
intended  spreading  the  smallpox  amongst  us,  I  could  not 
suppose  them  capable  of.  I  now  must  give  some  credit. 
to  it,  as  it  has  made  its  appearance  on  several  of  those 
who  last  came  out  of  Boston.  Every  necessary  precau 
tion  has  been  taken  to  prevent  its  being  communicated 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  841 

to  this  army;  and  the  General  Court  will  take  care  that 
it  does  not  spread  through  the  country. 

"  I  have  not  heard  that  any  more  troops  are  arrived  at 
Boston,  which  is  a  lucky  circumstance,  as  the  Connecticut 
troops,  I  now  find,  are  for  the  most  part  gone  off.  The 
houses  in  Boston  are  lessening  every  day;  they  are  pulled 
down,  either  for  firewood  or  to  prevent  the  effects  of  fire, 
should  we  attempt  a  bombardment  or  an  attack  upon  the 
town.  Cobble  Hill  is  strongly  fortified,  without  any  in 
terruption  from  the  enemy." 

The  reinforcements  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hamp 
shire  minute-men  was  only  a  temporary  resource.  The 
main  thing  which  occupied  the  attention  of  Washington 
at  this  time  was  the  obtaining  of  recruits  for  the  Con 
tinental  army.  He  was  always  of  the  opinion  that  little 
dependence  could  be  placed  upon  militia  in  time  of  action, 
and  this  opinion  was  confirmed  by  many  incidents  of  the 
war.  He  must  therefore  have  been  greatly  chagrined 
and  disappointed  at  the  slow  progress  made  in  enlisting 
recruits  for  the  continental  service.  The  causes  for  this 
tardiness  were  sufficiently  apparent. 

The  period  of  patriotic  enthusiasm  had,  in  some 
measure,  passed  away;  numbers  of  officers  consented  con 
ditionally  to  remain  in  the  army,  and  many  made  no 
communication  on  the  subject.  Immediate  decision  was 
necessary;  and  in  new  orders,  the  Commander-in-Chief 
solemnly  called  upon  them  for  a  direct  and  unconditional 
answer  to  his  inquiry.  "  The  times,"  he  observed,  "  and 
the  importance  of  the  great  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  allow 
no  room  for  hesitation  and  delay.  When  life,  liberty,  and 
property  are  at  stake;  when  our  country  is  in  danger  of 
being  a  melancholy  sense  of  bloodshed  and  desolation; 
when  our  towns  are  laid  in  ashes;  innocent  women  and 
children  driven  from  their  peaceful  habitations,  exposed 


843  WASHINGTON. 

to  the  rigors  of  an  inclement  season,  to  depend,  perhaps, 
on  the  hand  of  charity  for  support;  when  calamities  like 
these  are  staring  us  in  the  face,  and  a  brutal  enemy  are 
threatening  us,  and  everything  we  hold  dear,  with  destruc 
tion  from  foreign  troops,  it  little  becomes  the  character  of 
a  soldier  to  shrink  from  danger,  and  condition  for  new 
terms.  It  is  the  General's  intention  to  indulge  both  officers 
and  soldiers  who  compose  the  new  army,  with  furloughs 
for  a  reasonable  time,  but  this  must  be  done  in  such  a 
manner  as  not  to  injure  the  service,  or  weaken  the  army 
too  much  at  once." 

The  troops  were  assured  that  clothes,  on  reasonable 
terms,  were  provided  "  for  those  brave  soldiers  who  in 
tended  to  continue  in  the  army  another  year."  It  was 
with  great  difficulty  the  arrangement  of  officers  had  been 
completed,  so  that  recruiting  orders  might  be  issued. 
Recruiting  officers  were  directed  to  "  be  careful  not  to 
enlist  any  persons  suspected  of  being  unfriendly  to  the 
liberties  of  America,  or  any  abandoned  vagabond,  to  whom 
all  causes  and  countries  are  equal,  and  alike  indifferent. 
The  rights  of  mankind,  and  the  freedom  of  America,  would 
have  numbers  sufficient  to  support  them  without  resorting 
to  such  wretched  assistance.  Let  those  who  wish  to  put 
shackles  upon  freemen  fill  their  ranks  with,  and  place 
their  confidence  in,  such  miscreants."  To  aid  the  cause, 
popular  songs  were  composed  and  circulated  through  the 
camp,  calculated  to  inspire  the  soldiers  with  the  love  of 
country,  and  to  induce  them  to  engage  anew  in  the  public 
service.  But  unfortunately  the  army  at  this  time  was 
badly  supplied  with  clothing,  provisions,  and  fuel,  and 
the  consequent  sufferings  of  the  soldiers  operating  upon 
their  strong  desire  to  visit  their  homes  prevented  their 
enlistment  in  the  expected  numbers. 

On  the  last  day  of  December  (1775),  when  the  first  term 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  843 

of  service  expired,  only  9,650  men  had  enlisted  for  the 
new  army,  and  many  of  these  were  of  necessity  permitted 
to  be  absent  on  furlough.  It  was  found  impossible  to 
retain  the  old  troops  a  single  day  after  their  time  expired. 
Washington,  as  we  have  seen,  had  called  upon  the  govern 
ments  of  the  neighboring  provinces  for  detachments  of 
militia  to  man  his  lines,  and  he  had  been  highly  gratified 
by  the  prompt  compliance  with  his  demand.  In  a  letter 
to  Congress  he  wrote:  "  The  militia  that  are  come  in,  both 
from  this  province  and  New  Hampshire,  are  very  fine- 
looking  men,  and  go  through  their  duty  with  great  alacrity. 
The  dispatch  made,  both  by  the  people  marching,  and  by 
the  legislative  powers  in  complying  with  my  requisition, 
has  given  me  infinite  satisfaction." 

In  the  space  of  time  between  that  of  disbanding  the  old 
army  and  of  an  effective  force  from  the  new  recruits,  the 
lines  were  often  in  a  defenseless  state;  General  Howe  must 
have  known  the  fact,  but  he  still  adhered  to  his  fixed 
policy  of  inaction  till  the  return  of  spring  should  permit 
the  removal  of  the  theater  of  war  to  New  York.  Besides 
these  motives  of  policy,  and  probably  positive  instructions 
from  the  ministry,  as  reasons  for  remaining  quiet,  Howe 
had  probably  retained  a  very  vivid  recollection  of  Gen 
eral  Prescott's  defense  of  the  little  redoubt  on  Bunker's 
Hill,  and  did  not  deem  it  worth  while  to  assail  works 
erected  under  the  auspices  of  Prescott,  Putnam,  and 
Washington,  extending  from  Charlesto-wn  to  Roxbury, 
some  twelve  miles. 

"  It  is  not,"  says  General  Washington  in  his  communi 
cations  to  Congress,  "  in  the  pages  of  history  to  furnish  a 
case  like  ours.  To  maintain  a  post,  within  musket-shot 
of  the  enemy,  for  six  months  together,  without  ammunition, 
and  at  the  same  time,  to  disband  one  army  and  recruit 
another,  within  that  distance  of  twenty  odd  British  regi- 


844  WASHINGTON. 

ments,  is  more  probably  than  ever  was  attempted.  But 
if  we  succeed  as  well  in  the  last,  as  we  have  heretofore 
in  the  first,  I  shall  think  it  the  most  fortunate  event  of 
my  whole  life." 

To  defend  the  American  lines  with  an  incompetent  num 
ber  of  troops,  with  defective  arms,  and  without  an 
adequate  supply  of  ammunition;  to  disband  one  army 
and  recruit  another,  in  the  face  of  11,000  British  soldiers, 
will  be  viewed  as  a  hazardous  measure,  and  will  be  sup 
posed,  with  the  organization  and  discipline  of  the  men,  to 
have  employed  every  active  power  of  the  General ;  yet  this 
did  not  satisfy  his  mind.  He  knew  that  Congress  with 
solicitude  contemplated  more  decisive  measures,  and  that 
the  country  looked  for  events  of  greater  magnitude.  The 
public  was  ignorant  of  his  actual  situation,  and  conceived 
his  means  for  offensive  operations  to  be  much  greater 
than  in  reality  they  were;  and  from  him  expected  the 
capture  or  expulsion  of  the  British  army  in  Boston.  He 
felt  the  importance  of  securing  the  confidence  of  his 
countrymen  by  some  brilliant  action,  and  was  fully  sensi 
ble  that  his  own  reputation  was  liable  to  suffer,  if  he 
confined  himself  to  measures  of  defense.  To  publish  to 
his  anxious  country,  in  his  vindication,  the  state  of  his 
army  would  be  to  acquaint  the  enemy  with  his  weakness, 
and  to  involve  his  destruction. 

The  firmness  and  patriotism  of  Washington  were  dis 
played  in  making  the  good  of  his  country  an  object  of 
higher  consideration  than  the  applause  of  those  who  were 
incapable  of  forming  a  correct  opinion  of  the  propriety 
of  his  measures.  On  this  and  many  other  occasions  during 
the  war,  he  withstood  the  voice  of  the  populace,  rejected 
the  entreaties  of  the  sanguine,  and  refused  to  adopt  the 
plans  of  the  rash,  that  he  might  ultimately  secure  the  great 
object  of  contention. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  845 

While  he  resolutely  rejected  every  measure  that  in  his 
calm  and  deliberate  judgment  he  did  not  approve,  he  daily 
pondered  over  the  practicability  of  a  successful  attack 
upon  Boston.  As  a  preparatory  step,  he  had  taken  posses 
sion  of  Cobble  Hill  and  Lechmere's  Point,  and  upon  them 
erected  fortifications.  These  posts  brought  him  within 
half  a  mile  of  the  enemy's  works  on  Bunker's  Hill;  and 
by  his  artillery,  he  drove  the  British  floating  batteries  from 
their  stations  in  Charles  river.  He  erected  floating 
batteries  to  watch  the  movements  of  his  enemy,  and  to 
aid  in  any  offensive  operations  that  circumstances  might 
warrant.  He  took  the  opinion  of  his  general  officers  a 
second  time  respecting  the  meditated  attack;  they  again 
unanimously  gave  their  opinion  in  opposition  to  the 
measure,  and  this  opinion  was  immediately  communicated 
to  Congress.  Congress  appeared  still  to  favor  the  attempt, 
and  that  an  apprehension  of  danger  to  the  town  of  Boston 
might  not  have  an  undue  influence  upon  the  operations 
of  the  army  had  resolved,  in  December  (1775),  "That  if 
General  Washington  and  his  council  of  war  should  be  of 
opinion  that  a  successful  attack  might  be  made  on  the 
troops  in  Boston,  he  should  make  it  in  any  manner  he 
might  think  expedient,  notwithstanding  the  town  and 
property  therein  might  thereby  be  destroyed." 

The  inability  of  Washington  to  accomplish  the  great 
object  of  the  campaign  repeatedly  pointed  out  by  Con 
gress  was  a  source  of  extreme  mortification;  but  he  in 
dulged  in  the  hope  of  success  in  some  military  operations 
during  the  winter  that  would  correspond  with  the  high 
expectations  of  his  country.  In  his  reply  to  the  president 
of  Congress,  on  the  reception  of  the  resolution  author 
izing  an  attempt  on  the  fortified  posts  in  Boston,  he 
observed :  "  The  resolution  relative  to  the  troops  in 
Boston,  I  beg  the  favor  of  you,  sir,  to  assure  Congress, 


84:6  WASHINGTON. 

shall  be  attempted  to  be  put  in  execution  the  first  moment 
I  see  a  probability  of  success,  and  in  such  a  way  as  a 
council  of  officers  shall  think  most  likely  to  produce  it; 
but  if  this  should  not  happen  as  soon  as  you  may  expect, 
or  my  wishes  prompt  to,  I  request  that  Congress  will  be 
pleased  to  revert  to  my  situation,  and  do  me  the  justice 
to  believe,  that  circumstances,  and  not  want  of  inclina 
tion,  are  the  cause  of  delay." 

Early  in  January  (1776)  he  accordingly  summoned  a 
council  of  war,  at  which  Mr.  John  Adams,  then  a  member 
of  Congress,  and  Mr.  James  Warren,  president  of  the 
Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  were  present;  in 
which  it  was  resolved :  "  That  a  vigorous  attempt  ought  to 
be  made  on  the  ministerial  troops  in  Boston  before  they 
can  be  reinforced  in  the  spring,  if  the  means  can  be  pro 
vided,  and  a  favorable  opportunity  shall  offer."  It  was 
also  advised:  "That  thirteen  regiments  of  militia  should 
be  asked  for  from  Massachusetts  and  the  neighboring 
-Colonies,  in  order  to  put  them  in  a  condition  to  make  the 
attempt  —  the  militia  to  assemble  the  ist  of  February,  and 
to  continue,  if  necessary,  until  the  ist  of  March."  The 
reinforcements  thus  obtained  amounted  to  between  four 
and  five  thousand  men;  but  thus  far  the  winter  proved 
unusually  mild,  and  the  waters  about  Boston  were  not 
frozen.  The  General  in  his  official  communication  to  the 
National  Legislature  says:  "  Congress,  in  my  last,  would 
discover  my  motives  for  strengthening  these  lines  with  the 
militia;  but  whether,  as  the  weather  turns  out  exceedingly 
.mild,  insomuch  as  to  promise  nothing  favorable  from  ice, 
and  there  is  no  appearance  of  powder,  I  shall  be  able  to 
attempt  anything  decisive,  time  only  can  determine.  No 
person  on  earth  wishes  more  earnestly  to  destroy  the 
nest  in  Boston  than  I  do;  no  person  would  be  willing  to 
go  greater  lengths  than  I  shall  to  accomplish  it,  if  it  shall 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  847 

be  thought  advisable;  but  if  we  have  neither  powder  to 
bombard  with,  nor  ice  to  pass  on,  we  shall  be  in  no  better 
situation  than  we  have  been  in  all  the  year.  We  shall  be 
worse,  because  their  works  are  stronger." 

While  anxiously  waiting  to  embrace  any  favorable  op 
portunity  that  might  present  to  annoy  the  enemy,  Wash 
ington  seriously  meditated  upon  the  importance  of  estab 
lishing  a  permanent  army.  His  experience  enabled  him 
to  anticipate  the  evils  that  must  ensue  at  the  expiration 
of  the  period  for  which  the  present  troops  were  engaged, 
and  he  bent  the  whole  force  of  his  mind  to  induce  Congress 
seasonably  to  adopt  measures  to  prevent  them.  In  a 
letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  dated  February  9 
(1776),  he  entered  thus  fully  into  the  subject: 

"  The  disadvantages  attending  the  limited  enlistment 
of  troops  are  too  apparent  to  those  who  are  eye-witnesses 
of  them,  to  render  any  animadversions  necessary;  but  to 
gentlemen  at  a  distance,  whose  attention  is  engrossed  by 
a  thousand  important  objects,  the  case  may  be  otherwise. 

"  That  this  cause  precipitated  the  fate  of  the  brave,  and 
much  to  be  lamented,  General  Montgomery,  and  brought 
on  the  defeat  which  followed  thereupon,  I  have  not  the 
most  distant  doubt;  for  had  he  not  been  apprehensive  of 
the  troops  leaving  him  at  so  important  a  crisis,  but  con 
tinued  the  blockade  of  Quebec,  a  capitulation  (from  the 
best  accounts  I  have  been  able  to  collect)  must  inevitably 
have  followed.  And  that  we  were  not  at  one  time  obliged 
to  dispute  these  lines,  under  disadvantageous  circum 
stances  (proceeding  from  the  same  cause,  to  wit,  the 
troops  disbanding  themselves  before  the  militia  could  be 
got  in),  is  to  me  a  matter  of  wonder  and  astonishment, 
and  proves  that  General  Howe  was  either  unacquainted 
with  our  situation,  or  restrained  by  his  instructions  from 


848  WASHINGTON. 

putting  anything  to  a  hazard  till  his  reinforcements  should 
arrive. 

"  The  instance  of  General  Montgomery  (I  mention  it 
because  it  is  a  striking  one;  for  a  number  of  others  might 
be  adduced)  proves,  that  instead  of  having  men  to  take 
advantage  of  circumstances,  you  are  in  a  manner  com 
pelled,  right  or  wrong,  to  make  circumstances  yield  to  a 
secondary  consideration.  Since  the  ist  of  December 
(1775)  I  have  been  devising  every  means  in  my  power 
to  secure  these  encampments  ;^and  though  I  am  sensible 
that  we  never  have,  since  that  period,  been  able  to  act  upon 
the  offensive,  and  at  times  not  in  a  condition  to  defend, 
yet  the  cost  of  marching  home  one  set  of  men,  bringing 
in  another,  the  havoc  and  waste  occasioned  by  the  first, 
the  repairs  necessary  for  the  second,  with  a  thousand  in 
cidental  charges  and  inconveniences  which  have  arisen, 
and  which  it  is  scarce  possible  to  recollect  or  describe, 
amount  to  near  as  much  as  the  keeping  up  a  respectable 
body  of  troops  the  whole  time,  ready  for  any  emergency, 
would  have  done.  To  this  may  be  added  that  you  never 
can  have  a  well-disciplined  army. 

"  To  bring  men  well  acquainted  with  the  duties  of  a 
soldier  requires  time.  To  bring  them  under  proper  disci 
pline  and  subordination  not  only  requires  time,  but  is  a 
work  of  great  difficulty;  and  in  this  army,  where  there  is 
so  little  distinction  between  the  officers  and  soldiers,  re 
quires  an  uncommon  degree  of  attention.  To  expect  then 
the  same  service  from  raw  and  undisciplined  recruits  as 
from  veteran  soldiers  is  to  expect  what  never  did,  and 
perhaps  never  will,  happen.  Men  who  are  familiarized  to 
danger  meet  it  without  shrinking;  whereas  those  who 
have  never  seen  service  often  apprehend  danger  where  no 
danger  is.  Three  things  prompt  men  to  a  regular  dis 
charge  of  their  duty  in  time  of  action  —  natural  bravery, 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  849 

hope  of  reward,  and -fear  of  punishment.  The  two  first 
are  common  to  the  untutored  and  the  disciplined  soldier, 
but  the  latter  most  obviously  distinguishes  the  one  from 
the  other.  A  coward,  when  taught  to  believe  that  if  he 
breaks  his  ranks  and  abandons  his  colors  he  will  be  pun 
ished  with  death  by  his  own  party,  will  take  his  chance 
against  the  enemy;  but  a  man  who  thinks  little  of  the  one, 
and  is  fearful  of  the  other,  acts  from  present  feelings,  re 
gardless  of  consequences. 

"Again,  men  of  a  day's  standing  will  not  look  forward; 
and  from  experience,  we  find  that  as  the  time  approaches 
for  their  discharge,  they  grow  careless  of  their  arms,  am 
munition,  camp  utensils,  etc.  Nay,  even  the  barracks 
themselves  lay  us  under  additional  expense  in  providing 
for  every  fresh  set,  when  we  find  it  next  to  impossible  to 
procure  such  articles  as  are  absolutely  necessary  in  the 
first  instance.  To  this  may  be  added  the  seasoning  which 
new  recruits  must  have  to  a  camp  and  the  loss  conse 
quent  thereupon.  But  this  is  not  all;  men  engage  for  a 
short,  limited  time  only,  have  the  officers  too  much  in 
their  power;  for  to  obtain  a  degree  of  popularity,  in  order 
to  induce  a  second  enlistment,  a  kind  of  familiarity  takes 
place,  which  brings  on  a  relaxation  of  discipline,  unlicensed 
furloughs,  and  other  indulgences,  incompatible  with  order 
and  good  government;  by  which  means  the  latter  part 
of  the  time  for  which  the  soldier  was  engaged  is  spent 
in  undoing  what  you  were  laboring  to  inculcate  in  the 
first. 

"To  go  into  an  enumeration  of  all  the  evils  we  have 
experienced  in  this  late  great  change  of  the  army,  and  the 
expenses  incidental  to  it  —  to  say  nothing  of  the  hazard 
we  have  run,  and  must  run,  between  the  discharging  of 
one  army  and  the  enlistment  of  another,  unless  an  enor 
mous  expense  of  militia  be  incurred  —  would  greatly  ex- 
54 


850  WASHINGTON. 

ceed  the  bounds  of  a  letter.  What  I  have  already  taken 
the  liberty  of  saying  will  serve  to  convey  a  general  idea 
of  the  matter;  and  therefore  I  shall,  with  all  due  reference, 
take  the  liberty  to  give  it  as  my  opinion,  that  if  the  Con 
gress  have  any  reason  to  believe  that  there  will  be  occasion 
for  troops  another  year,  and  consequently  of  another  en 
listment,  they  would  save  money  and  have  infinitely  better 
troops,  if  they  were,  even  at  a  bounty  of  twenty,  thirty, 
or  more  dollars,  to  engage  the  men  already  enlisted  till 
January  next  (1777),  and  such  others  as  may  be  wanted 
to  complete  the  establishment,  for  and  during  the  war. 
I  will  not  undertake  to  say  that  the  men  can  be  had 
upon  these  terms;  but  I  am  satisfied  that  it  will  never  do 
to  let  the  matter  alone,  as  it  was  last  year,  till  the  time  of 
service  was  near  expiring.  The  hazard  is  too  great  in  the 
first  place;  in  the  next,  the  trouble  and  perplexity  of  dis 
banding  one  army,  and  raising  another  at  the  same  in 
stant,  and  in  such  a  critical  situation  as  the  last  was,  is 
scarcely  in  the  power  of  words  to  describe,  and  such  as 
no  man  who  has  experienced  it  once  will  ever  undergo 
again." 

Unhappily,  the  reasons  which  first  induced  Congress  to 
adopt  the  plan  of  short  enlistments  still  had  influence 
on  that  body,  and  on  many  of  the  general  officers  of  the 
army;  nor  were  they  convinced  of  their  error  but  by  the 
most  distressing  experience.  The  ice  now  became  suffi 
ciently  strong  for  General  Washington  to  march  his  forces 
upon  it  to  Boston;  and  he  was  himself  inclined  to  risk  a 
general  assault  upon  the  British  posts,  although  he  had 
not  power  to  make  any  extensive  use  of  his  artillery;  but 
his  general  officers  in  council  voted  against  the  attempt, 
with  whose  decision  he  reluctantly  acquiesced.  In  his 
communication  of  their  opinion  to  Congress,  he  observed : 
"  Perhaps  the  irksomeness  of  my  situation  may  have  given 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  851 

different  ideas  to  me,  from  those  which  influence  the 
judgment  of  the  gentlemen  whom  I  consulted,  and  might 
have  inclined  me  to  put  more  hazard  than  was  consistent 
with  prudence.  If  it  had  this  effect  I  am  not  sensible  of  it, 
as  I  endeavored  to  give  the  subject  all  the  consideration  a 
matter  of  such  importance  required.  True  it  is,  and  I 
cannot  help  acknowledging,  that  I  have  many  disagree 
able  sensations  on  account  of  my  situation;  for  to  have  the 
eyes  of  the  whole  continent  fixed  on  me,  with  anxious 
expectation  of  hearing  of  some  great  event,  and  to  be  re 
strained  in  every  military  operation  for  the  want  of  the 
necessary  means  to  carry  it  on,  is  not  very  pleasing, 
especially  as  the  means  used  to  conceal  my  weakness  from 
the  enemy  conceal  it  also  from  my  friends,  and  add  to 
their  wonder." 

Late  in  February  (1776)  the  stock  of  powder  was  con 
siderably  increased,  and  the  regular  army  amounted  to 
14,000  men,  which  was  reinforced  by  6,000  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  militia.  Colonel  Knox  had  volunteered  to  trans 
port  the  cannon  which  had  been  taken  by  Allen  and 
Arnold  at  Ticonderoga  to  Boston,  and  with  incredible 
difficulty  had  at  last  accomplished  his  object;  so  that 
Washington  now  found  himself  comparatively  well  sup 
plied  with  heavy  ordnance. 

The  part  of  the  harbor  of  Boston  contiguous  to  Cam 
bridge  and  Roxbury  was  frozen,  which  greatly  facilitated 
the  passage;  and  for  crossing  the  water  that  remained 
up  to  the  walls  of  Boston,  a  great  number  of  boats  had 
been  provided.  In  addition  to  this,  two  floating  batteries 
were  stationed  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  Cambridge. 
It  was  known  that  the  garrison  suffered  severely  for  the 
want  of  provisions,  and  that  it  was  greatly  enfeebled  by 
fatigues  and  maladies.  Washington  had,  besides,  the 
greatest  confidence  in  the  valor  and  constancy  of  his  sol- 


852  WASHINGTON. 

diers.  He  accordingly  assembled  all  the  generals,  and 
proposed  to  them  his  plan  of  attack.  Ward  and  Gates 
opposed  it,  alleging  that  without  incurring  so  great  a 
risk  the  enemy  might  be  forced  to  evacuate  Boston  by 
occupying  the  heights  of  Dorchester,  which  command  the 
entire  city.  Washington  did  not  conceal  his  dissatisfac 
tion  at  this  opposition,  but  he  was  constrained  to  acquiesce 
in  the  opinion  of  the  majority.  It  was  resolved  therefore 
to  take  the  position  of  the  heights.  At  the  suggestion  of 
Generals  Ward,  Thomas,  and-  Spencer,  a  great  quantity 
of  fascines  and  gabions  had  been  prepared  for  this  expe 
dition. 

The  Americans,  says  Botta,*  in  order  to  occupy  the 
attention  of  the  enemy  in  another  part,  erected  strong 
batteries  upon  the  shore  at  Cobb's  Hill,  at  Lechmere's 
Point,  at  Phipp's  Farm,  and  at  Lamb's  Dam,  near  Rox- 
bury.  They  opened  a  terrible  fire  in  the  night  of  the  2d 
of  March  (1776);  the  bombs,  at  every  instant,  fell  into 
the  city.  The  garrison  was  incessantly  employed  in  ex 
tinguishing  the  flames  of  the  houses  in  combustion,  and 
in  all  the  different  services  that  are  necessary  in  such 
circumstances.  During  this  time,  the  Americans  prepared 
themselves  with  ardor,  or  rather  with  joy,  to  take  posses 
sion  of  the  heights.  Companies  of  militia  arrived  from 
all  parts  to  reinforce  the  army.  The  night  of  the  4th  of 
March  (1776)  was  selected  for  the  expedition;  the  chiefs 
hoped  that  the  recollection  of  the  events  of  the  5th  of 
March  (1770),  when  the  first  blood  had  been  shed  in  Bos 
ton  by  the  English,  would  inflame  with  new  ardor,  and  a 
thirst  of  vengeance,  those  spirits  already  so  resolute  in 
their  cause. 

Accordingly  in  the  evening  of  the  4th,  all  the  arrange 
ments  being  made,  the  Americans  proceeded  in  profound 

*  Botta,  "  History  of  the  War  of  Independence,"  vol.  II,  p.  36. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  853 

silence  toward  the  peninsula  of  Dorchester.  The  obscurity 
of  the  night  was  propitious,  and  the  wind  favorable,  since 
it  could  not  bear  to  the  enemy  the  little  noise  which  it  was 
impossible  to  avoid.  The  frost  had  rendered  the  roads 
easy.  The  batteries  of  Phipp's  Farm,  and  those  of  Rox- 
bury,  incessantly  fulminated  with  a  stupendous  roar. 

Eight  hundred  men  composed  the  van  guard;  it  was 
followed  by  carriages  filled  with  utensils  of  intrenchment, 
and  1,200  pioneers  led  by  General  Thomas.  In  the  rear 
guard  were  300  carts  of  fascines,  of  gabions,  and  bundles 
of  hay,  destined  to  cover  the  flank  of  the  troops  in  the 
passage  of  the  isthmus  of  Dorchester,  which  being  very 
low,  was  exposed  to  be  raked  on  both  sides  by  the  artillery 
of  the  English  vessels. 

All  succeeded  perfectly;  the  Americans  arrived  upon  the 
heights,  not  only  without  being  molested,  but  even  with 
out  being  perceived  by  the  enemy. 

They  set  themselves  to  work  with  an  activity  so  prodi 
gious,  that  by  10  o'clock  at  night,  they  had  already  con 
structed  two  forts,  in  condition  to  shelter  them  from  small- 
arms  and  grape-shot;  one  upon  the  height  nearest  to  the 
city,  and  the  other  upon  that  which  looks  toward  Castle 
Island.  The  day  appeared;  but  it  prevented  not  the 
provincials  from  continuing  their  works,  without  any 
movement  being  made  on  the  part  of  the  garrison.  At 
length,  when  the  haze  of  the  morning  was  entirely  dissi 
pated,  the  English  discovered  with  extreme  surprise  the 
new  fortifications  of  the  Americans. 

The  English  admiral  having  examined  them  declared 
that  if  the  enemy  was  not  dislodged  from  this  position, 
his  vessels  could  no  longer  remain  in  the  harbor  without 
the  most  imminent  hazard  of  total  destruction.  The  city 
itself  was  exposed  to  be  demolished  to  its  foundations 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  provincials.  The  communication 


854  WASHINGTON. 

also  between  the  troops  that  guarded  the  isthmus  of 
Boston,  and  those  within  the  town-,  became  extremely 
difficult  and  dangerous.  The  artillery  of  the  Americans 
battered  the  strand,  whence  the  English  would  have  to 
embark  in  case  of  retreat.  There  was  no  other  choice 
therefore  left  them,  but  either  to  drive  the  colonists  from 
this  station  by  dint  of  force,  or  to  evacuate  the  city  alto 
gether. 

General  Howe  decided  for  the  attack  and  made  his  dis 
positions  accordingly.  Washington  on  his  part,  having 
perceived  the  design,  prepared  himself  to  repel  it.  The 
intrenchments  were  perfected  with  diligence;  the  militia 
were  assembled  from  the  neighboring  towns,  and  signals 
were  concerted  to  be  given  upon  all  the  eminences  which 
form  a  sort  of  cincture  about  all  the  shore  of  Boston,  from 
Roxbury  to  Mystic  river,  in  order  to  transmit  intelligence 
and  orders  with  rapidity  from  one  point  to  the  other. 

Washington  exhorted  his  soldiers  to  bear  in  mind  the 
5th  of  March  (1770).  Nor  did  he  restrict  himself  to 
defensive  measures;  he  thought  also  of  the  means  of  falling 
himself  upon  the  enemy,  if  during  or  after  the  battle  any 
favorable  occasion  should  present  itself.  If  the  besieged, 
as  he  hoped,  should  experience  a  total  defeat  in  the  assault 
of  Dorchester,  his  intention  was  to  embark  from  Cam 
bridge  4,000  chosen  men,  who  rapidly  crossing  the  arm 
of  the  sea  should  take  advantage  of  the  tumult  and  con 
fusion,  to  attempt  the  assault  of  the  town.  General  Sulli 
van  commanded  the  first  division;  General  Greene,  the 
second.  An  attack  was  expected  like  that  of  Charlestown, 
and  a  battle  like  that  of  Breed's  Hill.  General  Howe 
ordered  ladders  to  be  prepared  to  scale  the  works  of  the 
Americans.  He  directed  Lord  Percy  to  embark  at  the 
head  of  a  considerable  corps,  and  to  land  upon  the  flats 
near  the  point  opposite  Castle  Island.  The  Americans, 
excited  by  the  remembrance  of  the  anniversary,  and  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  855 

the  battle  of  Breed's  Hill,  and  by  the  continual  exhortations 
of  their  chiefs,  expected  them,  not  only  without  fear,  but 
with  alacrity;  but  the  tide  ebbed,  and  the  wind  blew  with 
such  violence,  that  the  passage  over  became  impossible. 
General  Howe  was  compelled  to  defer  the  attack  to  early 
the  following  morning.  A  tempest  arose  during  the  night, 
and  when  the  day  dawned,  the  sea  was  still  excessively 
agitated.  A  violent  rain  came  to  increase  the  obstacles; 
the  English  general  kept  himself  quiet.  But  the  Americans 
made  profit  of  this  delay;  they  erected  a  third  redoubt  and 
completed  the  other  works.  Colonel  Mifflin  had  prepared 
a  great  number  of  hogsheads,  full  of  stones  and  sand,  in 
order  to  roll  them  upon  the  enemy,  when  he  should 
march  up  to  the  assault,  to  break  his  ranks  and  throw  him 
into  confusion,  which  might  smocth  the  way  to  his  defeat. 
Having  diligently  surveyed  all  these  dispositions,  the 
English  persuaded  themselves  that  the  contemplated  en 
terprise  offered  difficulties  almost  insurmountable.  They 
reflected  that  a  repulse,  or  even  a  victory  so  sanguinary 
as  that  of  Breed's  Hill,  would  expose  to  a  jeopardy  too 
serious  the  English  interests  in  America.  Even  in  the  case 
of  success,  it  was  to  be  considered  that  the  garrison  was 
not  sufficiently  numerous,  to  be  able,  without  hazard,  to 
keep  possession  of  the  peninsula  of  Dorchester,  having 
already  to  guard  not  only  the  city,  but  the  peninsula  of 
Charlestown.  The  battle  was  rather  necessary,  and  vic 
tory  desirable,  to  save  the  reputation  of  the  royal  arms, 
than  to  decide  the  total  event  of  things  upon  three  shores. 
The  advantages  therefore  could  not  compensate  the  dan 
gers.  Besides,  the  port  of  Boston  was  far  from  being 
perfectly  accommodated  to  the  future  operations  of  the 
army  that  was  expected  from  England;  and  General  Howe 
himself  had,  some  length  of  time  before,  received  instruc 
tions  from  Lord  Dartmouth,  one  of  the  Secretaries  of 


856  WASHINGTON. 

State,  to  evacuate  the  city  and  to  establish  himself  at  New 
York. 

The  want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  vessels  had  hitherto 
prevented  him  from  executing  this  order.  Upon  all  these 
considerations  the  English  generals  determined  to  aban 
don  Boston  to  the  power  of  the  provincials. 

This  retreat  however  presented  great  difficulties.  One 
hundred  and  fifty  transports,  great  and  small,  appeared 
scarcely  adequate  to  the  accommodation  of  10,000  men, 
the  number  to  which  the  crews  and  the  garrison  amounted, 
without  comprehending  such  of  the  inhabitants,  as  having 
shown  themselves  favorable  to  the  royal  cause,  could  not 
with  safety  remain.  The  passage  was  long  and  difficult; 
for  with  these  emaciated  and  enfeebled  troops,  it  could 
not  be  attempted  to  operate  any  descent  upon  the  coasts. 
It  was  even  believed  to  be  scarcely  possible  to  effect  a 
landing  at  New  York,  although  the  city  was  absolutely 
without  defense  on  the  part  of  the  sea.  The  surest  course 
appeared  to  be  to  gain  the  port  of  Halifax;  but  besides 
the  want  of  provisions,  which  was  excessive,  the  season 
was  very  unfavorable  for  this  voyage,  at  all  times  dan 
gerous. 

The  winds  that  prevailed  then  blew  violently  from  the 
northeast,  and  might  drive  the  fleet  off  to  the  West  Indies, 
and  the  vessels  were  by  no  means  stocked  with  provisions 
for  such  a  voyage.  Besides,  the  territory  of  Halifax  was 
a  sterile  country,  from  which  no  resource  could  be  ex 
pected,  and  no  provision  could  have  been  previously  made 
there,  since  the  evacuation  of  Boston  and  retreat  to  Hali 
fax  were  events  not  anticipated.  Nor  could  the  soldiers 
perceive  without  discouragement  that  the  necessity  of 
things  impelled  them  toward  the  north,  apprised,  as  they 
were,  that  the  future  operations  of  the  English  army  were 
to  take  place  in  the  provinces  of  the  center,  and  even  in 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  857 

those  of  the  south.  But  their  generals  had  no  longer  the 
liberty  of  choice.  The  Americans  however  being  able  by 
the  fire  of  their  artillery  to  interpose  the  greatest  obstacles 
to  the  embarkation  of  the  British  troops,  General  Howe 
deliberated  upon  the  means  of  obviating  this  inconveni 
ence.  Having  assembled  the  selectmen  of  Boston,  he  de 
clared  to  them  that  the  city  being  no  longer  of  any  use 
to  the  King,  he  was  resolved  to  abandon  it,  provided  that 
Washington  would  not  oppose  his  departure.  He  pointed 
to  the  combustible  materials  he  had  caused  to  be  prepared 
to  set  fire,  in  an  instant,  to  the  city,  if  the  provincials 
should  molest  him  in  any  shape.  He  invited  them  to 
reflect  upon  all  the  dangers  which  might  result,  for  them 
and  their  habitations,  from  a  battle  fought  within  the  walls; 
and  he  assured  them  that  his  personal  intention  was  to 
withdraw  peaceably,  if  the  Americans  were  disposed,  on 
their  part,  to  act  in  the  same  manner.  He  exhorted  them 
therefore  to  repair  to  the  presence  of  Washington,  and 
to  inform  him  of  what  they  had  now  heard. 

The  selectmen  waited  upon  the  American  general,  and 
made  him  an  affecting  representation  of  the  situation  of 
the  city.  It  appears,  from  what  followed,  that  he  con 
sented  to  the  conditions  demanded;  but  the  articles  of  the 
truce  were  not  written.  It  has  been  pretended  that  one 
of  them  was  that  the  besieged  should  leave  their  muni 
tions  of  war;  this  however  cannot  be  affirmed  with  assur 
ance.  The  munitions  were  indeed  left;  but  it  is  not  known 
whether  it  was  by  convention,  or  from  necessity.  The 
Americans  remained  quiet  spectators  of  the  retreat  of  the 
English.  But  the  city  presented  a  melancholy  spectacle; 
notwithstanding  the  orders  of  General  Howe,  all  was  havoc 
and  confusion.  Fifteen  hundred  loyalists,  with  their 
families  and  their  most  valuable  effects,  hastened  with, 
infinite  dejection  of  mind,  to  abandon  a  residence  which 


858  WASHINGTON. 

had  been  so  dear  to  them,  and  where  they  had  so  long 
enjoyed  felicity.  The  fathers  carrying  burdens,  the 
mothers  their  children,  ran  weeping  toward  the  ships; 
the  last  salutations,  the  farewell  embraces  of  those  who 
departed,  and  of  those  who  remained,  the  sick,  the 
wounded,  the  aged  infants,  would  have  moved  with 
compassion  the  witnesses  of  their  distress,  if  the  care  of 
their  own  safety  had  not  absorbed  the  attention  of  all. 

The  carts  and  beasts  of  burden  were  become  the  occa 
sion  of  sharp  disputes  between  the  inhabitants  who  had 
retained  them,  and  the  soldiers  who  wished  to  employ 
them.  The  disorder  was  also  increased  by  the  animosity 
that  prevailed  between  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison  and 
those  of  the  fleet;  they  reproached  each  other  mutually, 
as  the  authors  of  their  common  misfortune.  With  one 
accord  however  they  complained  of  the  coldness  and  in 
gratitude  of  their  country,  which  seemed  to  have  aban 
doned,  or  rather  to  have  forgotten,  them  upon  these  dis 
tant  shores,  a  prey  to  so  much  misery,  and  to  so  many 
dangers.  For  since  the  month  of  October  (1775)  General 
Howe  had  not  received  from  England  any  order  or  intelli 
gence  whatever,  which  testified  that  the  government  still 
existed  and  had  not  lost  sight  of  the  army  in  Boston. 

Meanwhile  a  desperate  band  of  soldiers  and  sailors  took 
advantage  of  the  confusion  to  force  doors  and  pillage  the 
houses  and  shops.  They  destroyed  what  they  could  not 
carry  away.  The  entire  city  was  devoted  to  devastation, 
and  it  was  feared  every  moment  the  flames  would  break 
out  to  consummate  its  destruction. 

The  1 5th  of  March  (1776)  General  Howe  issued  a  proc 
lamation  forbidding  every  inhabitant  to  go  out  of  his 
house  before  n  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  order  not  to 
disturb  the  embarkation  of  the  troops,  which  was  to 
have  taken  place  on  this  day.  But  an  east  wind  prevented 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  859 

their  departure;  and  to  pass  the  time,  they  returned  to 
pillaging.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  Americans  had  con 
structed  a  redoubt  upon  the  point  of  Nook's  Hill,  in  the 
peninsula  of  Dorchester,  and  having  furnished  it  with 
artillery,  they  entirely  commanded  the  isthmus  of  Boston 
and  all  the  southern  part  of  the  town.  It  was  even  to  be 
feared  that  they  would  occupy  Noddle's  Island,  and  estab 
lish  batteries,  which  sweeping  the  surface  of  the  water 
across  the  harbor  would  have  entirely  interdicted  the  pas 
sage  to  the  ships  and  reduced  the  garrison  to  the  necessity 
of  yielding  at  discretion.  All  delay  became  dangerous; 
consequently  the  British  troops  and  the  loyalists  began 
to  embark  the  I7th  of  March  (1776)  at  I  in  the  morning; 
at  10,  all  were  on  board.  The  vessels  were  overladen 
with  men  and  baggage;  provisions  were  scanty,  confusion 
was  everywhere.  The  rear  guard  was  scarcely  out  of  the 
city  when  Washington  entered  it  on  the  other  side,  with 
colors  displayed,  drums  beating,  and  all  the  forms  of  vic 
tory  and  triumph.  He  was  received  by  the  inhabitants 
with  every  demonstration  of  gratitude  and  respect  due  to 
a  deliverer.  Their  joy  broke  forth  with  the  more  vivacity, 
as  their  sufferings  had  been  long  and  cruel.  For  more 
than  sixteen  months  they  had  endured  hunger,  thirst,  cold, 
and  the  outrages  of  an  insolent  soldiery,  who  deemed 
them  rebels.  The  most  necessary  articles  of  food  were 
risen  to  exorbitant  prices. 

Horse  flesh  was  not  refused  by  those  who  could  procure 
it.  For  want  of  fuel,  the  pews  and  benches  of  churches 
were  taken  for  this  purpose;  the  counters  and  partitions 
of  warehouses  were  applied  to  the  same  use;  and  even 
houses  not  inhabited  were  demolished  for  the  sake  of 
the  wood.  The  English  left  a  great  quantity  of  artillery 
and  munitions.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  pieces  of  cannon, 
of  different  caliber,  were  found  in  Boston,  in  Castle  Island, 


860  WASHINGTON. 

and  in  the  intrenchments  of  Bunker's  Hill,  and  the  Neck. 
The  English  had  attempted,  but  with  little  success  in 
their  haste,  to  destroy,  or  to  spike  these  last  pieces;  others 
had  been  thrown  into  the  sea,  but  they  were  recovered. 
There  were  found,  besides,  four  mortars,  a  considerable 
quantity  of  coal,  of  wheat,  and  of  other  grains,  and  150 
horses. 

The  embarkation  of  the  British  was  attended  with  many 
circumstances  of  distress  and  embarrassment.  On  the 
departure  of  the  royal  army  from  Boston,  a  great  number 
of  the  inhabitants,  attached  to  their  sovereign,  and  afraid 
of  public  resentment,  chose  to  abandon  their  country. 
From  the  great  multitude  to  depart,  there  was  no  possi 
bility  of  procuring  purchasers  for  their  furniture,  neither 
was  there  a  sufficiency  of  vessels  for  its  convenient  trans 
portation.  Mutual  jealousy  subsisted  between  the  army 
and  navy;  each  charging  the  other  as  the  cause  of  some 
part  of  their  common  distress.  The  army  was  full  of  dis 
content.  Reinforcements,  though  long  promised,  had  not 
arrived.  Both  officers  and  soldiers  thought  themselves 
neglected.  Five  months  had  elapsed  since  they  had  re 
ceived  any  advice  of  their  destination.  Wants  and  incon 
veniences  increased  their  ill-humor.  Their  intended  voy 
age  to  Halifax  subjected  them  to  great  dangers.  The 
coast,  at  all  times  hazardous,  was  eminently  so  at  that 
tempestuous  equinoctial  season.  They  had  reason  to  fear 
they  would  be  blown  off  to.  the  West  Indies  and  without 
a  sufficient  stock  of  provisions.  They  were  also  going  to 
a  barren  country.  To  add  to  their  difficulties,  this  dan 
gerous  voyage  when  completed  was  directly  so  much  out 
of  their  way.  Their  business  lay  to  the  southward  and 
they  were  going  northward.  Under  all  these  difficulties, 
and  with  all  these  gloomy  prospects,  the  fleet  steered  for 
Halifax. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  861 

Contrary  to  appearances,  the  voyage  thither  was  both 
short  and  prosperous.  They  remained  there  for  some  time 
waiting  for  reinforcements  and  instructions  from  England. 
When  the  royal  fleet  and  army  departed  from  Boston, 
several  ships  were  left  behind  for  the  protection  of  vessels 
coming  from  England,  but  the  American  privateers  were 
so  alert  that  they  nevertheless  made  many  prizes.  Some 
of  the  vessels  which  they  captured  were  laden  with  arms 
and  warlike  stores.  Some  transports  with  troops  on  board 
were  also  taken.  These  had  run  into  the  harbor,  not 
knowing  that  the  place  was  evacuated. 

On  taking  possession  of  Boston,  Washington  found  the 
town  in  a  much  better  condition  than  he  had  anticipated. 
Some  of  the  meaner  wooden  buildings  had  been  pulled 
down  in  order  that  the  materials  might  be  used  for  fuel. 
The  Old  South  Church,  greatly  reverenced  by  the  in 
habitants  and  used  for  public  celebrations  as  well  as  for 
worship,  had  been  converted  into  a  stable  for  cavalry 
horses.  Some  other  public  buildings  had  suffered  damage; 
but  the  houses  of  the  rich  had  been  respected,  the  fur 
niture  and  pictures  remained  in  their  old  places,  and 
scarcely  any  wanton  mischief  had  been  done  by  the 
soldiers. 

The  expulsion  of  the  British  from  Boston  was  justly 
regarded  as  an  event  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the 
cause  of  freedom.  By  relieving  New  England  from  the 
immediate  presence  of  the  enemy,  it  enabled  the  people  of 
that  portion  of  the  country  to  contribute  liberally  in  men 
and  money  to  the  support  of  the  war  in  the  middle  and 
southern  Colonies.  It  gave  Washington  the  opportunity 
of  meeting  the  British  at  the  point. chosen  by  them  for 
attack;  and  it  inspirited  the  patriotic  in  every  part  of  the 
country.  The  promptness  with  which  it  had  been  effected, 
when  the  proper  time  for  action  arrived,  was  felt  to  be 


862  WASHINGTON. 

due  to  the  able  generalship  of  Washington;  and  all  were 
eager  to  congratulate  and  honor  him.  The  Massachusetts 
Council  and  House  of  Representatives  complimented  him 
in  a  joint  address,  in  which  they  expressed  their  good 
wishes  in  the  following  words:  "  May  you  still  go  on 
approved  by  heaven  —  revered  by  all  good  men,  and 
dreaded  by  those  tyrants,  who  claim  their  fellow-men  as 
their  property." 

The  following  is  his  reply: 

"  GENTLEMEN. —  I  return  you  my  most  sincere  and 
hearty  thanks  for  your  polite  address,  and  feel  myself 
called  upon  by  every  principle  of  gratitude  to  acknowledge 
the  honor  you  have  done  me  in  this  testimonial  of  your 
approbation  of  my  appointment  to  the  exalted  station  i 
now  fill,  and  what  is  more  pleasing,  of  my  conduct  in  dis 
charging  its  important  duties. 

"  When  the  councils  of  the  British  nation  had  formed 
a  plan  for  enslaving  America  and  depriving  her  sons  of 
the  most  sacred  and  invaluable  privileges  against  the 
clearest  remonstrances  of  the  Constitution,  of  justice,  and 
of  truth,  and  to  execute  their  schemes,  had  appealed  to  the 
sword,  I  esteemed  it  my  duty  to  take  a  part  in  the  con 
test,  and  more  especially  on  account  of  my  being  called 
thereto  by  the  unsolicited  suffrages  of  the  representatives 
of  a  free  people,  wishing  for  no  other  reward  than  that 
arising  from  a  conscientious  discharge  of  the  important 
trust,  and  that  my  services  might  contribute  to  the  estab 
lishment  of  freedom  and  peace  upon  a  permanent  founda 
tion,  and  merit  the  applause  of  my  countrymen  and  every 
virtuous  citizen. 

"  Your  acknowledgment  of  my  attention  to  the  civil 
Constitution  of  this  Colony,  whilst  acting  in  the  line  of 
my  department,  also  demands  my  grateful  thanks.  A  re- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  863 

gard  to  every  provincial  institution,  where  not  incompati 
ble  with  the  common  interest,  I  hold  a  principle  of  duty 
and  of  policy,  and  it  shall  ever  form  a  part  of  my  conduct. 
Had  I  not  learned  this  before,  the  happy  experience  of 
the  advantages  resulting  from  a  friendly  intercourse  with 
your  honorable  body,  their  ready  and  willing  concurrence 
to  aid  and  to  counsel,  whenever  called  upon  in  cases  of 
difficulty  and  emergency,  would  have  taught  me  the  use 
ful  lesson. 

"  That  the  metropolis  of  your  Colony  is  now  relieved 
from  the  cruel  and  oppressive  invasions  of  those  who  were 
sent  to  erect  the  standard  of  lawless  domination  and  to 
trample  on  the  rights  of  humanity,  and  is  again  open  and 
free  for  its  rightful  possessors,  must  give  pleasure  to 
every  virtuous  and  sympathetic  heart;  and  its  being  ef 
fected  without  blood  of  our  soldiers  and  fellow-citizens 
must  be  ascribed  to  the  interposition  of  that  Providence, 
which  has  manifestly  appeared  in  our  behalf  through  the 
whole  of  this  important  struggle,  as  well  as  to  the  measures 
pursued  for  bringing  about  the  happy  event. 

"  May  that  Being,  who  is  powerful  to  save,  and  in  whose 
hands  is  the  fate  of  nations,  look  down  with  an  eye  of 
tender  pity  and  compassion  upon  the  while  of  the  united 
Colonies;  may  he  continue  to  smile  upon  their  counsels 
and  arms,  and  crown  them  with  success,  whilst  employed 
in  the  cause  of  virtue  and  mankind.  May  this  distressed 
Colony  and  its  capital,  and  every  part  of  this  wide-ex 
tended  continent,  through  his  Divine  favor,  be  restored  to 
more  than  former  luster  and  once  happy  state,  and  have 
peace,  liberty,  and  safety  secured  upon  a  solid,  permanent, 
and  lasting  foundation." 

Congress  unanimously  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Wash 
ington,  appointed  a  special  committee  to  communicate  it 
to  him  by  letter,  prepared  by  them  and  signed  by  the 


864  WASHINGTON. 

president,  and  ordered  a  gold  medal  to  be  struck  com 
memorative  of  the  occasion  and  in  honor  of  him. 

The  committee  of  Congress  appointed  to  prepare  the 
letter  of  thanks,  and  a  device  for  the  medal,  were  John 
Adams,  John  Jay,  and  Stephen  Hopkins.  Mr.  Adams 
describes  the  circumstances  that  led  to  the  appointment 
of  this  committee  in  a  private  letter  to  Washington.  "  I 
congratulate  you,"  he  writes,  "  as  well  as  all  the  friends  of 
mankind,  on  the  reduction  of  Boston;  an  event  which 
appeared  to  me  of  so  great  and  decisive  importance,  that 
the  next  morning  after  the  arrival  of  the  news,  I  did  my 
self  the  honor  to  move  for  the  thanks  of  Congress  to  your 
excellency,  and  that  a  medal  of  gold  should  be  struck  in 
commemoration  of  it.  Congress  have  been  pleased  to 
appoint  me,  with  two  other  gentlemen,  to  prepare  a  device. 
I  should  be  very  happy  to  have  your  excellency's  senti 
ments  concerning  a  proper  one.  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
with  very  great  respect,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  affec 
tionate  servant." 

The  official  letter  from  the  Congress  was  in  these  words : 

"  To  General  Washington. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  2,  1776. 

"  SIR. —  It  gives  me  the  most  sensible  pleasure  to  con 
vey  to  you,  by  order  of  Congress,  the  only  tribute  which  a 
free  people  will  ever  consent  to  pay,  the  tribute  of  thanks 
and  gratitude  to  their  friends  and  benefactors.  The  dis 
interested  and  patriotic  principles  which  led  you  to  the 
field  have  also  led  you  to  glory;  and  it  affords  no  little 
consolation  to  your  countrymen  to  reflect  that  as  a  pe 
culiar  greatness  of  mind  induced  you  to  decline  any  com 
pensation  for  serving  them,  except  the  pleasure  of  pro 
moting  their  happiness,  they  may,  without  your  permis- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  865 

sion,  bestow  upon  you  the  largest  share  of  their  affections 
and  esteem. 

"  Those  pages  in  the  annals  of  America  will  record 
your  title  to  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  temple  of  fame, 
which  shall  inform  posterity  that  under  your  direction 
an  undisciplined  band  of  husbandmen,  in  the  course  of  a 
few  months,  became  soldiers;  and  that  the  desolation 
meditated  against  the  country  by  a  brave  army  of  veterans, 
commanded  by  the  most  experienced  generals,  but  em 
ployed  by  bad  men  in  the  worst  of  causes,  was  by  the 
fortitude  of  your  troops,  and  the  address  of  their  officers, 
next  to  the  kind  interposition  of  Providence,  confined  for 
near  a  year  within  such  narrow  limits,  as  scarcely  to  admit 
more  room  than  was  necessary  for  the  encampments  and 
fortifications  they  lately  abandoned.  Accept  therefore, 
sir,  the  thanks  of  the  united  Colonies,  unanimously  de 
clared  by  their  delegates  to  be  due  to  you  and  the  brave 
officers  and  troops  under  your  command;  and  be  pleased 
to  communicate  to  them  this  distinguished  mark  of  the 
approbation  of  their  country.  The  Congress  have  ordered 
a  golden  medal  adapted  to  the  occasion  to  be  struck,  and 
when  finished  to  be  presented  to  you. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  every  sentiment  of  es 
teem,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

"  JOHN  HANCOCK,  President." 

Washington's  reply  was  as  follows: 

"  To  the  President  of  Congress, 
• 

"  NEW  YORK,  April  18,  1776. 

"  SIR. —  Permit   me,   through   you,   to   convey   to   the 
honorable  Congress  the  sentiments  of  gratitude  I  feel  for 
the  high  honor  they  have  done  me  in  the  public  mark  of 
55 


866  WASHINGTON. 

approbation  contained  in  your  favor  of  the  2d  inst, 
which  came  to  hand  last  night.  I  beg  you  to  assure  them 
that  it  will  ever  be  my  highest  ambition  to  approve  myself 
a  faithful  servant  of  the  public;  and  that  to  be  in  any 
degree  instrumental  in  procuring  to  my  American  brethren 
a  restitution  of  their  just  rights  and  privileges  will  con 
stitute  my  chief  happiness. 

"Agreeably  to  your  request,  I  have  communicated  in 
general  orders,  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  under  my  com 
mand,  the  thanks  of  Congress  for  their  good  behavior  in 
the  service;  and  I  am  happy  in  having  such  an  opportunity 
of  doing  justice  to  their  merit.  They  were  indeed  at  first 
'  a  band  of  undisciplined  husbandmen; '  but  it  is,  under  God, 
to  their  bravery  and  attention  to  their  duty  that  I  am  in 
debted  for  that  success,  which  has  procured  me  the  only 
reward  I  wish  to  receive,  the  affection  and  esteem  of  my 
countrymen.  The  medal  intended  to  be  presented  to  me 
by  your  honorable  body,  I  shall  carefully  preserve  as  a 
memorial  of  their  regard.  I  beg  leave  to  return  you,  sir, 
my  warmest  thanks  for  the  polite  manner  in  which  you 
have  been  pleased  to  express  their  sentiments  of  my  con 
duct;  and  am,  with  sincere  esteem  and  respect,  sir,  your 
and  their  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant." 

It  was  generally  understood  when  Howe  took  his  de 
parture  from  Boston,  that  his  immediate  destination  was 
Halifax.  But  Washington  suspected  that  his  real  design 
was  to  go  at  once  to  New  York.  He  therefore  called  for 
2,000  militia  from  Connecticut,  and  1,000  from  New  Jersey, 
to  aid  the  force  already  stationed  there  in  defending  the 
city  from  the  expected  attack.  On  the  i8th  of  March,  he 
sent  off  an  additional  force  of  near  6,000,  under  General 
Heath,  with  the  same  object;  and  soon  after  the  whole 
army  followed  them,  except  five  regiments  left  under  the 
command  of  General  Ward  for  the  defense  of  Boston. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  867 

General  Lee  who  had  previously  been  in  command  at  New 
York,  and  had  acted  with  great  decision  and  efficiency  in 
checking  Governor  Tryon  and  the  tories,  and  bringing 
the  force  stationed  there  into  a  state  of  discipline,  had  been 
appointed  by  Congress  to  take  charge  of  the  southern 
department,  in  order  to  oppose  the  attempts  of  General 
Clinton  in  that  quarter.  To  supply  his  place,  General 
Putnam  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  greatly 
augmented  force  now  concentrated  in  New  York. 

Washington  meantime  remained  in  Boston  waiting  for 
the  actual  departure  of  the  British  fleet,  which  had  lingered 
ten  days  in  Nantasket  Road  before  sailing  for  Halifax. 
When  satisfied  that  they  had  left  the  coast,  he  departed 
for  New  York,  where  he  arrived  on  the  I3th  of  April.* 

*  Extracts  from  Washington's  Official  Reports  of  the  Expulsion 
of  the  British  from  Boston. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  official  letters  of  Washington 
to  John  Hancock,  president  of  Congress,  serve  to  explain  the 
motives  of  many  of  his  movements  directed  to  the  expulsion  of 
the  British  army  from  Boston,  and  afford  not  only  the  best  com 
mentary  on  the  history  narrated  in  the  text,  but  a  lively  description 
of  one  of  the  most  important  and  thrilling  events  of  the  war. 

The  following  extract  is  from  a  letter,  dated  February  26,  1776:* 

"  We  are  making  every  necessary  preparation  for  taking  posses 
sion  of  Dorchester  Heights  as  soon  as  possible,  with  a  view  of 
drawing  the  enemy  out.  How  far  our  expectations  may  be  an 
swered,  time  only  can  determine;  but  I  should  think,  if  anything 
will  induce  them  to  hazard  an  engagement,  it  will  be  our  attempt 
ing  to  fortify  these  heights;  as,  on  that  event's  taking  place,  we 
shall  be  able  to  command  a  great  part  of  the  town  and  almost  the 
whole  harbor,  and  to  make  them  rather  disagreeable  than  other 
wise,  provided  we  can  get  a  sufficient  supply  of  what  we  greatly 
want. 

"  Within  these  three  or  four  days  I  have  received  sundry  accounts 

*  "Official  Letters  to  the  Honorable  Congress,  written  during  the  war  between  the 
united  Colonies  and  Great  Britain,  by   his  excellency,   George  Washington,  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  Continental  forces,  now  President  of  the  United    States. 
Copied  by  special  permission  from  the  original  papers  preserved  ia  the  office  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Philadelphia.     London,  1795." 


868  WASHINGTON. 

from  Boston  of  such  movements  there  (such  as  taking  the  mortars 
from  Bunker's  Hill;  the  putting  them,  with  several  pieces  of  heavy 
ordnance,  on  board  of  ship,  with  a  quantity  of  bedding;  the  ships 
all  taking  in  water;  the  baking  a  large  quantity  of  biscuit,  etc.) 
as  to  indicate  an  embarkation  of  the  troops  from  thence.  A  Mr. 
Ides,  who  came  out  yesterday,  says  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
generally  believe  that  they  are  about  to  remove  either  to  New  York 
or  Virginia,  and  that  every  vessel  in  the  harbor,  on  Tuesday  last, 
was  taken  up  for  government's  service,  and  two  months'  pay  ad 
vanced  them.  Whether  they  really  intend  to  embark,  or  whether 
the  whole  is  a  feint,  is  impossible  for  me  to  tell.  However  I  have 
thought  it  expedient  to  send  an  express  to  General  Lee,  to  inform 
him  of  it  (in  order  that  he  may  not  be  taken  by  surprise,  if  their 
destination  should  be  against  New  York),  and  continued  him  on 
to  you.  If  they  do  embark,  I  think  the  possessing  themselves  of 
that  place  and  of  the  North  river  is  the  object  they  have  in  view, 
thereby  securing  the  communication  with  Canada,  and  rendering 
the  intercourse  between  the  northern  and  southern  united  Colonies 
exceedingly  precarious  and  difficult.  To  prevent  them  from  effect 
ing  their  plan  is  a  matter  of  the  highest  importance,  and  will  re 
quire  a  large  and  respectable  army  and  the  most  vigilant  and 
judicious  exertions. 

"  I  shall  be  as  attentive  to  the  enemy's  motions  as  I  can  and 
obtain  all  the  intelligence  in  my  power;  and,  if  I  find  them  embark, 
shall,  in  the  most  expeditious  manner,  detach  a  part  of  the  light 
troops  to  New  York,  and  repair  thither  myself  if  circumstances 
shall  require  it.  I  shall  be  better  able  to  judge  what  to  do  when 
the  matter  happens.  At  present  I  can  only  say  that  I  will  do 
everything  that  shall  appear  proper  and  necessary." 

In  the  next  letter  to  Hancock,  March  7,  1776,  he  says: 
"  On  the  26th  ultimo  I  had  the  honor  of  addressing  you  and 
then  mentioned  that  we  were  making  preparations  for  taking  pos 
session  of  Dorchester  Heights.  I  now  beg  leave  to  inform  you 
that  a  council  of  general  officers  having  determined  a  previous 
bombardment  and  cannonade  expedient  and  proper,  in  order  to 
harass  the  enemy  and  divert  their  attention  from  that  quarter,  on 
Saturday,  Sunday,  and  Monday  nights  last,  we  carried  them  on 
from  our  posts  at  Cobble  Hill,  Lechmere's  Point,  and  Lamb's 
Dam.  Whether  they  did  the  enemy  any  considerable,  and  what, 
injury,  I  have  not  yet  heard,  but  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  869 

that  they  greatly  facilitated  our  schemes,  and  would  have  been  at 
tended  with  success  equal  to  our  most  sanguine  expectations  had 
it  not  been  for  the  unlucky  bursting  of  two  thirteen  and  three  ten- 
inch  mortars,  among  which  was  the  brass  one  taken  in  the  ord 
nance  brig.  To  what  cause  to  attribute  this  misfortune  I  know 
not;  whether  to  any  defect  in  them,  or  to  the  inexperience  of  the 
bombardiers. 

"  But  to  return;  on  Monday  evening,  as  soon  as  our  firing  com 
menced,  a  considerable  detachment  of  our  men,  under  the  command 
of  Brigadier-General  Thomas,  crossed  the  neck  and  took  posses 
sion  of  the  two  hills  without  the  least  interruption  or  annoyance 
from  the  enemy;  and  by  their  great  activity  and  industry,  before 
the  morning,  advanced  the  works  so  far  as  to  be  secure  against 
their  shot.  They  are  now  going  on  with  such  expedition  that  in 
a  little  time  I  hope  they  will  be  complete  and  enable  our  troops 
stationed  there  to  make  a  vigorous  and  obstinate  stand.  During 
the  whole  cannonade,  which  was  incessant  the  two  last  nights,  we 
were  fortunate  enough  to  lose  but  two  men;  one,  a  lieutenant,  by 
a  cannon-ball  taking  off  his  thigh;  the  other,  a  private,  by  the 
explosion  of  a  shell,  which  also  slightly  wounded  four  or  five  more. 

"  Our  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights  is  only  prepara 
tory  to  taking  post  on  Nook's  Hill  and  the  points  opposite  to  the 
south  end  of  Boston.  It  was  absolutely  necessary  that  they  should 
be  previously  fortified  in  order  to  cover  and  command  them.  As 
soon  as  the  works  on  the  former  are  finished,  measures  will  be 
immediately  adopted  for  securing  the  latter  and  making  them  as 
strong  and  defensible  as  we  can.  Their  contiguity  to  the  enemy 
will  make  them  of  much  importance  and  of  great  service  to  us. 
As  mortars  are  essential  and  indispensably  necessary  for  carrying 
on  our  operations  and  for  the  prosecution  of  our  plans,  I  have 
applied  to  two  furnaces  to  have  some  thirteen-inch  ones  cast  with 
all  expedition  imaginable,  and  am  encouraged  to  hope,  from  the 
accounts  I  have  had,  that  they  will  be  able  to  do  it.  When  they 
are  done  and  a  proper  supply  of  powder  obtained,  I  flatter  myself, 
from  the  posts  we  have  just  taken  and  are  about  to  take,  that  it 
will  be  in  our  power  to  force  the  ministerial  troops  to  an  attack, 
or  to  dispose  of  them  in  some  way  that  will  be  of  advantage  to  us. 
I  think  from  these  posts  they  will  be  so  galled  and  annoyed  that 
they  must  either  give  us  battle  or  quit  their  present  possessions. 


870  WASHINGTON. 

I  am  resolved  that  nothing  on  my  part  shall  be  wanting  to  effect 
the  one  or  the  other. 

"  It  having  been  the  general  opinion  that  the  enemy  would  at 
tempt  to  dislodge  our  people  from  the  heights  and  force  their  works 
as  soon  as  they  were  discovered,  which  probably  might  have 
brought  on  a  general  engagement,  it  was  thought  advisable  that 
the  honorable  council  should  be  applied  to  to  order  in  the  militia 
from  the  neighboring  and  adjacent  towns.  I  wrote  to  them  on  the 
subject,  which  they  most  readily  complied  with;  and,  in  justice  to 
the  militia,  I  cannot  but  inform  you  that  they  came  in  at  the  ap 
pointed  time  and  manifested  the  greatest  alerness  and  determined 
resolution  to  act  like  men  engaged  in  the  cause  of  freedom. 

"  When  the  enemy  first  discovered  our  works  in  the  morning, 
they  seemed  to  be  in  great  confusion  and,  from  their  movements, 
to  intend  an  attack.  It  is  much  to  be  wished  that  it  had  been 
made.  The  event,  I  think,  must  have  been  fortunate,  and  nothing 
less  than  success  and  victory  on  our  side,  as  our  officers  and  men 
appeared  impatient  for  the  appeal  and  to  possess  the  most  ani 
mated  sentiments  and  determined  resolution.  On  Tuesday  evening 
a  considerable  number  of  their  troops  embarked  on  board  of  their 
transports  and  fell  down  to  the  castle,  where  part  of  them  landed 
before  dark.  One  or  two  of  the  vessels  got  aground  and  were 
fired  at  by  our  people  with  a  field  piece,  but  without  any  damage. 
What  was  the  design  of  this  embarkation  and  landing,  I  have  not 
been  able  to  learn.  It  would  seem  as  if  they  meant  an  attack;  for 
it  is  most  probable  that,  if  they  make  one  on  our  works  at  Dor 
chester  at  this  time,  they  will  first  go  to  the  castle  and  come  from 
thence.  If  such  was  their  design,  a  violent  storm  that  night,  which 
lasted  till  8  o'clock  the  next  day,  rendered  the  execution  of  it  im 
practicable.  It  carried  one  or  two  of  their  vessels  ashore,  which 
they  have  since  got  off. 

"  In  case  the  ministerial  troops  had  made  an  attempt  to  dislodge 
our  men  from  Dorchester  Heights,  and  the  number  detached  upon 
the  occasion  had  been  so  great  as  to  have  afforded  a  probability 
of  a  successful  attack  being  made  upon  Boston,  on  a  signal  given 
from  Roxbury  for  that  purpose,  agreeably  to  a  settled  and  con 
certed  plan,  4,000  chosen  men,  who  were  held  in  readiness,  were 
to  have  embarked  at  the  mouth  of  Cambridge  river  in  two  divis 
ions,  the  first  under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Sullivan, 
the  second  under  Brigadier-General  Greene  —  the  whole  to  have 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  871 

been  commanded  by  Major-General  Putnam.  The  first  division 
was  to  land  at  the  powder-house  and  gain  possession  of  Beacon 
Hill  and  Mount  Horam;  the  second,  at  Barton's  Point,  or  a  little 
south  of  it,  and,  after  securing  that  post,  to  join  the  other  division 
and  force  the  enemy's  gates  and  works  at  the  Neck,  for  letting  in 
the  Roxbury  troops.  Three  floating  batteries  were  to  have  pre 
ceded  and  gone  in  front  of  the  other  boats  and  kept  up  a  heavy 
fire  on  that  part  of  the  town  where  our  men  were  to  land. 

"  How  far  our  views  would  have  succeeded  had  an  opportunity 
offered  for  attempting  the  execution,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  say. 
Nothing  less  than  an  experiment  could  determine  with  precision. 
The  plan  was  thought  to  be  well  digested;  and,  as  far  as  I  could 
judge  from  the  cheerfulness  and  alacrity  which  distinguished  the 
officers  and  men  who  were  to  engage  in  the  enterprise,  I  had 
reason  to  hope  for  a  favorable  and  happy  issue." 

On  the  next  day  but  one  (March  pth),  Washington's  narrative 
to  President  Hancock  proceeds  as  follows: 

"  Yesterday  evening,  a  Captain  Irvine,  who  escaped  from  Boston 
the  night  before  with  six  of  his  crew,  came  to  headquarters  and 
gave  the  following  intelligence:  '  That  our  bombardment  and  can 
nonade  caused  a  great  deal  of  surprise  and  alarm  in  town;  that  the 
cannon  shot  for  the  greatest  part  went  through  the  houses;  that 
early  on  Tuesday  morning,  Admiral  Shuldham,  discovering  the 
works  our  people  were  throwing  up  on  Dorchester  Heights,  imme 
diately  sent  an  express  to  General  Howe,  to  inform  him  that  it  was 
necessary  they  should  be  attacked  and  dislodged  from  thence,  or 
he  would  be  under  the  necessity  of  withdrawing  the  ships  from 
the  harbor,  which  were  under  his  command;  and,  from  12  to  2 
o'clock,  about  3,000  men  embarked  on  board  the  transports,  which 
fell  down  to  the  castle,  with  a  design  of  landing  on  that  part  of 
Dorchester  next  to  it  and  attacking  our  works  on  the  Heights  at 
5  o'clock  next  morning;  that  Lord  Percy  was  appointed  to  com 
mand;  that  it  was  generally  believed  the  attempt  would  be  made 
had  it  not  been  for  the  violent  storm  which  happened  that  night/ 

"  He  further  informs,  '  that  the  army  is  preparing  to  leave  Bos 
ton,  and  that  they  will  do  it  in  a  day  or  two.' 

"The  account  given  by  Captain  Irvine  as  to  the  embarkation 
and  their  being  about  to  leave  the  town,  I  believe  true.  There  are 
other  circumstances  corroborating,  and  it  seems  fully  confirmed 
by  a  paper  signed  by  four  of  the  selectmen  of  the  town  (a  copy  of 


WASHINGTON. 

which  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  to  you),  which  was  brought  out 
yesterday  evening  by  a  flag,  and  delivered  to  Colonel  Learned  by 
Major  Bassett,  of  the  Tenth  Regiment,  who  desired  it  might  be 
delivered  to  me  as  soon  as  possible.  I  advised  with  such  of  the 
general  officers  upon  the  occasion  as  I  could  immediately  assem 
ble;  and  we  determined  it  right  (as  it  was  not  addressed  to  me, 
nor  to  any  one  else,  nor  authenticated  by  the  signature  of  General 
Howe,  or  any  other  act  obliging  him  to  a  performance  of  the  prom 
ise  mentioned  on  his  part)  that  I  should  give  it  no  answer;  at  the 
same  time  that  a  letter  should  be  returned,  as  going  from  Colonel 
Learned,  signifying  his  having  laid  it  before  me,  with  the  reasons 
assigned  for  not  answering  it.  A-  copy  of  this  is  sent. 

"  To-night  I  shall  have  a  battery  thrown  up  on  Nook's  Hill, 
Dorchester  Point,  with  a  design  of  acting  as  circumstances  may 
require,  it  being  judged  advisable  to  prosecute  our  plans  of  forti 
fication  as  we  intended  before  this  information  from  the  selectmen 
came.  It  being  agreed  on  all  hands  that  there  is  no  possibility  of 
stopping  them  in  case  they  determine  to  go,  I  shall  order  look 
outs  to  be  kept  upon  all  the  headlands  to  discover  their  movements 
and  course,  and  moreover  direct  Commodore  Manly  and  his  little 
squadron  to  dog  them,  as  well  for  the  same  purpose  as  for  pick 
ing  up  any  of  their  vessels  that  may  chance  to  depart  from  their 
convoy.  From  their  loading  with  such  precipitancy,  it  is  presum 
able  they  will  not  be  in  the  best  condition  for  sea. 

"  If  the  ministerial  troops  evacuate  the  town  and  leave  it  stand 
ing,  I  have  thoughts  of  taking  measures  for  fortifying  the  entrance 
into  the  harbor,  if  it  shall  be  thought  proper,  and  the  situation  of 
affairs  will  admit  of  it.  Notwithstanding  the  report  from  Boston 
that  Halifax  is  the  place  of  their  destination,  I  have  no  doubt  but 
that  they  are  going  to  the  southward,  and,  I  apprehend,  to  New 
York.  Many  reasons  lead  to  this  opinion.  It  is  in  some  measure 
corroborated  by  their  sending  an  express  ship  there,  which,  on 
Wednesday  week,  got  on  shore  and  bilged  at  Cape  Cod.  The  dis 
patches,  if  written,  were  destroyed  when  she  was  boarded.  She 
had  a  parcel  of  coal  and  about  4,000  cannon  shot,  six  carriage  guns, 
a  swivel  or  two,  and  three  barrels  of  powder. 

"  I  shall  hold  the  riflemen  and  other  parts  of  our  troops  in  readi 
ness  to  march  at  a  moment's  warning,  and  govern  my  movements 
by  the  events  that  happen,  or  such  orders  as  I  may  receive  from 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  873 

Congress,  which  I  beg  may  be  ample  and  forwarded  with  all  pos 
sible  expedition/' 

Ten  days  after  this  letter  (March  19,  1776),  he  announces  to 
Hancock  the  closing  of  this  grand  drama  of  the  siege  of  Boston. 
His  narrative  of  the  intervening  events  is  more  clear  and  vivid 
than  that  of  any  of  the  historians  of  the  time: 

"  It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure,"  he  says,  "  I  inform  you  that, 
on  Sunday  last,  the  I7th  inst.,  about  9  o'clock  in  the  forenoon, 
the  ministerial  army  evacuated  the  town  of  Boston,  and  that  the 
forces  of  the  united  Colonies  are  now  in  actual  possession  thereof. 
I  beg  leave  to  congratulate  you,  sir,  and  the  Honorable  Congress, 
on  this  happy  event,  and  particularly  as  it  was  effected  without 
endangering  the  lives  and  property  of  the  remaining  unhappy 
inhabitants. 

"  I  have  great  reason  to  imagine  their  flight  was  precipitated 
by  the  appearance  of  a  work  which  I  had  ordered  to  be  thrown 
up  last  Saturday  night,  on  an  eminence  at  Dorchester,  which  lay 
nearest  to  Boston  Neck,  called  Nook's  Hill.  The  town,  although 
it  has  suffered  greatly,  is  not  in  so  bad  a  state  as  I  expected  to 
find  it;  and  I  have  a  particular  pleasure  in  being  able  to  inform 
you,  sir,  that  your  house  has  received  no  damage  worth  mention 
ing.*  Your  furniture  is  in  tolerable  order,  and  the  family  pictures 
are  all  left  entire  and  untouched.  Captain  Cazneau  takes  charge 
of  the  whole  until  he  shall  receive  further  orders  from  you.  As 
soon  as  the  ministerial  troops  had  quitted  the  town,  I  ordered  a 
thousand  men  (who  had  had  the  smallpox),  under  command  of 
General  Putnam,  to  take  possession  of  the  Heights,  which  I  shall 
endeavor  to  fortify  in  such  a  manner  as  to  prevent  their  return, 
should  they  attempt  it.  But  as  they  are  still  in  the  harbor,  I 
thought  it  not  prudent  to  march  off  with  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  until  I  should  be  fully  satisfied  they  had  quitted  the  coast. 
I  have  therefore  only  detached  five  regiments,  besides  the  rifle 
battalion,  to  New  York,  and  shall  keep  the  remainder  here  till  all 
suspicion  of  their  return  ceases. 

"  The  situation  in  which  I  found  their  works  evidently  discov 
ered  that  their  retreat  was  made  with  the  greatest  precipitation. 
They  have  left  their  barracks  and  other  works  of  wood  at  Bunker's 

*  Mr.  Hancock's  house  was  still  standing,  one  of  the  finest  monuments  of  the  olden 
time  in  Bo_ston,  until,  nearly  a  hundred  years  after,  it  had  to  give  way  to  a  more 
modern  building. 


874  WASHINGTON. 

Hill,  etc.,  all  standing,  and  have  destroyed  but  a  small  part  of  their 
lines.  They  have  also  left  a  number  of  fine  pieces  of  cannon,  which 
they  first  spiked  up,  also  a  very  large  iron  mortar;  and,  as  I  am 
informed,  they  have  thrown  another  over  the  end  of  your  wharf. 
I  have  employed  proper  persons  to  drill  the  cannon,  and  doubt 
not  I  shall  save  the  most  of  them.  I  am  not  yet  able  to  procure 
an  exact  list  of  all  the  stores  they  have  left.  As  soon  as  it  can  be 
done,  I  shall  take  care  to  transmit  it  to  you.  From  an  estimate  of 
what  the  quartermaster-general  has  already  discovered,  the  amount 
will  be  twenty-five  or  thirty  thousand  pounds." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

WASHINGTON  IN  NEW  YORK. 

1776. 

WHILE  Washington  was  engaged  in  conducting 
the  siege  of  Boston,  many  events  had  transpired 
both  in  America  and  England,  to  which  it  now 
becomes  necessary  to  advert. 

Notwithstanding  the  extent  to  which  hostilities  had  been 
carried,  a  large  portion  of  the  colonists  had  hitherto  con 
tinued  to  entertain  some  hope  of  an  amicable  termination 
of  the  dispute;  and  it  is  evident  from  the  transactions  we 
are  about  to  record,  that  many  felt  sincerely  desirous  to 
frustrate  such  a  result,  particularly  the  leading  statesmen 
of  New  England  and  Virginia.  The  want  of  more  regu 
lar  and  stable  governments  had  for  some  time  been  felt 
in  those  Colonies  where  royal  governments  had  hitherto 
existed;  and  in  the  autumn  of  1775,  New  Hampshire  had 
applied  to  Congress  for  their  advice  and  direction  on  this 
subject. 

In  .November,  Congress  advised  the  convention  of  that 
Colony  to  call  a  full  and  free  representation  of  the  people, 
when  the  representatives,  if  they  thought  it  necessary, 
should  establish  such  a  form  of  government  as,  in  their 
judgment,  would  best  promote  the  happiness  of  the  peo 
ple  and  most  effectually  secure  peace  and  good  order  dur 
ing  the  continuance  of  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Colonies. 

On  this  question  the  members  of  Congress  were  not 
(875) 


876  WASHINGTON. 

unanimous.  It  was  viewed  by  some  as  a  step  necessarily 
leading  to  independence;  and  by  some  of  its  advocates  it 
was  probably  intended  as  such.  To  render  the  resolution 
less  exceptionable,  the  duration  of  the  government  was 
limited  to  the  continuance  of  the  dispute  with  the  parent 
country.  Soon  afterward  similar  directions  and  advice 
were  given  to  South  Carolina  and  Virginia. 

The  last  hopes  of  the  Colonies  for  reconciliation  rested 
on  the  success  of  their  second  petition  to  the  King;  and 
the  answer  of  their  sovereign  to  this  application  was  ex 
pected  with  extreme  solicitude.  Information  however 
was  soon  received  from  Mr.  Penn,  who  was  intrusted 
with  the  petition,  that  no  answer  would  be  given. 

This  intelligence  was  followed  by  that  of  great  addi 
tional  preparations  to  subdue  the  "American  rebels."  The 
King,  in  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  Parliament  in  Octo- 
ber  (1775),  not  only  accused  the  colonists  of  revolt,  hos 
tility,  and  rebellion,  but  stated  that  the  rebellion  which 
was  carried  on  by  them  was  for  the  purpose  of  establish 
ing  an  independent  empire.  To  prevent  this,  he  declared 
that  the  most  decisive  and  vigorous  measures  were  neces 
sary;  that  he  had  consequently  increased  his  naval  estab 
lishment,  had  augmented  his  land  forces,  and  had  also 
taken  measures  to  procure  the  aid  of  foreign  troops.  He, 
at  the  same  time,  stated  his  intention  of  appointing  cer 
tain  persons  with  authority  to  grant  pardons  to  individuals, 
and  to  receive  the  submission  of  whole  Colonies  disposed 
to  return  to  their  allegiance. 

Large  majorities  in  both  Houses  assured  the  King  of 
their  firm  support  in  his  measure  for  reducing  the  col 
onists  to  obedience.  The  addresses  however  in  answer 
to  the  speech  were  opposed  with  great  ability.  The  pro 
ject  of  employing  foreign  troops  to  destroy  American 
subjects  was  reprobated  by  the  minority  in  the  strongest 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  877 

terms.  The  plans  of  the  ministry  however  were  not  only 
approved  by  Parliament,  but  by  a  majority  of  the  nation. 
The  idea  of  making  the  colonists  share  their  burdens  could 
not  easily  be  relinquished  by  the  people  of  Great  Britain; 
and  national  pride  would  not  permit  them  to  yield  the 
point  of  supremacy.  War  was  now  therefore  to  be  waged 
against  the  Colonies,  and  a  force  sent  out  sufficiently  pow 
erful  to  compel  submission,  even  without  a  struggle. 

For  these  purposes  the  aid  of  Parliament  was  requisite, 
and  about  the  end  of  December  (1775)  an  act  was  passed 
prohibiting  all  trade  and  commerce  with  the  Colonies,  and 
authorizing  the  capture  and  condemnation,  not  only  of 
all  American  vessels,  with  their  cargoes,  but  all  other  ves 
sels  found  trading  in  any  port  or  place  in  the  Colonies,  as 
if  the  same  were  the  vessels  and  effects  of  open  enemies; 
and  the  vessels  and  property  thus  taken  were  vested  in  the 
captors.  An  additional  clause  of  the  act  provided  that  the 
crews  were  to  be  compelled  to  serve  in  the  King's  ships. 
This  was  impressment  of  the  worst  possible  kind. 

The  passing  of  this  act  shut  the  door  against  the  appli 
cation  of  the  Colonies  for  a  reconciliation.  The  last  peti 
tion  of  Congress  to  the  King  had  indeed  been  laid  before 
Parliament,  but  both  Houses  refused  to  hear  it,  or  even 
to  treat  upon  any  proposition  coming  from  such  an  unlaw 
ful  assembly,  or  from  those  who  were  then  in  arms  against 
their  lawful  sovereign. 

In  the  House  of  Lords,  on  the  motion  of  the  Duke  of 
Richmond,  Mr.  Penn  was  examined  on  American  affairs. 
He  staled,  among  other  things,  that  the  colonists  were 
desirous  of  reconciliation,  and  did  not  aim  at  independence; 
that  they  were  disposed  to  conform  to  the  acts  regulating 
their  trade,  but  not  to  taxation;  and  that  on  this  point  a 
spirit  of  resistance  was  universal. 

After  this  examination  the  Duke  of  Richmond  moved  a 


878  WASHINGTON. 

resolution  declaring  that  the  petition  of  Congress  to  the 
King  was  a  ground  for  a  reconciliation  of  the  differences 
between  the  two  countries.  This  motion  was  negatived, 
after  a  warm  debate,  by  86  to  33.  These  proceedings  of 
the  King  and  Parliament,  with  the  employment  of  16,000 
foreign  mercenaries,  convinced  the  leading  men  in  each 
Colony  that  the  sword  alone  must  decide  the  contest,  and 
that  the  colonists  must  now  declare  themselves  totally  in 
dependent  of  Great  Britain. 

Time  however  was  still  requisite  to  convince  the  great 
mass  of  the  American  people  of  the  necessity  of  a  complete 
separation  from  their  parent  country,  and  the  establish 
ment  of  an  independent  government.  The  ablest  pens 
were  employed  throughout  America  in  the  winter  of 
1775-76  on  this  momentous  subject. 

The  propriety  and  necessity  of  the  measure  was  enforced 
in  the  numerous  gazettes  and  in  pamphlets.  Among  the 
latter,  "  Common  Sense,"  from  the  pen  of  Thomas  Paine, 
produced  a  wonderful  effect  in  the  different  Colonies  in 
favor  of  independence.  Influential  individuals  in  every 
Colony  urged  it  as  a  step  absolutely  necessary  to  preserve 
the  rights  and  liberties  as  well  as  to  secure  the  happiness 
and  prosperity  of  the  people. 

When  the  Prohibitory  Act  reached  America,  Congress, 
justly  viewing  it  as  a  declaration  of  war,  directed  reprisals 
to  be  made,  both  by  public  and  private  armed  vessels, 
against  the  ships  and  goods  of  the  inhabitants  of  Great 
Britain  found  on  the  high  seas  or  between  hign  and  low- 
water  mark.  They  also  burst  the  shackles  of  commercial 
monopoly,  which  had  so  long  kept  them  in  bondage,  and 
opened  their  ports  to  all  the  world,  except  the  dominions 
of  Great  Britain. 

In  this  state  of  things  it  was  preposterous  for  the  col 
onists  any  longer  to  consider  themselves  as  holding  or 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  879 

exercising  the  powers  of  government  under  the  authority 
of  Great  Britain.  Congress  therefore,  on  the  loth  of  May 
(1776),  recommended  to  the  assemblies  and  conventions 
of  the  Colonies,  where  no  sufficient  government  had  been 
established,  "to  adopt  such  government  as  should,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  best  conduce 
to.  the  happiness  and  safety  of  their  constituents  in  par 
ticular  and  America  in  general." 

They  also  declared  it  necessary  that  the  exercise  of 
every  kind  of  authority  under  the  Crown  should  be  sup 
pressed,  and  that  all  the  powers  of  government  should  be 
exercised  "  under  the  authority  of  the  people  of  the  Col 
onies,  for  the  preservation  of  internal  peace,  virtue,  and 
good  order,  as  well  as  for  the  defense  of  their  lives,  liber 
ties,  and  properties,  against  the  hostile  invasions  and  cruel 
depredations  of  their  enemies."  This  was  a  preliminary 
step  to  a  general  declaration  of  independence. 

Some  of  the  colonial  assemblies  and  conventions  about 
the  same  time  began  to  express  their  opinions  on  this 
great  question.  On  the  22d  of  April  (1776),  the  conven 
tion  of  North  Carolina  empowered  their  delegates  in  Con 
gress  "  to  concur  with  those  in  the  other  Colonies  in  de 
claring  independency."  This,  it  is  believed,  was  the  first 
direct  public  act  of  any  colonial  assembly  or  convention 
in  favor  of  the  measure.  The  convention  of  Virginia  soon 
afterward  expressed  itself  still  more  decidedly.  After  full 
deliberation  the  following  resolutions  were  passed  unani 
mously: 

"  That  the  delegates  appointed  to  represent  this  Colony 
in  General  Congress  be  instructed  to  propose  to  that  re 
spectable  body  to  declare  the  united  Colonies  free  and  in 
dependent  States,  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  or  de 
pendence  upon  the  Crown  or  Parliament  of  Great  Britain; 
and  that  they  give  the  assent  of  this  Colony  to  such  decla- 


880  WASHINGTON. 

ration  and  to  whatever  measures  may  be  thought  proper 
and  necessary  by  the  Congress  for  forming  foreign  alli 
ances  and  a  confederation  of  the  Colonies,  at  such  time 
and  in  the  manner  as  to  them  shall  seem  best.  Provided, 
that  the  power  of  forming  governments  for  and  the  regu 
lations  of  the  internal  concerns  of  each  Colony  be  left  to 
the  respective  colonial  Legislatures. 

"  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  declara 
tion  of  rights  and  to  form  such  a  plan  of  government  as 
will  be  most  likely  to  maintain  peace  and  order  in  this  Col 
ony  and  secure  substantial  and  equal  liberty  to  the  people." 

Washington's  opinion  respecting  this  resolution  is  thus 
expressed  in  a  letter  to  his  brother:  "  I  am  very  glad  to 
find  that  the  Virginia  Convention  have  passed  so  noble  a 
vote  and  with  so  much  unanimity.  Things  have  come  to 
such  a  pass  now  as  to  convince  us  that  we  have  nothing 
more  to  expect  from  the  justice  of  Great  Britain;  also  that 
she  is  capable  of  the  most  delusive  arts;  for  I  am  satisfied 
that  no  commissioners  were  ever  designed,  except  Hes 
sians  and  other  foreigners,  and  that  the  idea  was  only  to 
deceive  and  throw  us  off  our  guard.  The  first  has  been 
too  effectually  accomplished,  as  many  members  of  Con 
gress,  in  short,  the  representation  of  whole  provinces,  are 
still  feeding  themselves  upon  the  dainty  food  of  reconcilia 
tion;  and,  though  they  will  not  allow  that  the  expectation 
of  it  has  any  influence  upon  their  judgment  with  respect 
to  their  preparations  for  defense,  it  is  but  too  obvious  that 
it  has  an  operation  upon  every  part  of  their  conduct,  and 
is  a  clog  to  their  proceedings.  It  is  not  in  the  nature  of 
things  to  be  otherwise,  for  no  man  that  entertains  a  hope 
of  seeing  this  dispute  speedily  and  equitably  adjusted  by 
commissioners  will  go  to  the  same  expense  and  run  the 
same  hazards  to  prepare  for  the  worst  event  as  he  who 
believes  that  he  must  conquer  or  submit  to  unconditional 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  881 

terms  and  the  concomitants,  such  as  confiscation,  hanging, 
and  the  like." 

The  letter  was  written  in  May  (1776),  when  Washing 
ton's  visit  to  Congress,  to  which  we  shall  presently  refer, 
had  enabled  him  to  study  the  disposition  of  the  members; 
and  when  the  question  of  independence  was  the  subject 
of  discussion  in  all  circles  of  public  men. 

Early  in  the  year  (1776)  the  British  Government  had 
prepared  a  considerable  expedition  to  reduce  the  southern 
Colonies  to  obedience.  The  command  was  intrusted  to 
Sir  Peter  Parker  and  Earl  Cornwallis.  On  the  3d  of  May 
Admiral  Parker,  with  twenty  sail,  arrived  at  Cape  Fear. 
They  found  General  Clinton  ready  to  co-operate  with 
them.  He  had  left  New  York  and  proceeded  to  Virginia, 
where  he  had  an  interview  with  Lord  Dunmore;  but  find 
ing  nothing  could  be  effected  in  that  Colony,  he  repaired 
to  Cape  Fear  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  armament  from 
England.  Meanwhile  the  Carolinians  had  been  making 
great  exertions. 

In  Charleston  the  utmost  energy  and  activity  were 
evinced.  The  citizens  pulled  down  the  valuable  store 
houses  on  the  wharfs,  barricaded  the  streets,  and  con 
structed  lines  of  defense  along  the  shore.  Abandoning 
their  commercial  pursuits,  they  engaged  in  incessant  labor 
and  prepared  for  bloody  conflicts.  The  troops,  amount 
ing  to  between  5,000  and  6,000  men,  were  stationed  in  the 
most  advantageous  positions.  Amidst  all  this  bustle  and 
preparation,  lead  was  so  extremely  scarce  that  the  win 
dows  of  Charleston  were  stripped  of  their  weights  in  order 
to  procure  a  small  supply  of  that  necessary  article  for  bul 
lets. 

Early  in  June  the  armament,  consisting  of  between  forty 
and  fifty  vessels,  appeared  off  Charleston  bay,  and  thirty- 
six  of  the  transports  passed  the  bar  and  anchored  about 
56 


882  WASHINGTON. 

three  miles  from  Sullivan's  Island.  Some  hundreds  of  the. 
troops  landed  on  Long  Island,  which  lies  on  the  west  of 
Sullivan's  Island  and  which  is  separated  from  it  by  a  nar 
row  channel  often  fordable. 

On  the  loth  of  the  month  the  Bristol,  a  fifty-gun  ship, 
having  taken  out  her  guns,  got  safely  over  the  bar;  and 
on  the  25th  the  Experiment,  a  ship  of  equal  force,  arrived 
and  next  day  passed  in  the  same  way.  On  the  part  of  the 
British  everything  was  now  ready  for  action.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  had  nearly  3,000  mea  under  his  command.  The 
naval  force,  under  Sir  Peter  Parker,  consisted  of  the  Bris 
tol  and  Experiment  of  fifty  guns;  the  Active,  Acteon,  Sole- 
bay,  and  Syren  frigates;  the  Friendship  of  twenty-two,  and 
the  Sphinx  of  twenty,  guns ;  the  Ranger  sloop  and  Thunder 
bomb. 

On  the  forenoon  of  the  28th  of  June  this  fleet  advanced 
against  the  fort  on  Sullivan's  Island,  which  was  defended 
by  Colonel  Moultrie  with  about  350  regular  troops  and 
some  militia.  The  Thunder  bomb  began  the  battle.  The 
Active,  Bristol,  Experiment,  and  Solebay  followed  boldly 
to  the  attack  and  a  terrible  cannonade  ensued.  The  fort 
returned  the  fire  of  the  ships  slowly,  but  with  deliberate 
and  deadly  aim,  and  the  contest  was  carried  on  during  the 
whole  day  with  unabating  fury. 

The  Sphinx,  Acteon,  and  Syren  were  ordered  to  attack 
the  western  extremity  of  the  fort,  which  was  in  a  very  un 
finished  state ;  but  as  they  proceeded  for  that  purpose  they 
got  entangled  with  a  shoal  called  the  Middle  Ground.  Two 
of  them  ran  foul  of  each  other;  the  Acteon  stuck  fast;  the 
Sphinx  and  Syren  got  off;  but  fortunately  for  the  Ameri 
cans  that  part  of  the  attack  completely  failed.  It  was  de 
signed  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  his  corps,  should 
co-operate  with  the  naval  operations  by  passing  the  nar 
row  channel  which  separates  Long  Island  from  Sullivan's 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  883 

Island  and  assail  the  fort  by  land,  but  this  the  General 
found  impracticable,  for  the  channel,  though  commonly 
fordable,  was  at  that  time,  by  a  long  prevalence  of  easterly 
winds,  deeper  than  usual;  and  even  had  the  channel  been 
fordable  the  British  troops  would  have  found  the  passage 
an  arduous  enterprise,  for  Colonel  Thomson,  with  a  strong 
detachment  of  riflemen,  regulars,  and  militia,  was  posted 
on  the  east  end  of  Sullivan's  Island  to  oppose  any  attack 
made  in  that  quarter. 

The  engagement,  which  began  about  n  o'clock  in  the 
forenoon,  continued  with  unabated  fury  till  7  in  the  even 
ing,  when  the  fire  slackened,  and  about  9  entirely  ceased 
on  both  sides.  During  the  night  all  the  ships  except  the 
Acteon,  which  was  aground,  removed  about  two  miles  from 
the  island. 

Next  morning  the  fort  fired  a  few  shots  at  the  Acteon 
and  she  at  first  returned  them,  but  in  a  short  time  her  crew 
set  her  on  fire  and  abandoned  her.  She  blew  up  shortly 
afterward.  In  this  obstinate  engagement  both  parties 
fought  with  great  gallantry.  The  loss  of  the  British  was 
very  considerable,  upward  of  60  being  killed  and  160  being 
wounded,  whilst  the  garrison  lost  only  10  men  killed  and 
22  wounded. 

Although  the  Americans  were  raw  troops,  yet  they  be 
haved  with  the  steady  intrepidity  of  veterans.  One  cir 
cumstance  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  cool  but  enthusiastic 
courage  which  pervaded  their  ranks.  In  the  course  of  the 
engagement  the  flagstaff  of  the  fort  was  shot  away,  but 
Sergeant  Jasper  leaped  down  upon  the  beach,  snatched  up 
the  flag,  fastened  it  to  a  sponge-staff,  and  while  the  ships 
were  incessantly  directing  their  broadsides  upon  the  fort, 
he  mounted  the  merlon  and  deliberately  replaced  the  flag. 

The  fate  of  this  expedition  contributed  greatly  to  estab 
lish  the  popular  government  it  was  intended  to  destroy, 


884  WASHINGTON. 

while  the  news  of  it  spread  rapidly  through  the  continent 
and  exercised  an  equally  unfavorable  influence  on  the  royal 
cause;  the  advocates  of  the  irresistibility  of  British  fleets 
and  armies  were  mortified  and  silenced,  and  the  brave  de 
fense  of  Fort  Moultrie  saved  the  Southern  States  from  the 
horrors  of  war  for  several  years. 

In  South  Carolina  the  government  took  advantage  of 
the  hour  of  success  to  conciliate  their  opponents  in  the 
province.  The  adherents  of  royal  power,  who,  for  a  con 
siderable  time,  had  been  closely  imprisoned,  on  promising 
fidelity  to  their  country,  were  set  at  liberty  and  restored 
to  all  the  privileges  of  citizens.  The  repulse  of  the  British 
was  also  attended  with  another  advantage,  that  of  leaving 
the  Americans  at  liberty  to  turn  their  undivided  force 
against  the  Indians,  who  had  attacked  the  western  frontier 
of  the  Southern  States  with  all  the  fury  and  carnage  of 
savage  warfare. 

In  1775,  when  the  breach  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  Colonies  was  daily  becoming  wider,  one  Stuart,  the 
agent  employed  in  conducting  the  intercourse  between  the 
British  authorities  and  the  Cherokees  and  Creeks,  used  all 
his  influence  to  attach  the  Indians  to  the  royal  cause,  and 
to  inspire  them  with  jealousy  and  hatred  of  the  Americans. 
He  found  little  difficulty  in  persuading  them  that  the 
Americans,  without  provocation,  had  taken  up  arms 
against  Britain  and  were  the  means  of  preventing  them 
from  receiving  their  yearly  supplies  of  arms,  ammunition, 
and  clothing  from  the  British  Government. 

The  Americans  had  endeavored  to  conciliate  the  good 
will  of  the  Indians,  but  their  scanty  presents  were  unsatis 
factory  and  the  savages  resolved  to  take  up  the  hatchet. 
Deeming  the  appearance  of  the  British  fleet  in  Charleston 
bay  a  fit  opportunity,  the  Cherokees  invaded  the  western 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  885 

frontier  of  the  province,  marking  their  track  with  murder 
and  devastation. 

The  speedy  retreat  of  the  British  left  the  savages  ex 
posed  to  the  vengeance  of  the  Americans,  who,  in  separate 
divisions,  entered  their  country  at  different  points,  from 
Virginia  and  Georgia,  defeated  their  warriors,  burned  their 
villages,  laid  waste  their  cornfields,  and  incapacitated  the 
Cherokees  for  a  considerable  time  from  giving  the  settlers 
further  annoyance.  Thus,  in  the  south,  the  Americans 
triumphed  over  the  British  and  Indians. 

We  have  seen  that  before  leaving  Boston  Washington 
ordered  General  Putnam  to  take  command  of  the  army  in 
New  York.  He  was  directed  to  fortify  the  city  and  the 
passes  of  the  Hudson,  according  to  the  plans  of  General 
Lee,  his  predecessor  in  the  command.  Putnam,  aware  ot 
the  number  of  Tories  in  the  city,  established  strict  regula 
tions  for  preserving  order,  and  sternly  interdicting  the  free 
intercourse  which  had  hitherto  prevailed  between  the  in 
habitants  and  the  British  ships  in  the  neighboring  water, 
in  one  of  which  the  royal  ex-governor  Tryon  was  en 
gaged  in  carrying  a  variety  of  plots  and  hostile  intrigues 
by  means  of  emissaries  to  his  numerous  adherents  in  the 
city  and  Colony. 

On  his  arrival  at  New  York,  April  13  (1776),  Wash 
ington  found  that  the  indefatigable  Putnam  had  exerted 
his  usual  energy  and  ability  in  completing  the  fortifica 
tions,  which  had  been  commenced  under  the  direction  of 
General  Lee.  Those  on  Brooklyn  Heights  commanded 
the  city,  and,  as  the  possession  of  them  would  probably  be 
the  first  object  of  General  Howe  on  his  arrival,  Washing 
ton  placed  them  under  the  command  of  General  Greene, 
of  whose  superior  ability,  courage,  and  prudence  he  had 
already  become  aware. 

Washington  found  the  whole  force  in  New  York  and  its 


88(>  WASHINGTON. 

neighborhood  to  consist  of  little  more  than  10,000  men; 
and  these  were  distributed  in  various  posts  in  the  city, 
Long  Island,  Staten  Island,  and  elsewhere.  Many  of  the 
soldiers  were  new  recruits  without  arms,  and  others  were 
sick  or  absent  on  furlough,  thus  reducing  the  available 
force  to  between  8,000. and  9,000  Of  these,  considerable 
detachments  upon  request  from  Congress  were  sent  off 
to  Canada,  where  the  ill-fated  expedition  of  which  we  have 
already  given  the  history  was  not  yet  brought  to  a  close. 
Ten  regiments  were  taken  from  the  army  at  New  York,  in 
two  detachments,  for  this  purpose.  The  measure  was 
justified  to  Washington's  mind  by  the  consideration  that 
the  portion  of  the  army  already  engaged  in  Canada  could 
only  be  reinforced  from  New  York,  while  those  under  his 
immediate  command  could  receive  support,  if  necessary, 
by  calling  in  the  militia  from  the  surrounding  country. 

In  May  (1776),  Washington,  at  the  request  of  Congress, 
paid  a  visit  to  Philadelphia  for  the  purpose  of  devising 
measures  for  the  prosecution  of  the  ensuing  compaign. 
During  the  fifteen  days  that  his  visit  lasted  General  Put 
nam  held  the  command  at  New  York.  Mrs.  Washington, 
who  had  accompanied  him  to  New  York  and  had  since 
resided  there,  was  with  him  also  during  this  visit  to  Phila 
delphia.  They  were  invited  by  President  Hancock  to  be 
his  guests  during  their  stay.  In  a  letter  from  that  place 
to  his  brother,  John  Augustine,  already  quoted,  he  says: 
"  We  expect  a  very  bloody  summer  at  New  York  and 
Canada,  as  it  is  there,  I  presume,  the  grand  efforts  of  the 
enemy  will  be  aimed;  and  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  we  are 
not,  either  in  men  or  arms,  prepared  for  it.  However  it 
is  to  be  hoped  that,  if  our  cause  is  just,  as  I  do  most  re 
ligiously  believe  it  to  be,  the  same  Providence  which  has 
in  many  instances  appeared  for  us  will  still  go  on  to  afford 
its  aid." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  887 

There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  this  reliance  on 
Providence  was  the  constant  habit  of  Washington's  mind. 
It  would  seem  that  nothing  else  could  have  sustained  him 
under  the  tremendous  responsibilitise  and  emergencies  to 
which  he  was  subject.  It  is  equally  clear  that  relying  on 
Providence  under  his  severe  trials  never  induced  him  to 
relax  his  energy  or  vigilance.  The  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed  at  the  time  when  the  letter  above  quoted 
was  written  were  sufficiently  appalling  to  have  deterred 
any  one  who  had  not  deliberately  placed  his  whole  trust 
in  Providence,  for  he  had  already,  as  the  letter  shows, 
divined  the  real  purpose  of  the  British,  which  was  to  land 
an  overwhelming  force  at  New  York,  to  take  that  place, 
pass  up  the  Hudson  river,  and  meet  another  powerful 
army  already  dispatched  to  relieve  the  British  forces  in 
Canada,  thus  dividing  the  country  into  two  parts,  so  that 
it  might  be  easily  conquered  in  detail.  There  was  every 
human  probability  of  the  success  of  this  plan,  and  Wash 
ington  knew  it.  Yet  he  was  not  moved  for  an  instant 
from  that  serene  calmness  which  was  his  habitual  state  of 
mind.  Truly  he  was  a  man  who  put  his  trust  in  God. 

In  his  conferences  with  Congress  Washington  expressed 
the  opinion  that  no  acceptable  terms  would  be  offered  by 
the  British,  and  that  a  long  war  must  ensue,  which  would 
require  more  men  and  better  regulations.  Congress  ac 
cordingly  ordered  enlistments  for  the  regular  army  to  be 
made  for  three  years'  service,  with  a  bounty  of  $10  to  each 
soldier,  and  made  provision  for  reinforcements  of  militia 
and  the  building  of  gondolas  and  five  rafts  for  the  defense 
of  New  York  harbor. 

They  also  determined  on  a  plan  to  reinforce  the  army, 
by  bringing  into  the  field  a  new  species  of  troops  that 
would  be  more  permanent  than  the  common  militia  and 
yet  more  easily  raised  than  regulars.  With  this  view  they 


888  WASHINGTON. 

instituted  a  flying  camp,  to  consist  of  an  intermediate 
corps,  between  regular  soldiers  and  militia.  Ten  thou 
sand  men  were  called  for  from  the  States  of  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  Delaware,  to  be  in  constant  service  to  the 
first  day  of  the  ensuing  December.  Congress  at  the  same 
time  called  for  13,800  of  the  common  militia  from  Massa 
chusetts,  Connecticut,  New  York,  and  New  Jersey.  The 
men  for  forming  the  flying  camp  were  generally  procured, 
but  there  were  great  deficiencies  of  the  militia,  and  many 
of  those  who  obeyed  their  country's  call  so  far  as  to  turn 
out  manifested  a  reluctance  to  submit  to  the  necessary 
discipline  of  camps. 

The  difficulty  of  providing  the  troops  with  arms  while 
before  Boston  was  exceeded  by  the  superior  difficulty  of 
supplying  them  in  their  new  position.  By  the  returns  of 
the  garrison  at  Fort  Montgomery,  in  the  Highlands,  in 
April,  it  appeared  that  there  were  208  privates  and  only 
forty-one  guns  fit  for  us.  In  the  garrison  at  Fort  Con 
stitution  there  were  136  men  and  only  sixty-eight  guns 
fit  for  use.  Flints  were  also  much  wanted.  Lead  would 
have  been  equally  deficient  had  not  a  supply  for  the  mus 
ketry  been  obtained  by  stripping  dwelling-houses.* 

The  measures  necessary  to  remedy  these  deficiencies 
formed  a  subject  of  consultation  between  Washington  and 
Congress,  as  well  as  the  establishment  of  a  permanent 
board  of  war  and  ordnance,  composed  of  John  Adams, 
Colonel  Benjamin  Harrison,  Roger  Sherman,  Edward 
Rutledge,  and  James  Wilson,  who  were  henceforth  to  act 
instead  of  the  various  military  committees  of  Congress, 
who  had  hitherto  had  charge  of  military  affairs. 

On  Washington's  return  to  New  York  he  resumed 
preparations  for  receiving  the  enemy,  who  were  daily  ex- 

*  "  One  house,"  says  Gordon,  "  supplied  them  with  1,200  pounds 
and  another  with  1,000  pounds." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  889 

pected  to  arrive  with  a  fleet  and  a  powerful  army.  He  was 
also  under  the  necessity  of  attending  to  the  various  opera 
tions  of  the  Tories,  who  infested  the  province  of  New  York 
to  a  fearful  extent. 

Mr.  Sparks  gives  an  account  of  the  plots  of  these  Tories, 
Governor  Tryon  being  the  mainspring  of  all  their  move 
ments.  Washington,  after  a  great  deal  of  urgency,  got  Con 
gress  to  appoint  a  secret  committee  to  take  up  and  examine 
suspected  persons.  It  is  true  that  this  was  a  dangerous  re 
sponsibility  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  any  man,  but  the 
necessity  of  the  case  demanded  some  action.  The  Tories 
were  bound  to  take  one  side  or  the  other  in  the  questions 
at  issue;  open  enmity  could  be  met,  but  they  who  wished 
to  be  considered  neutrals  while  they  covertly  aided  and 
gave  intelligence  to  the  enemy  could  not  be  suffered  to 
remain  in  a  position  which  gave  them  every  advantage 
over  the  patriots  and  their  cause.  The  power  of  appre 
hending  the  Tories  had  wisely  been  put  into  the  hands  of 
the  civil  authority  of  each  Colony,  and  the  conventions, 
assemblies,  and  committees  were  authorized  to  employ, 
when  they  thought  it  necessary  for  the  purpose,  a  militia 
force  from  the  Continental  army.  "  Many  Tories  were 
apprehended  in  New  York  and  on  Long  Island;  some 
were  imprisoned;  others  disarmed.  A  deep  plot,  originat 
ing  with  Governor  Tryon,  was  defeated  by  a  timely  and 
fortunate  discovery.  His  agents  were  found  enlisting  men 
in  the  American  camp  and  enticing  them  with  rewards. 
The  infection  spread  to  a  considerable  extent  and  even 
reached  the  General's  guard,  some  of  whom  enlisted.  A 
soldier  of  the  guard  was  proved  guilty  by  a  court-martial 
and  executed.  It  was  a  part  of  the  plot  to  seize  General 
Washington  and  convey  him  to  the  enemy."* 

The  rumors  of  these  proceedings  were  spread  through 

*  Sparks,  "  Life  of  Washington,"  p.  169. 


890  WASHINGTON. 

the  country  and  occasioned  no  small  degree  of  indignation 
and  alarm.  Indeed  the  danger  to  the  cause  of  freedom 
by  the  machinations  of  the  Tories  was  real  and  imminent. 

In  this  crisis  of  particular  danger  the  people  of  New 
York  acted  with  spirit.  Though  they  knew  they  were  to 
receive  the  first  impression  of  the  British  army,  yet  their 
convention  resolved:  "  That  all  persons  residing  within 
the  State  of  New  York  and  claiming  protection  from  its 
laws  owed  it  allegiance,  and  that  any  person  owing  it  alle 
giance  and  levying  war  against  the  State,  or  being  an 
adherent  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  should  be  deemed 
guilty  of  treason  and  suffer  death."  They  also  resolved: 
"  That  one-fourth  of  the  militia  of  Westchester,  Dutchess, 
and  Orange  counties  should  be  forthwith  drawn  out  for 
the  defense  of  the  liberties,  property,  wives,  and  children 
of  the  good  people  of  the  State,  to  be  continued  in  service 
till  the  last  day  of  December,"  and  "  that  as  the  inhabitants 
of  King's  county  had  determined  not  to  oppose  the  enemy, 
a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  au 
thenticity  of  these  reports,  and  to  disarm  and  secure  the 
disaffected,  to  remove  or  destroy  the  stock  of  grain,  and 
if  necessary  to  lay  the  whole  country  waste." 

The  fleet  and  army  daily  expected  to  arrive  when  Wash 
ington  returned  from  Philadelphia  were  formidable,  even 
had  he  been  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  and  well-appointed 
army. 

The  command  of  the  force  which  was  designed  to 
operate  against  New  York  was  given  to  Admiral  Lord 
Howe,  and  his  brother,  Sir  William,*  officers  who,  as  well 
from  their  personal  characters  as  the  known  bravery  of 
their  family,  stood  high  in  the  confidence  of  the  British 

*  Sir  William  Howe  was  the  same  officer  who  had  held  the  com 
mand  in  Boston  after  Gage's  recall. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  891 

Nation.  To  this  service  was  allotted  a  very  powerful 
army,  consisting  of  about  30,000  men.  This  force  was 
far  superior  to  anything  that  America  had  heretofore  seen. 
The  troops  were  amply  provided  with  artillery,  military 
stores,  and  warlike  materials  of  every  kind,  and  were  sup 
ported  by  a  numerous  fleet.  The  Admiral  and  General, 
in  addition  to  their  military  powers,  were  appointed  com 
missioners  for  restoring  peace  to  the  Colonies. 

General  Howe,  having  in  vain  waited  two  months  at 
Halifax  for  his  brother  and  the  expected  reinforcements 
from  England,  impatient  of  further  delays,  sailed  from  that 
harbor  with  the  force  which  he  had  previously  commanded 
in  Boston,  and  directing  his  course  toward  New  York 
arrived  in  the  latter  end  of  June  (1776)  off  Sandy  Hook. 
Admiral  Lord  Howe,  with  part  of  the  reinforcement  from 
England,  arrived  at  Halifax  soon  after  his  brother's  de 
parture.  Without  dropping  anchor  he  followed,  but  did 
not  arrive  at  Staten  Island  till  about  the  middle  of  July. 
The  British  General,  on  his  approach,  found  every  part 
of  New  York  island  and  the  most  exposed  parts  of  Long 
Island  fortified  and  well  defended  by  artillery. 

About  fifty  British  transports  anchored  near  Staten 
Island,  which  had  not  been  so  much  the  object  of  Wash-! 
ington's  attention.  The  inhabitants  of  the  island,  either 
from  fear,  policy,  or  affection  expressed  great  joy  on  the 
arrival  of  the  royal  forces.  General  Howe  was  there  met 
by  Tryon  and  by  several  of  the  loyalists,  who  had  taken 
refuge  with  him  in  an  armed  vessel.  He  was  also  joined 
by  about  sixty  persons  from  New  Jersey,  and  200  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Staten  Island  were  embodied  as  a  royal 
militia.  From  these  appearances  great  hopes  were  in 
dulged  that  as  soon  as  the  army  was  in  a  condition  to 
penetrate  into  the  country  and  protect  the  loyalists  such 


WASHINGTON. 

numbers  would  flock  to  their  standard  as  would  facilitate 
the  attainment  of  the  objects  of  the  campaign. 

Washington,  knowing  that  the  force  already  arrived  - 
forty  ships,  with  between  9,000  and  io,v.oo  troops  —  was 
only  the  vanguard  of  the  still  greater  force  expected  to 
arrive  under  Admiral  Lord  Howe,  took  immediate  steps 
to  strengthen  his  army.  He  called  on  Congress  for  a  rein 
forcement  from  Massachusetts,  to  consist  of  five  regiments 
of  regular  soldiers,  whose  place  should  be  supplied  in  Bos 
ton  by  calling  in  militia,  and  for  the  formation  of  a  flying 
camp  to  be  stationed  in  New  Jersey,  ready  to  act  on  any 
emergency. 

On  the  2d  of  July  (1776)  he  issued  one  of  those  general 
orders  with  which  he  was  accustomed  to  address  the  army 
in  lieu  of  what  the  French  call  a  "  military  allocution/'  In 
it  he  called  upon  the  soldiers  to  prepare  for  the  coming 
contest,  on  which  their  liberty  and  safety  depended ;  prom 
ised  rewards  to  the  brave  and  patriotic,  and  threatened 
punishment  to  those  who  should  refuse  or  neglect  to  do 
their  duty.* 

The  contest  was  indeed  approaching,  and  at  this  very 
moment  Congress  was  preparing  to  throw  down  the  gaunt 
let  of  defiance  in  good  earnest.  We  have  already  noticed 
the  spirited  action  of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  with  Wash 
ington's  own  commentary  on  it.  Since  that  action  Con 
gress  had  received  from  a  majority  of  the  Colonies  which 
it  represented  either  urgent  entreaties  or  deliberate  con 
sent  and  authority  to  the  dissolution  of  all  further  political 
connection  with  Great  Britain. 

*  These  general  orders  are  characteristic  of  Washington's  mod 
esty  and  aversion  to  display.  Napoleon  and  Jackson,  on  similar 
occasions,  had  recourse  to  a  speech.  Of  course  it  is  impossible 
for  a  numerous  army  to  hear  a  speech,  so  the  paper  is  published 
and  distributed  as  the  General's  speech. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  803 

The  New  Hampshire  spirit  had  found  expression  before 
the  middle  of  June,  1776,  in  the  following  document: 

DECLARATION    OF    INDEPENDENCE   BY    NEW 
HAMPSHIRE  IN  1776. 

IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  JUNE  II,   1776. 

"  Voted,  That  Samuel  Curtis,  Timothy  Walker,  and  John 
Dudley,  Esquires,  be  a  committee  of  this  House  to  join  a 
committee  of  the  Honorable  Board,  to  make  a  draft  of  a 
Declaration  of  this  General  Assembly  for  INDEPENDENCE 
of  the  united  colonies  on  Great  Britain. 

"JUNE  15,  1776. 

"  The  committee  of  both  houses,  appointed  to  prepare 
a  draft  setting  forth  the  sentiments  and  opinion  of  the 
Council  and  Assembly  of  this  colony  relative  to  the  united 
colonies  setting  up  an  independent  State,  make  report  as 
on  file  —  which  report  being  read  and  considered, 

"  Voted  unanimously,  That  the  report  of  said  committee 
be  received  and  accepted,  and  that  the  draft  by  them 
brought  in  be  sent  to  our  delegates  at  the  Continental 
Congress  forthwith  as  the  sense  of  the  House. 

"  The  draft  made  by  the  committee  of  both  houses,  re 
lating  to  independency,  and  voted  as  the  sense  of  this 
House,  is  as  follows,  viz.: 

"  Whereas  it  now  appears  an  undoubted  fact,  that  not 
withstanding  all  the  dutiful  petitions  and  decent  remon 
strances  from  the  American  colonies,  and  the  utmost  ex 
ertions  of  their  best  friends  in  England  on  their  behalf,  the 
British  ministry,  arbitrary  and  vindictive,  are  yet  deter 
mined  to  reduce  by  fire  and  sword  our  bleeding  country 
to  their  absolute  obedience;  and,  for  this  purpose,  in  addi 
tion  to  their  own  forces,  have  engaged  great  numbers  of 
foreign  mercenaries,  who  may  now  be  on  their  passage 


894  WASHINGTON. 

here,  accompanied  by  a  formidable  fleet  to  ravish  and  plun 
der  the  sea-coast;  from  all  which  we  may  reasonably  ex 
pect  the  most  dismal  scenes  of  distress  the  ensuing  year, 
unless  we  exert  ourselves  by  every  means  and  precaution 
possible;  and  whereas  we  of  this  colony  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  have  the  example  of  several  of  the  most  respectable 
of  our  sister  colonies  before  us  for  entering  upon  that 
most  important  step  of  disunion  from  Great  Britain,  and 
declaring  ourselves  free  and  independent  of  the  crown 
thereof,  being  impelled  thereto  by  the  most  violent  and 
injurious  treatment;  and  it  appearing  absolutely  necessary 
in  this  most  critical  juncture  of  our  public  affairs,  that  the 
Honorable  the  Continental  Congress,  who  have  this  imj- 
portant  object  under  immediate  consideration,  should  be 
also  informed  of  our  resolutions  thereon  without  loss  of 
time; — we  do  hereby  declare,  that  it  is  the  opinion  of  this 
Assembly  that  our  delegates  at  the  Continental  Congress 
should  be  instructed,  and  they  are  hereby  instructed,  to 
join  with  the  other  colonies  in  declaring  the  thirteen  united 
colonies  a  free  and  independent  state, —  solemnly  pledging 
our  faith  and  honor,  that  we  will  on  our  parts  support  the 
measure  with  our  lives  and  fortunes, —  and  that  in  conse 
quence  thereof  they,  the  Continental  Congress,  on  whose 
wisdom,  fidelity,  and  integrity  we  rely,  may  enter  into  and 
form  such  alliances  as  they  may  judge  most  conducive  to 
the  present  safety  and  future  advantage  of  these  American 
colonies;  provided,  the  regulation  of  our  internal  police  be 
under  the  direction  of  our  own  Assembly. 
"  Entered  according  to  the  original. 
"Attest,  NOAH  EMERY,  Clr.  D.  Reps." 

Connecticut,  under  Governor  Jonathan  Trumbull,  was 
in  the  very  front  of  unhesitating,  energetic,  and  effective 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  895 

patriotism.  As  early  as  1769  Trumbull  had  been  chosen 
Governor,  and  he  was  the  only  colonial  Governor  who 
espoused  the  popular  cause  in  the  struggle  of  the  Colonies 
against  the  Crown.  He  had,  in  1768,  refused  to  take  the 
oath  required,  of  officers  of  the  Crown,  and  from  that  mo 
ment  he  stood  conspicuous  as  a  foremost  leader  of  colonial 
aspiration  for  liberty.  To  Washington,  when  he  came  to 
New  England  to  conduct  from  Cambridge  the  operations 
initiated  at  Bunker  Hill,  Trumbull  was  for  counsel  and 
conduct  a  chief  dependence.  On  one  early  occasion,  at  a 
council  of  war,  amid  great  uncertainties  as  to  preparation  to 
meet  an  expected  British  attack,  Washington  said:  "We 
must  consult  Brother  Jonathan."  It  grew  to  be  a  com 
mon  expression  among  the  officers,  and  gave  origin  to  the 
use  of  "  Brother  Jonathan  "  to  signify  the  personified  coun 
try,  the  typical  America.  In  the  days  that  tried  men's 
souls,  Gov.  Jonathan  Trumbull  was  in  the  van  of  courage 
and  confidence,  so  much  so  that  he  got  out  a  Declaration 
of  Independence  earlier  than  that  issued  by  the  Continental 
Congress.  This  instrument,  which  has  not  become  im 
mortal,  but  deserves  to  be  so,  was  in  the  form  of  a  procla 
mation  issued  by  Gov.  Jonathan  Trumbull,  "  with  the  ad 
vice  of  the  Council  and  at  the  desire  of  the  Representatives 
in  General  Court  assembled,"  on  June  18,  1776,  sixteen 
days  before  the  better-known  Declaration  of  Philadelphia 
was  adopted.  Governor  Trumbull's  paper  so  nearly  cov 
ered  the  ground  taken  by  the  Philadelphia  instrument  that 
when  the  latter  arrived  in  Hartford,  on  July  I2th,  the  Gov 
ernor  and  Council  declined  to  publish  it  for  the  reason  that 
it  would  be  supererogatory;  and  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  for  this  reason,  never  was  published  in  Connec 
ticut.  Dr.  Charles  J.  Hoadley,  State  Librarian  of  Con 
necticut,  in  his  fifteenth  and  last  volume  of  the  "  Colonial 


896  WASHINGTON. 

Records  of  Connecticut,"  recently  issued,  publishes  the 
paper  entire  from  a  contemporary  broadside.*  It  is  as 
follows : 

"  By  the  Honorable 

"JONATHAN  TRUMBULL  Esq 

"  Governor  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  English  Colony 
of  Connecticut  in  New  England. 

"  A   PROCLAMATION 

"  The  Race  of  Mankind  was  made  in  a  State  of  Inno 
cence  and  Freedom  subjected  only  to  the  Laws  of  God 
the  Creator,  and  through  his  rich  Goodness,  designed  for 
virtuous  liberty  and  Happiness,  here  and  for  ever;  and 
when  moral  Evil  was  introduced  into  the  World,  and  Man 
had  corrupted  his  Ways  before  God,  Vice  and  Iniquity 
came  in  like  a  Flood  and  Mankind  became  exposed,  and 
a  prey  to  the  Violence,  Injustice  and  Oppression  of  one 
another.  God  in  great  Mercy  inclined  his  People  to  form 
themselves  into  Society,  and  to  set  up  and  establish  civil 
Government  for  the  Protection  and  security  of  their  Lives 
and  Properties  from  the  Invasion  of  wicked  men.  But 
through  Pride  and  ambition  the  Kings  and  Princes  of 
the  World  appointed  by  the  People  the  Guardians  of  their 
Lives  and  Liberties,  early  and  almost  universally  degene 
rated  into  Tyrants,  and  by  Fraud  or  Force  betrayed  and 
wrested  out  of  their  hands  the  very  Rights  and  Properties 
they  were  appointed  to  protect  and  defend.  But  a  small 
part  of  the  Human  Race  maintained  and  enjoyed  any  tol 
erable  Degree  of  Freedom.  Among  those  happy  few,  the 
nation  of  Great  Britain  was  distinguished  by  a  Constitu 
tion  of  Government  wisely  framed  and  modelled  to  support 

*  New  York  "  Evening  Post,"  July  4,  1890. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  897 

the  Dignity  and  Power  of  the  Prince,  for  the  protection  of 
the  Rights  of  the  People,  and  under  which  that  Country 
in  long  succession  enjoyed  great  Tranquillity  and  Peace, 
though  not  unattended  with  repeated  and  powerful  efforts, 
by  many  of  its  haughty  Kings,  to  destroy  the  Constitu 
tional  Rights  of  the  People,  and  establish  arbitrary  Power 
and  Dominion.  In  one  of  those  convulsive  struggles  our 
Forefathers,  having  suffered  in  that  their  native  Country 
great  and  variety  of  Injustice  and  Oppression,  left  their 
dear  Connections  and  Enjoyments,  and  fled  to  this  then 
inhospitable  land  to  secure  a  lasting  retreat  from  civil  and 
religious  Tyranny. 

"  The  God  of  Heaven  favored  and  prospered  this  Under 
taking  —  made  room  for  their  settlement  —  increased  and 
multiplied  them  to  a  very  numerous  People  and  inclined 
succeeding  Kings  to  indulge  them  and  their  children  for 
many  years  the  unmolested  Enjoyment  of  the  Freedom  and 
Liberty  they  fled  to  inherit.  But  an  unnatural  King  has 
risen  up  —  violated  his  sacred  Obligations  and  by  the  Ad 
vice  of  Evil  Counsellors  attempted  to  wrest  from  us,  their 
children  the  Sacred  Rights  we  justly  claim  and  which  have 
been  ratified  and  established  by  solemn  Compact  with,  and 
recognized  by  his  Predecessors  and  Fathers,  Kings  of 
Great  Britain  —  laid  upon  us  Burdens  too  heavy  and  griev 
ous  to  be  borne  and  issued  many  cruel  and  oppressive 
Edicts,  depriving  us  of  our  natural,  lawful,  and  most  im 
portant  Rights,  and  subjecting  us  to  the  absolute  Power 
and  Controul  of  himself  and  the  British  Legislature ;  against 
which  we  have  sought  Relief,  by  humble,  earnest  and  duti 
ful  Complaints  and  Petitions:  But,  instead  of  obtaining 
Redress  our  Petitions  have  been  treated  with  Scorn  and 
Contempt,  and  fresh  Injuries  heaped  upon  us  while  hostile 
armies  and  ships  are  sent  to  lay  waste  our  Country.  In 
this  distressing  Dilemma,  having  no  Alternative  but  abso- 
57 


898  WASHINGTON. 

lute  Slavery  or  successful  Resistance,  this,  and  the  United 
American  Colonies  have  been  constrained  by  the  over 
ruling  laws  of  Self  Preservation  to  take  up  Arms  for  the 
Defence  of  all  that  is  sacred  and  dear  to  Freemen,  and 
make  this  solemn  Appeal  to  Heaven  for  the  Justice  of  their 
Cause,  and  resist  Force  by  Force. 

"  God  Almighty  has  been  pleased  of  his  infinite  Mercy 
to  succeed  our  Attempts,  and  give  us  many  Instances  of 
signal  Success  and  Deliverance.  But  the  wrath  of  the 
King  is  still  increasing,  and  not  content  with  before  em 
ploying  all  the  Force  which  can  be  sent  from  his  own 
Kingdom  to  execute  his  cruel  Purposes,  has  procured, 
and  is  sending  all  the  Mercenaries  he  can  obtain  from  for 
eign  countries  to  assist  in  extirpating  the  Rights  of 
America,  and  with  theirs  almost  all  the  liberty  remaining 
among  Mankind. 

"  In  this  most  critical  and  alarming  situation,  this  and 
all  the  Colonies  are  called  upon  and  earnestly  pressed  by 
the  Honorable  Congress  of  the  American  Colonies  united 
for  mutual  defence,  to  raise  a  large  additional  number  of 
their  militia  and  able  men  to  be  furnished  and  equipped 
with  all  possible  Expedition  for  defence  against  the  soon 
expected  attack  and  invasion  of  those  who  are  our  Ene 
mies  without  a  Cause.  In  cheerful  compliance  with  which 
request  and  urged  by  Motives  the  most  cogent  and  im 
portant  that  can  affect  the  human  Mind,  the  General  As 
sembly  of  this  Colony  have  freely  and  unanimously  agreed 
and  resolved,  that  upwards  of  Seven  Thousand  able  and 
effective  Men  be  immediately  raised,  furnished  and  equip 
ped  for  the  great  and  interesting  Purposes  aforesaid.  And 
not  desirous  that  any  should  go  to  a  warfare  at  their  own 
charges  (though  equally  interested  with  others)  for  defence 
of  the  great  and  all-important  Cause  in  which  we  are  en 
gaged,  have  granted  large  and  liberal  Pay  and  Encourage- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  899 

ments  to  all  who  shall  voluntarily  undertake  for  the  De 
fence  of  themselves  and  their  country  as  by  their  acts  may 
appear,  I  do  therefore  by  and  with  the  advice  of  the  Coun 
sel,  and  at  the  desire  of  the  Representatives  in  General 
Court  assembled,  issue  this  PROCLAMATION,  and  make  the 
solemn  Appeal  to  the  Virtue  and  public  Spirit  of  the  good 
People  of  this  Colony.  Affairs  are  hastening  fast  to  a 
Crisis,  and  the  approaching  Campaign  will  in  all  Prob 
ability  determine  forever  the  fate  of  AMERICA.  If  this 
should  be  successful  on  our  side,  there  is  little  to  fear  on 
account  of  any  other.  Be  exhorted  to  rise  therefore  to 
superior  exertions  on  this  great  Occasion,  and  let  all  that 
are  able  and  necessary  show  themselves  ready  in  Behalf  of 
their  injured  and  oppressed  Country,  and  come  forth  to  the 
help  of  the  Lord  against  the  Mighty,  and  convince  the 
unrelenting  Tyrant  of  Britain  that  they  are  resolved  to  be 
Free.  Let  them  step  forth  to  defend  their  Wives,  their 
little  Ones,  their  Liberty,  and  everything  they  hold  sacred 
and  dear,  to  defend  the  Cause  of  their  Country,  their  Re 
ligion,  and  their  God.  Let  every  one  to  the  utmost  of 
their  Power  lend  a  helping  Hand,  to  promote  and  forward 
a  design  on  which  the  salvation  of  America  now  evidently 
depends.  Nor  need  any  be  dismayed:  the  Cause  is  cer 
tainly  a  just  and  a  glorious  one :  God  is  able  to  save  us  in 
such  way  manner  as  he  pleases  and  to  humble  our  proud 
Oppressors.  The  Cause  is  that  of  Truth  and  Justice;  he 
has  already  shown  his  Power  in  our  Behalf,  and  for  the 
Destruction  of  many  of  our  Enemies.  Our  Fathers  trusted 
in  him  and  were  delivered.  Let  us  all  repent  and  thoroughly 
amend  our  Ways  and  turn  to  him,  put  all  our  Trust  and 
Confidence  in  him  —  in  his  Name  go  forth,  and  in  his 
Name  set  up  our  Banners,  and  he  will  save  us  with  tem 
poral  and  eternal  salvation.  And  while  our  Armies  are 
abroad  jeoparding  their  lives  in  the  high  Places  of  the 


900  WASHINGTON. 

Field,*  let  all  who  remain  at  Home,  cry  mightily  to  God 
for  the  Protection  of  his  Providence  to  shield  and  defend 
their  lives  from  Death,  and  to  crown  them  with  victory 
and  success.  And  in  the  Name  of  the  said  General  As 
sembly  I  do  hereby  earnestly  recommend  it  to  all,  both 
Ministers  and  People  frequently  to  meet  together  for  social 
prayer  to  Almighty  God  for  the  outpouring  of  his  blessed 
Spirit  upon  this  guilty  land  —  That  he  would  awaken  his 
People  to  Righteousness  and  Repentance,  bless  our  Coun 
cils,  prosper  our  Arms  and  succeed  the  Measures  using 
for  our  necessary  self  defence  —  disappoint  the  evil  and 
cruel  Devices  of  our  Enemies  —  preserve  our  precious 
Rights  and  Liberties,  lengthen  out  our  Tranquility,  and 
make  us  a  People  of  his  Praise,  and  the  blessed  of  the 
Lord,  as  long  as  the  Sun  and  Moon  shall  endure. 

"And  all  the  Ministers  of  the  Gospel  in  this  Colony,  are 
directed  and  desired,  to  publish  this  Proclamation  in  their 
several  churches  and  congregations,  and  to  enforce  the 
Exhortations  thereof,  by  their  own  pious  Example  and 
public  instructions. 

"  Given  under  my  Hand  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Hart 
ford,  the  i&th  day  of  June  Anno  Domini  1776. 

"JONATHAN  TRUMBULL." 

One  or  two  of  the  provincial  assemblies  yet  refrained 
from  giving  any  explicit  directions  on  this  subject  to  their 
representatives;  the  directions  from  Maryland  were  lat 
terly  unfavorable  to  an  immediate  assertion  of  independ- 

*The  use  of  these  words  is  very  striking,  seeing  that  in  Gov 
ernor  Trumbull's  own  State  the  monument  now  standing,  opposite 
New  London,  in  honor  of  the  victims  of  the  massacre  of  Groton 
Heights,  bears  most  appropriately  the  entire  verse  (Judges  v.,  18). 
"  Zebulun  and  Naphtali  were  a  people  that  jeoparded  their  lives 
into  the  death  in  the  high  places  of  the  field." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  901 

ence,  and  those  from  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  were 
flatly  opposed  to  it. 

But  the  leading  partisans  of  independence  perceived  that 
the  season  had  arrived  when  this  great  design  must  be 
either  openly  espoused  or  definitively  abandoned;  they 
remarked  that,  in  general,  the  main  objections  that  were 
still  urged  against  it  applied  rather  to  the  time  than  to  the 
measure  itself,  and  they  were  convinced  that  in  every  one 
of  the  States  the  majority  of  the  people,  however  cred 
ulous  or  desirous  of  a  reconciliation  with  Britain,  would 
rather  repudiate  such  views  than  retain  them  in  opposition 
to  the  declared  and  general  policy  of  America. 

On  the  7th  of  June  (1776),  accordingly,  it  was  formally 
proposed  in  Congress  by  Richard  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia 
that  the  American  States  should  be  declared  free  and  in 
dependent.  This  proposition  induced  long  and  animated 
debates,  and  afforded  scope  to  the  largest  display  of  wis 
dom,  genius,  and  eloquence  in  the  discussion  of  a  ques 
tion  than  which  none  more  interesting  to  human  liberty 
and  happiness  was  ever  before  submitted  to  the  decision 
of  a  national  assembly. 

The  American  Congress,  in  its  original  composition, 
exhibiting  the  citizens  of  a  subordinate  commonwealth  in 
the  act  of  assuming  into  their  own  hands  the  reins  of  gov 
ernment  which  a  superior  state  had  previously  wielded 
over  them,  presented  a  spectacle  of  deep  and  stirring  in 
terest  to  human  nature  and  civilized  society.  Deliberating 
now  if  the  grand  conception  which  it  had  suggested  was 
to  be  despondingly  abandoned  or  resolutely  fulfilled,  it 
addressed  the  universal  sentiments  of  mankind  with  ex 
tended  interest  and  augmented  dignity.  While  European 
sovereigns  were  insulting  and  violating  every  sanction  and 
safeguard  of  national  right  and  human  liberty  by  the  in 
famous  partition  of  Poland,  a  revolutionary  principle  of 


902  WASHINGTON. 

nobler  nature  and  vindictive  destiny  was  developed  to  the 
earnest  and  wondering  eyes  of  the  world  in  America. 

A  very  ordinary  degree  of  knowledge  and  reflection 
may  enable  any  person  to  suggest  to  himself  the  princi 
pal  arguments  which  must  have  been  employed  in  the. 
conduct  of  this  solemn  and  important  debate;  but  no  au 
thentic  report  of  the  actual  discussion  has  been  transmit 
ted.  John  Adams,  who  supported  the  project  of  inde 
pendence,  and  Dickinson,  who  opposed  it,  were  acknowl 
edged  to  have  pre-eminently  distinguished  themselves  by 
their  rhetoric  and  ingenuity. 

Adams,  it  is  said,  forcibly  maintained  that  a  restoration 
of  union  and  harmony  between  Britain  and  America  was 
impossible;  that  military  conquest  alone  could  restore  the 
British  ascendency;  and  that  an  open  declaration  of  inde 
pendence  was  imperatively  required  to  harmonize  the 
views  of  the  Americans,  to  elevate  and  confirm  their  spirits 
in  an  inevitable  conflict,  and  to  enable  them  to  obtain  ef 
fectual  succor  from  foreign  powers.  Prudence  and  jus 
tice  alike  demanded  that  the  brave  men  who  had  taken 
arms  in  defense  of  their  country's  freedom  should  be  en 
abled  to  dismiss  the  apprehension  of  fighting  for  a  hollow 
and  precarious  reconciliation  and  a  return  to  the  yoke  of 
dependence. 

Dickinson  is  said  to  have  insisted  (and  very  plausibly, 
it  must  be  allowed)  that  an  instant  dissolution  of  the 
American  confederacy  would  be  produced  by  the  mere 
act  of  Great  Britain  in  withdrawing  her  fleets  and  armies 
at  the  present  juncture;  but  in  maintaining,  as  he  is  also 
reported  to  have  done,  that  the  same  breach  of  federal 
union,  aggravated  by  an  effervescence  of  popular  spirit 
incompatible  with  civil  order,  must  ensue  from  the  with- 
drawment  of  the  British  troops  at  a  later  period,  and  after 
a  prolonged  contest  and  the  excitation  of  furious  passion 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  903 

in  every  part  of  America,  he  disregarded  the  continued 
influence  of  that  bond  of  union  whose  initial  operation  he 
was  so  strongly  impressed  with,  and  undervalued  the  wis 
dom  and  virtue  which  his  countrymen  were  capable  of 
exerting  for  the  extinction  of  the  flames  of  revolutionary 
passions. 

Some  members  of  the  Congress  opposed  a  declaration 
of  independence  as  unwarrantable  or  premature;  and 
others,  for  awhile,  were  reluctantly  deterred  from  sup 
porting  it  by  the  instructions  of  their  constituents.  After 
the  discussion  had  been  protracted  for  nearly  a  month, 
during  which  interval  the  hesitation  or  opposition  of  a 
minority  of  the  States  was  overborne,  as  had  been  fore 
seen,  by  the  general  current  of  national  will  —  the  meas 
ure  proposed  by  Lee  was  approved  and  embraced  by  a 
vote  almost  unanimous  (July  2,  1776);  and  a  document, 
entitled  "  Declaration  of  the  Independence  of  the  Thirteen 
United  States  of  North  America,"  composed  by  Thomas 
Jefferson,  was  subscribed  (July  4,  1776)  by  all  the  mem 
bers  who  were  anxious  to  confront  the  danger  and  ac 
complish  the  glory  of  their  country. 

On  July  ist,  with  probably  fifty  members  present,  the 
delegates  from  New  York  having  explained  why  their  for 
mal  concurrence  could  not  be  then  given,  nine  Colonies 
voted  for  the  resolution  in  committee  of  the  whole,  Penn 
sylvania's  vote  failing  by  four  negative  to  three  affirmative ; 
Delaware's  by  one  to  one,  only  two  being  present,  and 
South  Carolina  going  wholly  negative.  On  the  report  to 
the  House  from  the  committee  of  the  whole,  made  by  Har 
rison,  action  by  the  House  was  put  off  to  the  next  day 
at  the  request  of  South  Carolina,  presented  by  Rutledge. 
July  2d,  by  the  staying  away  of  two  who  had  voted  nay  for 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  arrival  of  a  third  Delaware  mem 
ber  to  vote  aye,  and  the  conclusion  of  South  Carolina  to 


904  WASHINGTON. 

come  round,  twelve  Colonies  —  New  York  still  unable  to 
vote,  though  not  opposed  to  the  result  —  went  upon  the 
record  for  the  passage  of  the  resolution,  "  That  these 
United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  States;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  alle 
giance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  that  all  political  connec 
tion  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved." 

On  that  ist  of  July,  1776,  when  Congress  went  into 
committee  of  the  whole  "  to  take  into  consideration  the 
resolution  respecting  independency,"  —  Harrison  of  Vir 
ginia,  in  the  chair  —  and  John  Adams  had  made  "  his 
sudden,  impetuous,  unpremeditated  speech,"  on  "  the  jus 
tice,  the  necessity,  the  seasonableness,  and  the  advantages 
of  a  separation  from  Great  Britain,"  the  reply  of  Dickinson 
of  Pennsylvania,  justly  comprehended  the  effect  of  the 
Declaration  in  saying  that:  "A  Sovereignty  composed  of 
several  distinct  bodies  of  men,  not  subject  to  established 
Constitutions  and  not  combined  together  by  confirmed 
articles  of  union,  is  such  a  sovereignty  as  has  ever  ap 
peared."* 

John  Adams  wrote  at  the  end  of  this  great  day  of  de 
cision:  "When  I  look  back  to  1761,  and  run  through 
the  series  of  political  events,  the  chain  of  causes  and 
effects,  I  am  surprised  at  the  suddenness  as  well  as  great 
ness  of  this  revolution.  Britain  has  been  filled  with  folly 
and  America  with  wisdom.  It  is  the  will  of  heaven  that 
the  two  countries  should  be  sundered  forever;  it  may  be 
the  will  of  heaven  that  America  shall  suffer  calamities  still 
more  lasting  and  distresses  yet  more  dreadful.  The  2d 
day  of  July,  1776,  will  be  the  most  memorable  epocha  in 
the  history  of  America;  to  be  celebrated  by  succeeding 
generations  as  the  great  anniversary  festival,  commemo- 

*  Bancroft,  IV,  p.  437. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  905 

rated  as  the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devo 
tion  to  God  Almighty,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to 
the  other,  from  this  time  forward  forever  more." 

On  July  4th  no  one  signed  except  Hancock  as  Presi 
dent  of  Congress  and  Thompson  (who  was  not  a  delegate) 
as  secretary.  Inasmuch  as  of  the  States  that  voted  in 
favor  only  a  bare  majority  of  their  delegates  were  in  favor; 
New  York  and  Maryland  were  restricted  from  voting  in 
favor,  and  Deleware  and  Pennsylvania  were  divided,  it 
was  thought  best  to  adjourn  at  once  and  report  to  the 
several  Colonies.  Upon  reassembling  July  I5th  it  was 
found  that  all  present  were  in  favor  of  the  Declaration. 
The  vote  to  engross  on  parchment  and  have  all  sign 
passed  on  the  I9th  of  July.  The  New  York  restrictions 
had  been  recalled  July  9th,  giving  thirteen  New  York  votes. 
It  was  in  the  resolution  of  July  iQth,  declaring  "  The 
unanimous  declaration  of  the  thirteen  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,"  that  the  words  "  United 
States  of  America "  were  first  used.  The  actual  final 
signing  of  the  engrossed  declaration,  which  had  been 
voted  July  2d,  and  signed  for  official  attestion  July  4th, 
took  place  August  2d. 

"  The  Declaration,"  says  Bancroft,*  "  was  not  only  the 
announcement  of  the  birth  of  a  people,  but  the  establish 
ment  of  a  national  government;  a  most  imperfect  one, 
it  is  true,  but  still  a  government,  in  conformity  with  the 
limited  constitutional  powers  which  each  Colony  had  con 
ferred  upon  its  delegates  in  Congress.  *  *  *  The 
management  of  the  internal  police  and  government  was 
carefully  reserved  to  the  separate  States,  which  c©uld,  each 
for  itself,  enter  upon  the  career  of  domestic  reforms.  But 
the  States  were  not  independent  one  of  another;  the 
United  States  of  America,  presenting  themselves  to  man- 

*  IV,  p.  452. 


906  WASHINGTON. 

kind  as  one  people,  assumed  powers  over  war,  peace, 
foreign  alliances,  and  commerce." 

And  Frothingham's  "  Rise  of  the  Republic  "  specially 
notes  how  the  Declaration  assumed  what  the  Constitu 
tion  of  1787  finally  secured,  a  Nation  in  place  of  Con 
federate  Colonies.  Thus  he  says:*  "  The  sentiment  oi 
nationality  —  the  fresh  emotion  of  country  —  was  inspira 
tion  and  it  was  strength.  They  had  a  right  to  resist  as 
distinct  communities.  But  they  did  not  choose  this 
course.  They  strove  so  persistently  to  unite  in  general 
measures  of  resistance,  that  for  ten  years  union  was  the 
key  to  their  politics.  It  grew  to  be  a  conviction  that  a 
common  country  was  a  necessity;  and  when  they  came  to 
act  on  the  large  scale  of  assuming  national  powers,  they 
declared  their  independence  by  a  joint  act.  Hence  they 
became  one  nation.  The  Declaration  established  Union 
as  a  fundamental  law  by  the  side  of  the  old  law  of  diversity. 
The  Declaration  transformed  the  sentiment  of  nationality 
into  the  fact  of  nationality.  The  Declaration  announced 
to  the  world  the  fact  of  The  United  States  of  America, 
a  new  political  sovereignty.  The  Declaration  changed  the 
allegiance  of  the  individual  from  the  monarchy  to  the 
United  States." 

No  one  rejoiced  more  cordially  at  the  news  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  than  Washington.  He  had 
long  desired  it.  He  had  long  been  hampered,  almost 
paralyzed,  in  his  military  operations  by  the  anomalous  con 
dition  in  which  he  was  placed  as  the  Commander-in-Chief 
of  an  army  acting  against  a  sovereign  whose  allegiance 
had  not  been  openly  renounced.  His  action  would  now 
be  more  free,  his  position  completely  defined.  He  was 
henceforth  to  fight  for  a  free  and  independent  country. 

On  the  pth  of  July,  the  Declaration  by  Washington's 

*  Pp.  553-557- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  907 

order  was  read  at  the  head  of  each  brigade  of  the  army, 
and  was  received  by  the  soldiers  with  joyous  acclamations. 
In  the  general  order  of  the  day  he  said:  "The  General 
hopes  that  this  important  event  will  serve  as  a  fresh  in 
centive  to  every  officer  and  soldier,  to  act  with  fidelity  and 
courage,  as  knowing  that  now  the  peace  and  safety  of 
his  country  depend,  under  God,  solely  on  the  success  of 
our  arms;  and  that  he  is  now  in  the  service  of  a  State 
possessed  of  sufficient  power  to  reward  his  merit,  and 
advance  him  to  the  highest  honors  of  a  free  country." 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  a  number  of  the  people 
of  New  York,  in  order  to  complete  the  celebration  by  a 
significant  token,  pulled  down  a  leaden  statue  of  George 
III,  which  had  been  erected  on  the  Bowling  Green  in 
1770,  and  broke  it  to  pieces.  The  lead  of  which  it  was 
composed  was  subsequently  cast  into  bullets,  "  to  be  used 
in  the  cause  of  independence." 

Three  days  after  these  proceedings,  the  city  was  thrown 
into  great  alarm  (July  12,  1776).  Two  ships  from  the 
British  fleet,  the  Phoenix,  of  forty  guns,  and  the  Rose,  of 
twenty,  with  three  tenders,  taking  advantage  of  a  favor 
able  breeze  sailed  up  the  bay,  and  were  proceeding  up  the 
Hudson  river.  They  were  fired  upon  by  the  batteries  of 
the  city  and  those  on  the  opposite  Jersey  shore  at  Paulus 
Hook,  and  answered  with  broadsides.  They  passed  the 
forts  with  little  injury,  as  the  men  on  deck  were  protected 
by  ramparts  of  sandbags;  while  the  cannonade  spread 
terror  among  the  quiet  people  of  the  city,  who  were  appre 
hensive  of  a  general  attack. 

The  ships  went  up  the  Hudson  to  the  Tappan  sea  and 
Haverstraw  bay,  where  the  breadth  of  the  river  enabled 
them  to  anchor  without  being  molested  by  the  firing  from 
the  shore. 

Washington  apprehending  an  attack  on  Forts  Constitu- 


908  WASHINGTON. 

tion  and  Montgomery,  lately  erected  on  the  Hudson  river, 
sent  off  expresses  to  General  Mifflin,  who  commanded  the 
former,  and  to  the  New  York  convention,  then  in  session 
at  White  Plains,  apprising  them  of  the  danger.  Gen. 
George  Clinton  was  then  in  command  of  the  militia  of 
Orange  and  Ulster  counties.  To  him  Washington  sent  off 
another  dispatch,  urging  him  to  collect  a  force  for  the 
protection  of  the  Highlands,  a  request  which  that  active 
officer  had  already  more  than  anticipated  by  sending  rein 
forcements  to  Fort  Montgomery,  Fort  Constitution,  and 
the  Highlands. 

The  ships  remained  in  the  river  for  a  period  of  five 
weeks,  taking  soundings,  observing  the  positions  on  the 
shores,  and  communicating  secretly  with  the  Tories,  not 
withstanding  the  vigilance  of  the  garrisons  and  armed 
parties  on  shore,  by  whom  their  motions  were  watched. 
Their  real  object  was  to  make  observations  with  a  view- 
to  certain  future  objects  of  General  Howe,  which  were 
to  cut  off  communication  by  water  between  Washington's 
army  and  Canada,  and  between  the  city  and  country,  as 
well  as  to  communicate  with  the  Tories  and  encourage 
them  in  measures  of  hostility.  Before  their  return  to  the 
fleet,  one  of  the  tenders  was  destroyed  by  a  fire-shop,  under 
command  of  Captain  Thomas,  which  with  others,  had 
been  sent  up  the  river  by  Washington.* 

Meantime  (July  12,  1776),  Lord  Howe  arrived  at  Staten 
Island  and  joined  his  brother  with  a  powerful  fleet  and 
army.  Immediately  after  his  arrival  he  sent  ashore  a  flag  of 
truce  to  Amboy,  with  a  circular  letter,  together  with  a 
declaration  to  several  of  the  late  royal  Governors,  pre 
suming  them  to  be  still  in  power,  acquainting  them  with 
his  authority  as  commissioner  from  the  King,  and  the 
terms  proposed  for  reconciliation,  and  desiring  them  to 

*  Sparks,  "  Life  of  Washington,"  p.  170. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  909 

publish  the  same  as  generally  as  possible  for  the  informa 
tion  of  the  people.  The  declaration  and  letters  were  inter 
cepted  and  forwarded  to  Congress  by  General  Washing 
ton;  and  ordered  by  them  to  be  published  in  the  several 
newspapers,  that  the  inhabitants  might  be  informed  of  the 
terms  offered  by  Lord  Howe,  which  were  merely  offers 
of  pardon  and  favor  to  individuals,  or  whole  Colonies, 
who  would  return  to  their  allegiance  and  assist  in  "  re 
storing  tranquillity,"  that  is,  desert  the  cause  of  their 
country,  and  give  aid  and  comfort  to  its  enemies.  Con 
gress  was  perfectly  willing  to  make  known,  as  widely  as 
possible  these  terms,  with  the  expectation  of  which  the 
court  of  Britain  had  endeavored  to  amuse  and  disarm 
them;  and  that  the  few  who  were  still  suspended  by  a 
hope  founded  either  in  the  justice  or  moderation  of  the 
British  Government  might  be  convinced  that  the  valor 
alone  of  their  country  was  to  save  its  liberties. 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  Lord  Howe  was  sin 
cerely  anxious  for  peace.  He  addressed  a  note  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  to  whom  he  was  personally  well  known,  earnestly 
expressing  his  wishes  that  the  differences  between  the 
Americans  and  the  mother  country  might  be  amicably 
settled.  Franklin  in  his  reply  courteously  regretted  that 
he  had  crossed  the  Atlantic  on  an  errand  so  fruitless,  as 
to  expect  to  obtain  submission  from  his  countrymen.  "  It 
is  impossible,"  he  writes,  "  that  we  should  think  of  sub 
mission  to  a  government  that  has,  with  the  most  wanton 
barbarity  and  cruelty,  burnt  our  defenseless  towns  in  the 
midst  of  winter;  excited  the  savages  to  massacre  our 
peaceful  farmers,  and  our  slaves  to  murder  their  masters; 
and  is  now  bringing  foreign  mercenaries  to  deluge  our 
settlements  with  blood.  Long  did  I  endeavor,  with  un 
feigned  and  unwearied  zeal,  to  persevere  from  breaking 
that  fine  and  noble  china  vase,  the  British  empire;  for  I 


910  WASHINGTON. 

knew  that  being  once  broken,  the  separate  parts  could 
not  retain  even  their  share  of  the  strength  and  value  that 
existed  in  the  whole;  and  that  a  perfect  reunion  could 
scarce  ever  be  hoped  for."  In  conclusion  he  says,  "  I 
know  your  great  motive  in  coming  hither  was  the  hope 
of  being  instrumental  in  a  reconciliation;  and  I  believe 
when  you  find  that  to  be  impossible  on  any  terms  given 
you  to  propose,  you  will  then  relinquish  so  odious  a  com 
mand  and  return  to  a  more  honorable  private  station." 

Failing  in  these  efforts,  the  commissioners  next  at 
tempted  to  open  a  communication  with  Washington,  whom 
they  addressed  as  George  Washington,  Esq.;  but  as  they 
were  not  prepared  to  acknowledge  the  official  position 
and  station  of  the  Commander-in-Chief,  a  difficulty  at  once 
arose.  Washington  never  suffered  the  slightest  deviation 
from  exact  propriety  in  all  his  public  relations.  The 
commissioners,  anxious  to  accomplish  something,  next 
had  recourse  to  an  expedient  by  which  they  hoped  to 
obviate  all  difficulty;  they  changed  the  address  of  their 
letter  for  the  superscription  following:  To  George  Wash 
ington,  etc.,  etc.  Adjutant-General  Patterson  was  sent  with 
this  dispatch.  Being  introduced  to  Washington,  he  gave 
him  in  conversation  the  title  of  Excellency.  The  General 
received  him  with  great  politeness,  but  at  the  same  time 
with  much  dignity.  The  adjutant  expressed  himself 
greatly  concerned,  on  behalf  of  his  principals,  on  account 
of  the  difficulties  that  had  arisen  about  the  superscription 
of  the  letter,  assured  him  (of  their  high  regard  for  his 
personal  character,  and  that  they  had  no  intention  to 
undervalue  his  rank.  It  was  hoped  therefore  that  the 
et  ceteras,  being  in  use  between  ambassadors,  when  they 
were  not  perfectly  agreed  upon  points  of  etiquette,  would 
remove  all  obstructions  to  their  mutual  intercourse. 

Washington  answered  that  a  letter  written  to  a  person 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  911 

invested  with  a  public  character  should  specify  it,  other 
wise  it  could  not  be  distinguished  from  a  private  letter; 
that  it  was  true  the  et  ceteras  implied  everything;  but  it 
was  no  less  true  that  they  implied  anything;  and  that  as 
to  himself,  he  would  never  consent  to  receive  any  letter, 
relating  to  public  affairs,  that  should  be  directed  to  him, 
without  a  designation  of  his  rank  and  office.  Patterson 
requested  that  this  question  might  be  waived;  and  turned 
the  conversation  upon  prisoners  of  war.  He  expatiated 
in  magnificent  terms  upon  the  goodness  and  clemency 
of  the  King,  who  had  chosen  for  negotiators  Lord  and 
General  Howe.  He  affirmed  that  their  desire  to  terminate 
the  differences  which  had  arisen  between  the  two  peoples 
was  as  earnest  as  their  powers  were  ample;  and  that  he 
hoped  the  General  would  consider  this  visit  as  the  first 
step  toward  it.  Washington  replied  that  he  was  not 
authorized  to  negotiate;  but  that  it  did  not  appear  that 
the  powers  of  the  commissioners  consisted  in  any  more 
than  in  granting  pardons;  that  America,  not  having  com 
mitted  any  offense,  asked  for  no  forgiveness,  and  was  only 
defending  her  unquestionable  rights.  Patterson  remarked 
that  this  subject  would  open  too  vast  a  field  of  discussion. 
He  expressed  his  acknowledgments  for  the  favor  done 
him,  in  omitting  the  usual  ceremony  of  blinding  his  eyes 
when  passing  the  Americans'  works.  Washington  invited 
him  to  partake  of  a  collation,  and  he  was  introduced  to  the 
general  officers.  After  many  compliments  and  polite  ex 
pressions,  and  repeating  his  regrets  that  a  strict  observa 
tion  of  formalities  should  interrupt  the  course  of  so  im 
portant  an  affair,  he  took  leave  of  Washington  and  with 
drew.  This  conference  thus  remained  without  result  and 
all  thoughts  were  again  turned  toward  hostilities.  Con 
gress  were  perfectly  aware,  on  the  one  hand,  of  the  shame 
they  must  incur  by  departing  from  the  resolution  so 


912  WASHINGTON. 

recently  taken  of  asserting  independence,  and  they  feared 
on  the  other  that  the  propositions  of  England  might 
contain  -some  secret  poison.  They  caused  an  exact  relation 
to  be  printed  of  the  interview  between  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  and  the  English  Adjutant-General. 

At  this  time  of  imminent  danger,  Washington  had  the 
grief  and  mortification  to  learn  that  dissensions  were 
breaking  out  among  the  different  portions  of  the  army, 
which  threatened  the  most  serious  consequences.  The 
officers,  coming  from  various  parts  of  the  country,  were 
jealous  of  each  other,  and  openly  expressed  themselves  in 
terms  so  disrespectful  as  necessarily  to  produce  a  very  bad 
state  of  feeling  toward  each  other,  which  spread  also 
among  the  soldiers  to  such  an  extent  as  to  excite  an  appre 
hension  of  actual  collision  between  the  different  corps. 
Washington  foreseeing  all  the  evils  which  would  inevitably 
result  from  such  a  state  of  things  had  recourse  to  per 
suasion  and  reprimand.  In  a  general  order  he  thus  ad 
dressed  the  army: 

"The  General  most  earnestly  entreats  the  officers  and 
soldiers  to  consider  the  consequences;  that  they  can  no 
way  assist  our  enemies  more  effectually  than  by  making 
divisions  among  ourselves;  that  the  honor  and  success  of 
the  army,  and  the  safety  of  our  bleeding  country,  depend 
upon  harmony  and  good  agreement  with  each  other;  that 
the  provinces  are  all  united  to  oppose  the  common  enemy, 
and  all  distinctions  sunk  in  the  name  of  an  American.  To 
make  this  name  honorable  and  to  preserve  the  liberty  of 
our  country  ought  to  be  our  only  emulation;  and  he  will 
be  the  best  soldier  and  the  best  patriot,  who  contributes 
most  to  this  glorious  work,  whatsoever  his  station,  or 
from  whatever  part  of  the  continent  he  may  come.  Let 
all  distinctions  of  nations,  countries,  and  provinces  be  lost 
in  the  generous  contest,  who  shall  behave  with  the  most 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  913 

courage  against  the  enemy,  and  the  most  kindness  and 
good  humor  to  each  other.  If  there  be  any  officers  or 
soldiers  so  lost  to  virtue  and  a  love  of  their  country  as  to 
continue  in  these  practices  after  this  order,  the  General 
assures  them  and  is  authorized  by  Congress  to  declare  to 
the  whole  army  that  such  persons  shall  be  severely  pun 
ished  and  dismissed  from  the  service  with  disgrace." 

This  order  produced  a  marked  effect  from  the  habitual 
reverence  ever  felt  for  Washington  by  the  army.  But 
the  evil  was  never  wholly  eradicated.  Throughout  the 
war  it  was  deemed  important  to  keep  the  troops  from 
each  State  together,  and  place  them  under  the  command 
of  general  officers  from  their  own  part  of  the  country. 

The  reinforcements  to  the  British  army,  of  whom  about 
450  had  been  captured  by  the  Americans  cruisers,  were 
now  arriving  daily  from  Europe;  and  General  Howe  had 
also  been  joined  by  the  troops  from  Charleston.  His 
strength  was  now  estimated  at  24,000  men. 

To  this  army,  alike  formidable  for  its  numbers,  its  dis 
cipline,  and  its  equipments,  aided  in  its  operations  by  a 
numerous  fleet,  and  conducted  by  commanders  of  skill 
and  experience,  Washington  had  to  oppose  a  force  un 
stable  in  its  nature,  incapable  from  its  structure  of  receiv 
ing  discipline,  and  inferior  to  its  enemy  in  numbers,  in 
arms,  and  in  every  military  equipment.  It  consisted,  when 
General  Howe  landed  on  Staten  Island,  of  10,000  men, 
who  were  much  enfeebled  by  sickness.  The  diseases  which 
always  afflict  new  troops  were  increased  by  exposure  to 
the  rain  and  night  air  without  tents.  In  consequence  of 
Washington's  earnest  representations  to  Congress,  some 
regiments  stationed  in  the  different  States  were  ordered  to 
join  him;  and  in  addition  to  the  requisitions  of  men  to 
serve  until  December  —  requisitions  not  yet  complied  with 
—  the  neighboring  militia  were  called  into  service  for  the 
58 


914  WASHINGTON. 

exigency  of  the  moment.  Yet  in  a  letter  written  to  Con 
gress  on  the  8th  of  August  (1776),  he  stated  that  "  for  the 
several  posts  on  New  York,  Long  and  Governor's  Islands, 
and  Paulus  Hook,  the  army  consisted  of  only  17,225  men, 
of  whom  3,668  were  sick;  and  that  to  repel  an  immediate 
attack,  he  could  count  certainly  on  no  other  addition  to 
his  numbers  than  a  battalion  from  Maryland,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Smallwood."* 

The  army  was  rendered  the  more  inadequate  to  its  ob 
jects  by  being  necessarily  divided  for  the  defense  of  posts, 
some  of  which  were  fifteen  miles  distant  from  others,  with 
navigable  waters  between  them.  "  These  things,"  con 
tinued  the  letter,  "  are  melancholy,  but  they  are  neverthe 
less  true.  I  hope  for  better.  Under  every  disadvantage 
my  utmost  exertions  shall  be  employed  to  bring  about 
the  great  end  we  have  in  view;  and  so  far  as  I  can  judge 
from  the  professions  and  apparent  dispositions  of  my 
troops,  I  shall  have  their  support.  The  superiority  of  the 
enemy  and  the  expected  attack  do  not  seem  to  have  de 
pressed  their  spirits.  These  considerations  lead  me  to 
think  that  though  the  appeal  may  not  terminate  so  happily 
as  I  could  wish,  yet  the  enemy  will  not  succeed  in  their 
views  without  considerable  loss.  Any  advantage  they  may 
gain  I  trust  will  cost  them  dear." 

Soon  after  this  letter  the  army  was  reinforced  by  Small- 
wood's  regiment  and  by  two  regiments  from  Pennsylvania, 
with  a  body  of  New  England  and  New  York  militia,  which 

*  Most  of  the  Continental  troops  were  without  uniforms.  In 
the  Connecticut  regiments  the  officers  were  distinguished  from 
the  men  only  by  wearing  cockades  in  their  hats.  But  the  battalion 
from  Maryland  under  Colonel  Smallwood,  composed  of  young  men 
from  rich  families,  wore  an  elegant  uniform  of  scarlet  and  bluff, 
which  contrasted  strongly  with  the  homespun  apparel  of  many  of 
the  Eastern  troops.  The  army  had  no  cavalry,  a  deficiency  which 
was  severely  felt  in  the  battle  of  Long  Island. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  915 

increased  it  to  27,000  men,  of  whom  one-fourth  were 
sick. 

A  part  of  the  army  was  stationed  on  Long  Island  under 
the  command  of  Major-General  Sullivan,  who  had  been 
ordered  to  this  point  in  consequence  of  the  illness  of  Gen 
eral  Greene.  The  residue  occupied  different  stations  on 
York  Island,  except  two  small  detachments,  one  on  Gov 
ernor's  Island,  and  the  other  at  Paulus  Hook,  and  except 
a  part  of  the  New  York  militia  under  General  Clinton, 
who  were  stationed  on 'the  Sound,  toward  New  Rochelle, 
and  about  East  and  West  Chester,  in  order  to  oppose  any 
sudden  attempt  which  might  be  made  to  land  above  Kings- 
bridge  and  cut  off  the  communication  with  the  country. 

Expecting  daily  to  be  attacked,  and  believing  that  the 
influence  of  the  first  battle  would  be  extremely  important, 
Washington  employed  every  expedient  which  might  act 
upon  that  enthusiastic  love  of  liberty,  that  indignation 
against  the  invaders  of  their  country,  and  that  native  cour 
age  which  were  believed  to  animate  the  bosoms  of  his 
soldiers,  and  which  were  relied  on  as  substitutes  for  dis 
cipline  and  experience.  "  The  time,"  say  his  orders  issued 
soon  after  the  arrival  of  General  Howe  (August  2,  1776), 
"  is  now  at  hand  which  must  determine  whether  Americans 
are  to  be  freemen  or  slaves;  whether  they  are  to  have  any 
property  they  can  call  their  own;  whether  their  houses  and 
farms  are  to  be  pillaged  and  destroyed  and  themselves 
consigned  to  a  state  of  wretchedness  from  which  no  human 
efforts  will  deliver  them.  The  fate  of  unborn  millions  will 
now  depend,  under  God,  on  the  courage  and  conduct  of 
this  army.  Our  cruel  and  unrelenting  enemy  leaves  us 
only  the  choice  of  a  brave  resistance,  or  the  most  abject 
submission.  We  have  therefore  to  resolve  to  conquer  or 
to  die.  Our  own,  our  country's  honor,  call  upon  us  for  a 
vigorous  and  manly  exertion,  and  if  we  now  shamefully 
fail,  we  shall  become  infamous  to  the  whole  world.  Let 


916  WASHINGTON. 

us  then  rely  on  the  goodness  of  our  cause,  and  the  aid  of 
the  Supreme  Being,  in  whose  hands  the  victory  is,  to  ani 
mate  and  encourage  us  to  great  and  noble  actions.  The 
eyes  of  all  our  countrymen  are  now  upon  us,  and  we  shall 
have  their  blessings  and  praises,  if  happily  we  are  the 
instruments  of  saving  them  from  the  tyranny  meditated 
against  them.  Let  us  therefore  animate  and  encourage 
each  other  and  show  the  whole  world  that  a  freeman 
contending  for  .liberty  on  his  own  ground  is  superior  to 
any  slavish  mercenary  on  earth."* 

To  the  officers  he  recommended  coolness  in  time  of 
action,  and  to  the  soldiers  strict  attention  and  obedience, 
with  a  becoming  firmness  and  spirit. 

He  assured  them  that  any  officer,  soldier,  or  corps, 
distinguished  by  any  acts  of  extraordinary  bravery,  should 
most  certainly  meet  with  notice  and  rewards,  whilst  on  the 
other  hand  those  who  should  fail  in  the  performance  of 
their  duty  would  as  certainly  be  exposed  and  punished. 

Whilst  preparations  were  making  for  the  expected  en 
gagement,  intelligence  was  received  of  the  repulse  of  the 
British  squadron  which  had  attacked  Fort  Moultrie. 
Washington  availed  himself  of  the  occasion  of  communi 
cating  this  success  to  his  army  to  add  a  spirit  of  emulation 
to  the  other  motives  which  should  impel  them  to  manly 
exertions.  "This  glorious  example  of  our  troops,"  he 
said,  "  under  the  like  circumstances  with  ourselves,  the 
General  hopes,  will  animate  every  officer  and  soldier  to 
imitate  and  even  to  outdo  them,  when  the  enemy  shall 
make  the  same  attempt  on  us.  With  such  a  bright  example 
before  us  of  what  can  be  done  by  brave  men  fighting  in 

*This  general  order  of  Washington  has  been  greatly  admired, 
and  frequently  published,  as  a  remarkably  fine  specimen  of  military 
eloquence.  It  is  indeed  fraught  with  the  eloquence  which  is 
brought  forth  from  a  strong  mind  by  a  great  emergency. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  917 

defense  of  their  country,  we  shall  be  loaded  with  a  double 
share  of  shame  and  infamy  if  we  do  not  acquit  ourselves 
with  courage,  and  manifest  a  determined  resolution  to 
conquer  or  die." 

As  the  crisis  approached  his  anxiety  increased.  En 
deavoring  to  breathe  into  his  army  his  own  spirit,  and  to 
give  them  his  own  feeling,  he  thus  addressed  them:  "  The 
enemy's  whole  reinforcement  is  now  arrived,  so  that  an 
attack  must  and  will  soon  be  made.  The  General  there 
fore  again  repeats  his  earnest  request  that  every  officer  and 
soldier  will  have  his  arms  and  ammunition  in  good  order; 
keep  within  his  quarters  and  encampments  as  far  as  possi 
ble;  be  ready  for  action  at  a  moment's  call,  and  when 
called  to  it,  remember  that  liberty,  property,  life,  and  honor, 
are  all  at  stake;  that  upon  their  courage  and  conduct  rest 
the  hopes  of  their  bleeding  and  insulted  country;  that 
their  wives,  children,  and  parents,  expect  safety  from  them 
only;  and  that  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that 
heaven  will  crown  with  success  so  just  a  cause. 

"  The  enemy  will  endeavor  to  intimidate  by  show  and 
appearance;  but  remember  they  have  been  repulsed  on 
various  occasions  by  a  few  brave  Americans;  their  cause 
is  bad;  and  if  opposed  with  firmness  and  coolness  on  their 
first  onset,  with  our  advantage  of  works  and  knowledge  of 
the  ground,  the  victory  is  most  assuredly  ours.  Every 
good  soldier  will  be  silent  and  attentive,  wait  for  orders, 
and  reserve  his  fire  until  he  is  sure  of  doing  execution; 
of  this  the  officers  are  to  be  particularly  careful." 

He  directed  explicitly  that  any  soldier  who  should  at 
tempt  to  conceal  himself,  or  retreat  without  orders,  should 
instantly  be  shot  down;  and  solemnly  promised  to  notice 
and  reward  those  who  should  distinguish  themselves. 
Thus  did  he,  by  infusing  those  sentiments,  which  would 
stimulate  to  the  greatest  individual  exertion,  into  every 


918  WASHINGTON. 

bosom,  endeavor  to  compensate  for  the  want  of  arms,  of 
discipline,  and  of  numbers. 

As  the  defense  of  Long  Island  was  intimately  connected 
with  that  of  New  York,  a  brigade  had  been  stationed  at 
Brooklyn,  a  post  capable  of  being  maintained  for  a  con 
siderable  time.  An  extensive  camp  had  been  marked  out 
and  fortified  at  the  same  place.  Brooklyn  is  situated  on  a 
small  peninsula  made  by  East  river,  the  Bay,  and  Gowanus 
bay.  The  encampment  fronted  the  mainland  of  the  island, 
and  the  works  stretched  quite  across  the  peninsula,  from 
Wallabout  bay  in  the  East  river  on  the  left,  to  a  deep 
marsh  on  a  creek  emptying  into  Gowanus  bay  on  the 
right.  The  rear  was  covered  and  defended  against  an 
attack  from  the  ships  by  strong  batteries  on  Red  Hook 
and  on  Governor's  Island,  which  in  a  great  measure  com 
manded  that  part  of  the  bay,  and  by  other  batteries  on 
East  river,  which  kept  open  the  communication  with 
York  Island.  In  front  of  the  camp  was  a  range  of  hills 
covered  with  thick  woods,  which  extended  from  east  to 
west  nearly  the  breadth  of  the  island,  and  across  which 
were  three  different  roads  leading  to  Brooklyn  Ferry. 
These  hills  though  steep  were  everywhere  passable  by 
infantry. 

The  movements  of  General  Howe  indicating  an  inten 
tion  to  make  his  first  attack  on  Long  Island,  General  Sulli 
van  was  strongly  reinforced.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the 
22d  of  August  (1776),  the  principal  part  of  the  British 
army,  under  command  of  General  Clinton,  landed  under 
cover  of  the  guns  of  the  fleet,  and  extended  from  the  ferry 
at  the  Narrows,  through  Utrecht  and  Gravesend,  to  Flat- 
lands. 

Confident  that  an  engagement  must  soon  take  place, 
Washington  made  still  another  effort  to  inspire  his  troops 
with  the  most  determined  courage.  "  The  enemy,"  said  he 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  919 

in  addressing  them,  "  have  now  landed  on  Long  Island,  and 
the  hour  is  fast  approaching  on  which  the  honor  and  suc 
cess  of  this  army  and  the  safety  of  our  bleeding  country 
depend.  Remember,  officers  and  soldiers,  that  you  are 
freemen,  fighting  for  the  blessings  of  liberty  —  that  slavery 
will  be  your  portion  and  that  of  your  posterity,  if  you 
do  not  acquit  yourselves  like  men."  He  repeated  his 
instructions  respecting  their  conduct  in  action,  and  con 
cluded  with  the  most  animating  and  encouraging  exhorta 
tions. 

Major-General  Putnam  was  now  directed  to  take  com 
mand  at  Brooklyn  with  a  reinforcement  of  six  regiments; 
and  he  was  charged  most  earnestly  by  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  to  be  in  constant  readiness  for  an  attack,  and  to 
guard  the  woods  between  the  two  camps  with  his  best 
troops.  This  order  was  obeyed  with  great  alacrity,  as  the 
active  and  indefatigable  veteran  was  heartily  tired  of  his 
monotonous  life  in  the  city. 

Washington  had  passed  the  day  at  Brooklyn  making 
arrangements  for  the  approaching  action,  and  at  night 
had  returned  to  New  York. 

The  Hessians,  under  General  De  Heister,  composed  the 
center  of  the  British  army  at  Flatbush;  Major-General 
Grant  commanded  the  left  wing  which  extended  to  the 
coast,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  British  forces  under 
General  Clinton,  Earl  Percy,  and  Lord  Cornwallis,  turned 
short  to  the  right  and  approached  the  opposite  coast  of 
Flatlands. 

The  two  armies  were  now  separated  from  each  other 
by  the  range  of  hills  already  mentioned.  The  British 
center  at  Flatbush  was  scarcely  four  miles  distant  from  the 
American  lines  at  Brooklyn,  and  a  direct  road  led  across 
the  heights  from  the  one  to  the  other.  Another  road, 
rather  more  circuitous  than  the  first,  led  from  Flatbush 


920  WASHINGTON. 

by  the  way  of  Bedford,  a  small  village  on  the  Brooklyn 
side  of  the  hills.  The  right  and  left  wing  of  the  British 
army  were  nearly  equidistant  from  the  American  works, 
and  about  five  or  six  miles  from  them.  The  road  leading 
from  the  Narrows  along  the  coast  and  by  the  way  of 
Gowanus  Cove  afforded  the  most  direct  route  to  their 
left;  and  their  right  might  either  return  by  the  way  of 
Flatbush  and  unite  with  the  center,  or  take  a  more  cir 
cuitous  course  and  enter  a  road  leading  from  Jamaica  to 
Bedford.  These  several  roads  united  between  Bedford  and 
Brooklyn,  a  small  distance  in  front  of  the  American  lines. 

The  direct  road  from  Flatbush  to  Brooklyn  was  de 
fended  by  a  fort  which  the  Americans  had  constructed  in 
the  hills,  and  the  coast  and  Bedford  roads  were  guarded 
by  detachments  posted  on  the  hills  within  view  of  the 
British  camp.  Light  parties  of  volunteers  were  directed 
to  patrol  on  the  road  leading  from  Jamaica  to  Bedford, 
about  two  miles  from  which  near  Flatbush,  Colonel  Miles 
of  Pennsylvania  was  stationed  with  a  regiment  of  riflemen. 
The  convention  of  New  York  had  directed  a  small  body 
of  militia  to  be  assembled  on  the  high  grounds  near  the 
enemy,  under  the  command  of  General  Woodhull,  for  the 
purpose  of  interrupting  their  communication  with  their 
numerous  friends  in  that  neighborhood;  but  he  was  not 
placed  under  the  orders  of  the  regular  officer  commanding 
on  the  island. 

About  9  at  night,  General  Clinton  silently  drew  off  the 
van  of  the  British  army  across  the  country,  in  order  to 
seize  a  pass  in  the  heights  about  three  miles  east  of  Bed 
ford,  on  the  Jamaica  road.*  In  the  morning  (August  26, 

*  The  arrangements  for  guarding  against  surprise  at  this  point 
were  very  incomplete,  and  the  neglect  to  occupy  it  with  a  strong 
force  led  to  the  most  disastrous  consequences.  "  Moat  unfortu 
nately,  General  Greene  was  seized  with  a  violent  fever  about  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  921 

1776),  about  two  hours  before  daybreak,  within  half  a 
mile  of  the  pass,  his  patrols  fell  in  with  and  captured  one 
of  the  American  parties  which  had  been  stationed  on  this 
road.  Learning,  to  his  great  surprise,  from  his  prisoners 
that  the  pass  was  unoccupied,  General  Clinton  immediately 
seized  it;  and  on  the  appearance  of  day  the  whole  column 
passed  the  heights,  and  advanced  into  the  level  country 
between  them  and  Brooklyn. 

Before  Clinton  had  secured  the  passes  on  the  road 
from  Jamaica,  General  Grant  advanced  along  the  coast 
at  the  head  of  the  left  wing  with  ten  pieces  of  cannon.  As 
his  first  object  was  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  Americans 
from  their  left,  he  moved  slowly,  skirmishing  as  he  ad 
vanced  with  the  light  parties  stationed  on  that  road. 

This  movement  was  soon  communicated  to  General 
Putnam,  who  reinforced  the  parties  which  had  been  ad 
vanced  in  front;  and  as  General  Grant  continued  to  gain 
ground,  still  stronger  detachments  were  employed  in  this 
service.  About  3  in  the  morning,  Brigadier-General 
Lord  Stirling  was  directed  to  meet  the  enemy,  with  the 
two  nearest  regiments,  on  the  road  leading  from  the 
Narrows.  Major-General  Sullivan,  who  commanded  all 
the  troops  without  the  lines,  advanced  at  the  head  of  a 
strong  detachment  on  the  road  leading  directly  to  Flat- 
middle  of  August,  and  the  command  devolved  on  General  Putnam, 
whose  want  of  thorough  knowledge  of  the  ground  led  to  the 
Jamaica  road  being  left  without  sufficient  protection,  and  most  un 
happily  afforded  the  British  commander  an  opportunity  of  assault 
ing  the  Americans  in  front  and  rear  at  the  same  time.  In  the 
confusion  and  want  of  discipline  which  prevailed,  the  orders  to 
watch  and  guard  the  passes  were  imperfectly  obeyed;  and,  as  Wash 
ington  apprehended,  the  chances  of  success  were  greatly  in  favor 
of  the  enemy."  —  Spencer,  History  of  the  United  States. 


923  WASHINGTON. 

bush,  while  another  detachment  occupied  the  heights  be 
tween  that  place  and  Bedford. 

About  the  break  of  day  (August  27),  Lord  Stirling 
reached  the  summit  of  the  hills,  where  he  was  joined  by  the 
troops  which  had  been  already  engaged,  and  were  retiring 
slowly  before  the  enemy,  who  almost  immediately  appeared 
in  sight.  A  warm  cannonade  was  commenced  on  both 
sides,  which  continued  for  several  hours;  and  some  sharp, 
but  not  very  close,  skirmishing  took  place  between  the 
infantry.  Lord  Stirling,  being  anxious  only  to  defend  the 
pass  he  guarded,  could  not  descend  in  force  from  the 
heights;  and  General  Grant  did  not  wish  to  drive  him  from 
them  until  that  part  of  the  plan,  which  had  been  intrusted 
to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  should  be  executed. 

In  the  center,  General  De  Heister,  soon  after  daylight, 
began  to  cannonade  the  troops  under  General  Sullivan, 
but  did  not  move  from  his  ground  at  Flatbush  until  the 
British  right  had  approached  the  left  and  rear  of  the 
American  line.  In  the  meantime,  in  order  the  more  effectu 
ally  to  draw  their  attention  from  the  point  where  the  grand 
attack  was  intended,  the  fleet  was  put  in  motion,  and  a 
heavy  cannonade  was  commenced  on  the  battery  at  Red 
Hook. 

About  half-past  8,  the  British  right  having  then  reached 
Bedford,  in  the  rear  of  Sullivan's  left,  General  De 
Heister  ordered  Colonel  Donop's  corps  to  advance  to  the 
attack  of  the  hill,  following  himself  with  the  center  of  the 
army.  The  approach  of  Clinton  was  now  discovered  by 
the  American  left,  which  immediately  endeavored  to  regain 
the  camp  at  Brooklyn.  While  retiring  from  the  woods 
by  regiments,  they  encountered  the  front  of  the  British. 

About  the  same  time,  the  Hessians  advanced  from  Flat- 
bush  against  that  part  of  the  detachment  which  occupied 
the  direct  road  to  Brooklyn.  Here  General  Sullivan  com- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  923 

manded  in  person,  but  he  found  it  difficult  to  keep  his 
troops  together  long  enough  to  sustain  the  first  attack. 
The  firing  heard  toward  Bedford  had  disclosed  the  alarm 
ing  fact  that  the  British  had  turned  their  left  flank,  and 
were  getting  completely  into  their  rear.  Perceiving  at 
once  the  full  danger  of  their  situation,  they  sought  to 
escape  it  by  regaining  the  camp  with  the  utmost  possible 
celerity.  The  sudden  rout  of  this  party  enabled  De  Heister 
to  detach  a  part  of  his  force  against  those  who  were  en 
gaged  near  Bedford.  In  that  quarter  too  the  Americans 
were  broken  and  driven  back  into  the  woods;  and  the 
front  of  the  column  led  by  General  Clinton  continuing  to 
move  forward  intercepted  and  engaged  those  who  were 
retreating  along  the  direct  road  from  Flatbush.  Thus 
attacked  both  in  front  and  rear,  and  alternately  driven 
by  the  British  on  the  Hessians  and  by  the  Hessians  back 
again  on  the  British,  a  succession  of  skirmishes  took  place 
in  the  woods,  in  the  course  of  which  some  parts  of  corps 
forced  their  way  through  the  enemy  and  regained  the  lines 
of  Brooklyn,  and  several  individuals  saved  themselves 
under  cover  of  the  woods,  but  a  great  proportion  of  the 
detachment  was  killed  or  taken.  The  fugitives  were  pur 
sued  up  to  the  American  works,  and  such  is  represented 
to  have  been  the  ardor  of  the  British  soldiers,  that  it 
required  the  authority  of  their  cautious  commander  to 
prevent  an  immediate  assault. 

The  fire  toward  Brooklyn  gave  the  first  intimation  to 
the  American  right  that  the  enemy  had  gained  the  rear. 
Lord  Stirling  perceived  the  danger,  and  that  he  could  only 
escape  it  by  retreating  instantly  across  the  creek.  This 
movement  was  immediately  directed;  and  to  secure  it, 
his  lordship  determined  to  attack  in  person  a  British 
corps  under  Lord  Cornwallis,  stationed  at  a  house  rather 
above  the  place  at  which  he  intended  to  cross  the  creek. 


924  WASHINGTON. 

About  400  men  of  Smallwood's  regiment  were  drawn  out 
for  this  purpose,  and  the  attack  was  made  with  great 
spirit.  This  small  corps  was  brought  up  several  times  to 
the  charge,  and  Lord  Stirling  stated  that  he  was  on  the 
point  of  dislodging  Lord  Cornwallis  from  his  post;  but 
the  force  in  his  front  increasing,  and  General  Grant  also 
advancing  on  his  rear,  the  brave  men  he  commanded  were 
no  longer  able  to  oppose  the  superior  numbers  which 
assailed  them  on  every  quarter.  Upward  of  250  of  Small- 
wood's  regiment  were  killed,  and  those  who  survived  were, 
with  their  general,  made  prisoners  of  war.  This  attempt 
though  unsuccessful  gave  an  opportunity  to  a  large  part 
of  the  detachment  to  save  themselves  by  crossing  the 
creek. 

The  loss  sustained  by  the  American  army  in  this  battle 
could  not  be  accurately  ascertained  by  either  party.  Num 
bers  were  supposed  to  have  been  drowned  in  the  creek, 
or  suffocated  in  the  marsh,  whose  bodies  were  never  found; 
and  exact  accounts  from  the  militia  are  seldom  to  be 
obtained,  as  the  list  of  the  missing  is  always  swelled  by 
those  who  return  to  their  homes.  Washington  did  not 
admit  it  to  exceed  a  thousand  men;  but  in  this  estimate 
he  must  have  included  only  the  regular  troops.  In  a  letter 
written  by  Howe,  the  amount  of  prisoners  is  stated  at 
1,097,  among  whom  were  Major-General  Sullivan,  and 
Brigadiers  Lord  Stirling  and  Woodhull,  by  him  named 
Udell.  He  computes  the  loss  of  the  Americans  at  3,300 
men,  but  his  computation  is  excessive.  The  actual  loss 
of  the  Americans  was  about  2,000,  including  the  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners.  He  supposes  too  that  the  troops 
engaged  on  the  heights  amounted  to  10,000,  but  they 
could  not  have  much  exceeded  half  that  number.  His 
own  loss  is  stated  at  21  officers,  and  346  privates  —  killed, 
wounded,  and  taken. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  925 

As  the  action  became  warm,  Washington  passed  over 
to  the  camp  at  Brooklyn,  where  he  saw  with  inexpressible 
anguish  the  destruction  in  which  his  best  troops  were 
involved,  and  from  which  it  was  impossible  to  extricate 
them.  Should  he  attempt  anything  in  their  favor  with 
the  men  remaining  within  the  lines,  it  was  probable  the 
camp  itself  would  be  lost,  and  the  whole  division  of  his 
army  destroyed.  Should  he  bring  over  the  remaining 
battalions  from  New  York  he  would  still  be  inferior  in 
point  of  numbers,  and  his  whole  army,  perhaps  the  fate 
of  his  country,  might  be  staked  on  the  issue  of  a  single 
battle  thus  inauspiciously  commenced.  Compelled  to  be 
hold  the  carnage  of  his  troops,  without  being  able  to 
assist  them,  his  efforts  were  directed  to  the  preservation 
of  those  which  remained. 

Believing  the  Americans  to  be  much  stronger  than 
they  were  in  reality,  and  unwilling  to  commit  anything  to 
hazard,  General  Howe  made  no  immediate  attempt  to 
force  their  lines.  He  encamped  in  front  of  them,  and  on 
the  28th,  at  night,  broke  ground  in  form,  within  600  yards 
of  a  redoubt  on  the  left. 

In  this  critical  state  of  things  a  retreat  seemed  unavoid 
able;  every  moment  was  precious,  since  a  sudden  shift 
of  wind,  by  bringing  the  British  fleet  between  Brooklyn 
and  New  York,  would  cut  off  the  possibility  of  escape. 
It  was  known  besides,  that  Clinton  was  threatening  to  send 
part  of  his  army  across  the  Sound,  thus  menacing  New 
York.  Washington  called  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it 
was  resolved  to  retreat  with  the  troops  at  once.  The  hour 
of  8  in  the  evening  of  the  2Qth  of  August  was  fixed 
upon  for  the  embarkation.  Everything  had  been  prepared, 
and  the  troops  were  ready  to  march  down,  but  the  force 
of  the  wind  and  ebb  tide  delayed  them  for  some  hours, 
and  seemed  as  if  it  would  entirely  frustrate  the  enterprise. 


926  WASHINGTON. 

The  enemy,  toiling  hard  at  the  approaches,  were  now  so 
near  that  the  blows  of  their  pickaxes  and  instruments 
could  be  distinctly  heard,  while  the  noise  of  these  opera 
tions  deadened  all  sound  of  the  American  movements, 
which  were  carried  on  in  the  deepest  silence.  About  2 
in  the  morning,  a  thick  fog  settling  over  Long  Island  pre 
vented  all  sight  of  what  was  going  on,  and  the  wind  shift 
ing  round  to  the  southwest,  the  soldiers  entered  the  boats 
and  were  rapidly  transferred  to  the  opposite  shore.  So 
complete  were  the  arrangements  that  almost  all  the  artil 
lery,  with  the  provisions,  horses,  wagons,  and  ammunition, 
safely  crossed  over  to  New  York.  Washington,  who  for 
forty-eight  hours  had  hardly  been  off  his  horse  and  never 
closed  his  eyes,  though  repeatedly  entreated,  refused  to 
enter  a  boat  until  all  the  troops  were  embarked,  and 
crossed  the  river  in  the  last  boat  of  all.* 

Washington,  leaving  a  considerable  force  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  encamped  with  the  main  body  on  Harlem 
Heights,  at  the  northern  end  of  the  island;  he  was  also 
prepared  to  retreat  into  Westchester  county,  if  need  be. 
The  British  had  entire  possession  of  Long  Island ;  the  ships 
of  war  anchored  within  cannon  shot  of  the  city;  and  Howe 
was  gradually  making  his  arrangements  to  pursue  the 
dispirited  and  defeated  American  troops. 

It  was  under  no  ordinary  suffering  of  mind  that  Wash- 

*The  service  of  managing  the  boats  was  performed  by  Marble- 
head  fishermen.  Otherwise  the  result  might  have  been  widely  dif 
ferent.  "  Colonel  Glover,  who  belonged  to  Marblehead,  was  called 
upon  with  the  whole  of  his  regiment  fit  for  duty  to  take  the  com 
mand  of  the  vessels  and  flat-bottomed  boats.  Most  of  the  men 
were  formerly  employed  in  the  fishery,  and  so  peculiarly  well  quali 
fied  for  the  service.  The  colonel  went  over  himself  from  New  York 
to  give  directions;  and,  about  7  o'clock  at  night,  officers  and  men 
went  to  work  with  a  spirit  and  resolution  peculiar  to  that  corps." — 
Gordon's  History  of  the  American  Revolution. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  927 

ington  addressed  the  President  of  Congress  on  the  2d  of 
September  (1776):  "Our  situation  is  truly  distressing. 
The  check  our  detachment  sustained  on  the  27th  ultimo 
has  dispirited  too  great  a  proportion  of  our  troops  and 
filled  their  minds  with  apprehension  and  despair.  The 
militia,  instead  of  calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a 
brave  and  manly  opposition,  in  order  to  repair  our  losses, 
are  dismayed,  intractable,  and  impatient  to  return.  Great 
numbers  of  them  have  gone  off;  in  some  instances  almost 
by  whole  regiments,  by  half  ones,  and  by  companies  at  a 
time.  This  circumstance  of  itself,  independent  of  others, 
when  fronted  by  a  well-appointed  enemy,  superior  in  num 
ber  to  our  whole  collected  force,  would  be  sufficiently  dis 
agreeable;  but,  when  their  example  has  infected  another 
part  of  the  army,  when  their  want  of  discipline  and  refusal 
of  almost  every  kind  of  restraint  and  government  have 
produced  a  like  conduct  but  too  common  to  the  whole, 
and  an  entire  disregard  of  that  order  and  subordination 
necessary  to  the  well-doing  of  an  army,  and  which  had 
been  inculcated  before  as  well  as  the  nature  of  our  mili 
tary  establishment  would  admit  of  —  our  condition  be 
comes  still  more  alarming;  and,  with  the  deepest  concern, 
I  am  obliged  to  confess  my  want  of  confidence  in  the  gen 
erality  of  the  troops." 

This  unfortunate  state  of  things  induced  Washington 
again  to  repeat  the  opinion,  which  he  had  so  often  ex 
pressed  to  Congress,  that  little  reliance  could  be  placed 
on  soldiers  enlisted  for  short  periods.  The  only  means  of 
preserving  the  liberties  of  the  country  he  considered  to 
be  the  enlistment  of  troops  to  serve  during  the  whole  war. 

The  British  commanders  did  not  seem  to  be  in  haste  to 
press  the  advantage  they  had  gained  by  the  battle  of  Long 
Island.  On  the  contrary,  they  considered  the  present  a 
favorable  time  for  a  fresh  attempt  at  pacification.  To  ac- 


938  WASHINGTON". 

compHsh  this  object,  General  Sullivan,  who  had  been  taken 
pri&oner  on  Long  Island,  was  immediately  sent  on  parole, 
with  the  following  verbal  message  from  Lord  Howe  to 
Congress:  "That  though  he  could  not  at  present  treat 
with  them  in  that  character,  yet  he  was  very  desirous  of 
having  a  conference  with  some  of  the  members,  whom  he 
would  consider  as  private  gentlemen;  that  he,  with  his 
brother,  the  General,  had  full  powers  to  compromise  the 
dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  upon  terms 
advantageous  to  both;  that  he  wished  a  compact  might 
be  settled,  at  a  time  when  no  decisive  blow  was  struck, 
and  neither  party  could  say  it  was  compelled  to  enter  into 
such  agreement;  that  were  they  disposed  to  treat,  many 
things  which  they  had  not  yet  asked  might  and  ought  to 
be  granted,  and  that  if  upon  conference  they  found  any 
probable  ground  of  accommodation,  the  authority  of  Con 
gress  would  be  afterward  acknowledged  to  render  the 
treaty  complete." 

Three  days  after  this  message  was  received,  General 
Sullivan  was  requested  to  inform  Lord  Howe  "  that  Con 
gress,  being  the  representatives  of  the  free  and  independ 
ent  States  of  America,  cannot  with  propriety  send  any 
of  their  members  to  confer  with  his  lordship  in  their  pri 
vate  characters;  but  that,  ever  desirous  of  establishing 
peace  on  reasonable  terms,  they  will  send  a  committee  of 
their  body  to  know  whether  he  has  any  authority  to  treat 
with  persons  authorized  by  Congress  for  that  purpose,  on 
behalf  of  America,  and  what  that  authority  is,  and  to  hear 
such  propositions  as  he  shall  think  fit  to  make  respecting 
the  same." 

They  elected  Dr.  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward 
Rutledge  their  committee  for  this  purpose.  In  a  few  days 
they  met  Lord  Howe  on  Staten  Island,  and  were  received 
with  great  politeness.  On  their  return  they  made  a  re- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  929 

port  of  their  conference,  which  they  summed  up  by  saying: 
"  It  did  not  appear  to  your  committee  that  his  lordship's 
commission  contained  any  other  authority  than  that  ex 
pressed  in  the  act  of  Parliament  —  namely,  that  of  grant 
ing  pardons,  with  such  exceptions  as  the  commissioners 
shall  think  proper  to  make,  and  of  declaring  America,  or 
any  part  of  it,  to  be  in  the  King's  peace  on  submission;  for 
as  to  the  power  of  inquiring  into  the  state  of  America, 
which  his  lordship  mentioned  to  us,  and  of  conferring  and 
consulting  with  any  persons  the  commissioners  might  think 
proper,  and  representing  the  result  of  such  conversation 
to  the  ministry,  who,  provided  the  Colonies  would  subject 
themselves,  might  after  all,  or  might  not,  at  their  pleasure, 
make  any  alterations  in  the  former  instructions  to  gov 
ernors,  or  propose  in  Parliament  any  amendment  of  the 
acts  complained  of,  we  apprehended  any  expectation  from 
the  effect  of  such  a  power  would  have  been  too  uncertain 
and  precarious  to  be  relied  on  by  America,  had  she  still 
continued  in  her  state  of  dependence." 

Lord  Howe  had  ended  the  conference  on  his  part  by 
expressing  his  regard  for  America  and  the  extreme  pain 
he  would  suffer  in  being  obliged  to  distress  those  whom 
he  so  much  regarded.  Dr.  Franklin  thanked  him  for  his 
regards,  and  assured  him  "  that  the  Americans  would 
show  their  gratitude  by  endeavoring  to  lessen  as  much  as 
possible  all  pain  he  might  feel  on  their  account  by  exert 
ing  their  utmost  abilities  in  taking  good  care  of  them 
selves." 

The  committee  in  every  respect  maintained  the  dignity 
of  Congress.  Their  conduct  and  sentiments  were  such  as 
became  their  character.  The  friends  to  independence  re 
joiced  that  nothing  resulted  from  this  interview  that  might 
disunite  the  people.  Congress,  trusting  to  the  good  sense 
of  their  countrymen,  ordered  the  whole  to  be  printed  for 
59 


93Q  WASHINGTON. 

their  information.  All  the  States  would  have  then  re 
joiced  at  less  beneficial  terms  than  they  obtained  about 
seven  years  after.  But  Great  Britain  counted  on  the  cer 
tainty  of  their  absolute  conquest  or  unconditional  sub 
mission.  Her  offers  therefore  comported  so  little  with 
the  feelings  of  America  that  they  neither  caused  demur 
nor  disunion  among  the  new-formed  States. 

While  Lord  Howe's  conciliatory  propositions  to  Con 
gress  were  under  discussion,  hostilities  advanced  slowly; 
but  Tory  emissaries  were  constantly  sent  into  the  coun 
try  to  detach  as  many  of  the  people  as  possible  from  the 
cause  of  freedom  by  representing  the  great  danger  in 
curred  by  attempting  to  resist  the  powerful  fleet  and  army 
which  were  to  carry  all  before  them,  and  by  offers  of  par 
don  and  reward  to  all  deserters.  As  in  all  political  dis 
putes,  many  were  hesitating  which  party  to  join.  The 
system  adopted  by  the  enemy  was  retaliated. 

While  the  British,  by  their  manifestoes  and  declarations, 
were  endeavoring  to  separate  those  who  preferred  a  re 
conciliation  with  Great  Britain  from  those  who  were 
friends  of  independence,  Congress,  by  a  similar  policy,  was 
attempting  to  detach  the  foreigners  who  had  come  with 
the  royal  troops  from  the  service  of  His  Brittanic  Majesty. 
Before  hostilities  had  commenced  the  following  resolution 
was  adopted  and  circulated  among  those  on  whom  it  was 
intended  to  operate :  "  Resolved,  that  these  States  will 
receive  all  such  foreigners  who  shall  leave  the  armies  of 
His  Brittanic  Majesty  in  America,  and  shall  choose  to 
become  members  of  any  of  these  States,  and  they  shall  be 
protected  in  the  free  exercise  of  their  respective  religions, 
and  be  invested  with  the  rights,  privileges,  and  immuni 
ties  of  natives,  as  established  by  the  laws  of  these  States, 
and  moreover  that  this  Congress  will  provide  for  every 
such  person  fifty  acres  of  unappropriated  lands  in  some  of 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  931 

these  States,  to  be  held  by  him  and  his  heirs  as  absolute 
property." 

Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Congress  of  the  26th  of  Au 
gust,  refers  to  these  offers.  "  The  papers/'  he  says,  "  de 
signed  for  the  foreign  troops  have  been  put  into  several 
channels  in  order  that  they  might  be  conveyed  to  them; 
and  from  the  information  I  had  yesterday  I  have  reason 
to  believe  many  have  fallen  into  their  hands."  Franklin 
was  one  of  the  committee  for  carrying  the  resolutions  into 
effect,  and  one  of  the  expedients  adopted  was  worthy  his 
ingenuity.  In  a  letter  to  General  Gates*  he  says:  "The 
Congress  being  advised  that  there  was  a  probability  that 
the  Hessians  might  be  induced  to  quit  the  British  service 
by  offers  of  land,  they  came  to  two  resolves  for  this  pur 
pose,  which,  being  translated  into  German  and  printed, 
are  to  be  sent  to  Staten  Island  to  be  distributed,  if  prac 
ticable,  among  that  people.  Some  of  them  have  tobacco 
marks  on  the  back,  that  so  tobacco  being  put  in  them  in 
small  quantities,  as  the  tobacconists  use,  and  suffered  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  these  people,  they  might  divide  the 
papers  as  plunder  before  their  officers  could  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  contents  and  prevent  their  being  read 
by  the  men.  That  was  the  first  resolve.  A  second  has 
since  been  made  for  the  officers  themselves.  I  am  desired 
to  send  some  of  both  sorts  to  you  that,  if  you  find  it  prac 
ticable,  you  may  convey  them  among  the  Germans  who 
may  come  against  you." 

Our  narrative  has  now  brought  us  near  the  close  of  the 
summer  of  1776,  a  period  when  the  position  of  Washington 
was  nearly  the  reverse  of  what  it  had  been  at  the  same 
season  of  the  preceding  year.  Then  he  was  besieging  the 
British  in  Boston.  Now  they  were  endeavoring  to  entrap 
him  in  New  York.  We  shall  presently  see  that  his  strat 
egy  was  far  superior  to  theirs. 

*  Sparks,  "  Writings  of  Washington,"  vol.  IV,  p.  67. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

WASHINGTON  CROSSES  THE  HUDSON. 

1776. 

AFTER  the  disastrous  battle  of  Long  Island  the  situ- 
"'  ation  of  Washington  in  New  York  was  one  of  the 
most  trying  in  which  he  had  ever  been  placed.     He 
was  not  only  embarrassed  by  doubt  as  to  the  enemy's  in 
tentions  and  by  the  weakness,  discontent,   and  positive 
misconduct  of  the  army,  but  by  the  clamors  of  that  noisy 
portion  of  the  community  called  "  the  public,"  who  were 
incapable  of  estimating  the  difficulties  of  his  position  or 
the  motives  of  his  conduct. 

Before  the  British  landed  it  was  impossible  to  tell  what 
place  would  be  first  attacked.  This  made  it  necessary  to 
erect  works  for  the  defense  of  a  variety  of  places  as  well 
as  of  New  York.  Though  everything  was  abandoned 
when  the  crisis  came  that  either  the  city  must  be  relin 
quished  or  the  army  risked  for  its  defense,  yet,  from  the 
delays  occasioned  by  the  redoubts  and  other  works,  which 
had  been  erected  on  the  idea  of  making  the  defense  of  the 
States  a  war  of  posts,  a  whole  campaign  was  lost  to  the 
British  and  saved  to  the  Americans.  The  year  began  with 
hopes  that  Great  Britain  would  recede  from  her  demands, 
and  therefore  every  plan  of  defense  was  on  a  temporary 
system.  The  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  the 
violence  of  Great  Britain  forced  the  Colonies  to  adopt  in 
July,  though  neither  foreseen  nor  intended  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  year,  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  or- 

(932) 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  933 

ganizing  an  army,  on  new  terms,  corresponding  to  the 
enlarged  objects  for  which  they  had  resolved  to  contend. 
Congress  accordingly  determined  some  time  after  (Sep 
tember  1 6,  1776)  to  raise  eighty-eight  battalions,  to  serve 
during  the  war.  Under  these  circumstances,  to  wear  away 
the  campaign  with  as  little  misfortune  as  possible,  and 
thereby  to  gain  time  for  raising  a  permanent  army  against 
the  next  year,  was  to  the  Americans  a  matter  of  the  last 
importance.  Though  Washington  abandoned  those 
works,  which  had  engrossed  much  time  and  attention,  yet 
the  advantage  resulting  from  the  delays  they  occasioned 
far  overbalanced  the  expense  incurred  by  their  erection. 

The  same  short-sighted  politicians  who  had  before  cen 
sured  Washington  for  his  cautious  conduct  in  not  storm 
ing  the  British  lines  at  Boston  renewed  their  clamors 
against  him  for  adopting  this  evacuating  and  retreating 
system.  Supported  by  a  consciousness  of  his  own  integ 
rity  and  by  a  full  conviction  that  these  measures  were  best 
calculated  for  securing  the  independence  of  America,  he, 
for  the  good  of  his  country,  voluntarily  subjected  his  fame 
to  be  overshadowed  by  a  temporary  cloud.  We  now  re 
turn  to  the  events  of  the  tedious  and  difficult,  though,  in 
its  results,  successful  campaign. 

The  British  army,  now  in  full  possession  of  Long  Island, 
was  posted  from  Bedford  to  Hell  Gate,  and  thus  fronted 
and  threatened  New  York  from  its  extreme  southern 
point  to  the  part  opposite  the  northern  boundary  of  Long 
Island,  a  small  distance  below  the  Heights  of  Harlem, 
comprehending  a  space  of  about  nine  miles. 

Immediately  after  the  victory  at  Brooklyn  expositions 
were  made  by  the  enemy  to  attack  New  York,  and  a  part 
of  the  fleet  sailed  round  Long  Island  and  appeared  in  the 
Sound.  Two  frigates  passed  up  the  East  river  without 
receiving  any  injury  from  the  batteries,  and  anchored  be- 


934  WASHINGTON. 

hind  a  small  island,  which  protected  them  from  the  Ameri 
can  artillery.  At  the  same  time,  the  main  body  of  the  fleet 
lay  at  anchor  close  in  with  Governor's  Island,  from  which 
the  American  troops  had  been  withdrawn,  ready  to  pass 
up  either  the  North  or  East  rivers,  or  both,  and  act  against 
any  part  of  the  island. 

These  movements  indicated  a  disposition  not  to  make 
an  attack  directly  on  New  York,  as  had  been  expected, 
but  to  land  near  Kingsbridge  and  take  a  position  which 
would  cut  off  the  communication  of  the  American  army 
with  the  country. 

Aware  of  the  danger  of  his  situation,  General  Washing 
ton  began  to  remove  such  stores  as  were  not  immediately 
necessary,  and  called  a  council  of  war  to  decide  whether 
New  York  should  be  at  once  abandoned  or  longer  de 
fended. 

Some  of  the  general  officers  who  composed  the  council 
were  in  favor  of  evacuating  the  city  at  once,  assigning  as 
reasons  the  possibility  of  its  being  speedily  bombarded 
by  the  fleet,  the  distance  of  the  different  parts  of  the  army 
from  each  other,  its  extremes  being  not  less  than  sixteen 
miles  apart,  and  the  advantage  to  be  gained  by  concen 
trating  the  army,  preserving  the  stores  and  heavy  artillery, 
and  depriving  the  enemy  of  the  advantage  of  their  ships. 
Putnam  and  Washington  himself  held  these  views.  Gen 
eral  Greene,  detained  from  the  council  by  sickness,  in  a 
letter  to  Washington,  dated  September  5th  (1776),  went 
still  further  and  recommended  the  burning  of  the  city, 
assigning,  among  other  reasons  for  this  proceeding,  that 
two-thirds  of  the  city  and  suburbs  belonged  to  Tories. 
Other  members  of  the  council  were  for  holding  the  city 
till  the  army  was  absolutely  driven  out.  General  MifBin, 
in  a  letter,  assigned  as  a  reason  for  this  opinion  that  the 
acquisition  of  New  York  would  give  great  eclat  to  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  935 

arms  of  Great  Britain,  afford  the  soldiers  good  quarters, 
and  furnish  a  safe  harbor  for  the  fleet.* 

In  his  letter,  communicating  to  Congress  the  result  of 
this  council,  which  was  against  an  immediate  evacuation, 
Washington  manifested  a  conviction  of  the  necessity  of 
that  measure,  though  he  yielded  to  that  necessity  with 
reluctance.  Speaking  of  the  enemy,  he  observed: 

"  It  is  now  extremely  obvious  from  their  movements, 
from  our  intelligence,  and  from  every  other  circumstance 
that,  having  their  whole  army  upon  Long  Island,  except 
about  4,000  men  who  remain  on  Staten  Island,  they  mean 
to  inclose  us  in  this  island  by  taking  post  in  our  rear, 
while  their  ships  effectually  secure  the  front;  and  thus,  by 
cutting  off  our  communication  with  the  country,  oblige 
us  to  fight  them  on  their  own  terms  or  surrender  at  dis 
cretion;  or,  if  that  shall  be  deemed  more  advisable,  by  a 
brilliant  stroke  enieavor  to  cut  this  army  to  pieces  and 
secure  the  possession  of  arms  and  stores  which  they  well 
know  our  inability  to  replace. 

"  Having  their  system  unfolded  to  us,  it  becomes  an 
important  consideration  how  it  could  be  most  successfully 
opposed.  On  every  side  there  is  a  choice  of  difficulties, 
and  experience  teaches  us  that  every  measure  on  our  part 
(however  painful  the  reflection)  must  be  taken  with  some 
apprehension  that  all  our  troops  will  not  do  their  duty. 

"  In  deliberating  upon  this  great  question,"  he  added, 
"  it  was  impossible  to  forget  that  history,  our  own  experi 
ence,  the  advice  of  our  ablest  friends  in  Europe,  the  fears 
of  the  enemy,  and  even  the  declarations  of  Congress 
demonstrate  that  on  our  side  the  war  should  be  defensive 

*  It  was  at  this  time  that  Washington  called  on  Colonel  Knowlton 
to  find  a  suitable  person  to  cross  to  Long  Island  to  learn  something 
of  the  enemy's  intentions  and  through  him  obtained  the  services  of 
Nathan  Hale. 


WASHINGTON. 

(it  has  ever  been  called  a  war  of  posts);  that  we  should  on 
all  occasions,  'avoid  a  general  action,  nor  put  anything  to 
the  risk  unless  compelled  by  necessity,  into  which  we 
ought  never  to  be  drawn." 

After  communicating  the  decision  which  had  been  made 
by  the  council  of  officers,  he  stated  the  opinion  of  those 
who  were  in  favor  of  an  immediate  evacuation  with  such 
force  as  to  confirm  the  belief  that  it  remained  his  own. 

The  majority,  who  overruled  this  opinion,  did  not  ex 
pect  to  be  able  to  defend  the.  city  permanently,  but  to  de 
fer  the  time  of  losing  it,  in  the  hope  of  wasting  so  much  of 
the  campaign  before  General  Howe  could  obtain  posses 
sion  of  it  as  to  prevent  his  undertaking  anything  further 
until  the  following  year.  They  therefore  advised  a  middle 
course  between  abandoning  the  town  absolutely  and  con 
centrating  their  whole  strength  for  its  defense.  This  was 
to  form  the  army  into  three  division,  one  of  which  should 
remain  in  New  York,  the  second  be  stationed  at  Kings- 
bridge,  and  the  third  occupy  the  intermediate  space,  so  as 
to  support  either  extreme.  The  sick  were  to  be  immediately 
removed  to  Orange  in  New  Jersey.  A  belief  that  Con 
gress  was  inclined  to  maintain  New  York  at  every  hazard, 
and  a  dread  of  the  unfavorable  impression  which  its  evacu 
ation  might  make  on  the  people,  seem  to  have  had  great 
influence  in  producing  the  determination  to  defend  the 
place  a  short  time  longer. 

This  opinion  was  soon  changed.  The  movements  of 
the  British  General  indicated  clearly  an  intention  either 
to  break  their  line  of  communication  or  to  inclose  the 
whole  army  in  New  York.  His  dispositions  were  alike 
calculated  to  favor  the  one  or  the  other  of  those  objects. 
Washington,  who  had  continued  to  employ  himself  assid 
uously  in  the  removal  of  the  military  stores  to  a  place  of 
safety,  called  a  second  council  to  deliberate  on  the  further 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  937 

defense  of  the  city,  which  determined,  by  a  large  majority, 
that  it  had  become  not  only  prudent,  but  absolutely  neces 
sary,  to  withdraw  the  army  from  New  York. 

In  consequence  of  this  determination  Brigadier-General 
Mercer,  who  commanded  the  flying  camp  on  the  Jersey 
shore,  was  directed  to  move  up  the  North  river  to  Fort 
Lee,  the  post  opposite  Fort  Washington,  and  every  effort 
was  used  to  expedite  the  removal  of  the  stores. 

On  the  morning  of  the  I5th  (September,  1776),  three 
ships-of-war  proceeded  up  the  North  river  as  high  as 
Bloomingdale,  a  movement  which  entirely  stopped  the 
further  removal  of  stores  by  water.  About  n  o'clock  on 
the  same  day  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  a  division  of  4,000 
men,  who  had  embarked  at  the  head  of  Newtown  bay, 
where  they  had  lain  concealed  from  the  view  of  the  troops 
posted  on  York  Island,  proceeded  through  that  bay  into 
the  East  river,  which  he  crossed;  and,  under  cover  of  the 
fire  of  five  men-of-war,  landed  at  a  place  called  Kipp's 
bay,  about  three  miles  above  New  York. 

The  works  thrown  up  to  oppose  a  landing  at  this  place 
were  of  considerable  strength  and  capable  of  being  de 
fended  for  some  time,  but  the  troops  abandoned  them 
without  waiting  to  be  attacked  and  fled  with  precipita 
tion.  On  the  commencement  of  the  cannonade,  General 
Washington  ordered  the  brigades  of  Parsons  and  Fellowes 
to  the  support  of  the  troops  posted  in  the  lines,  and  rode 
toward  the  scene  of  action.  The  panic  of  those  who  had 
fled  from  the  works  was  communicated  to  the  troops  or 
dered  to  sustain  them,  and  the  Commander-in-Chief  had 
the  extreme  mortification  to  meet  the  whole  party  retreat 
ing  in  the  utmost  disorder,  totally  regardless  of  the  efforts 
made  by  their  generals  to  stop  their  disgraceful  flight. 
Whilst  Washington  was  exerting  himself  to  rally  them  a 
small  corps  of  the  enemy  appeared,  and  they  again  broke 


938  WASHINGTON. 

and  fled  in  confusion.  Though  the  British  in  sight  did 
not  exceed  sixty,  he  could  not,  either  by  example,  en 
treaty,  or  authority,  prevail  on  a  superior  force  to  stand 
their  ground  and  face  that  inconsiderable  number.  Such 
dastardly  conduct  raised  a  tempest  in  the  usually  tranquil 
mind  of  Washington.  Having  embarked  in  the  cause 
from  the  purest  principles,  he  viewed  with  infinite  concern 
this  shameful  behavior  as  threatening  ruin  to  his  country; 
and  impressed  with  these  ideas,  he  hazarded  his  person 
for  some  considerable  time  in  the  rear  of  his  own  men  and 
in  front  of  the  enemy,  with  his  horse's  head  toward  the 
latter,  as  if  in  expectation  that  by  an  honorable  death  he 
might  escape  the  infamy  he  dreaded  from  the  dastardly 
conduct  of  troops  on  whom  he  could  place  no  dependence. 
His  aides  and  the  confidential  friends  around  his  person, 
by  indirect  violence,  compelled  him  to  retire.  In  conse 
quence  of  their  address  and  importunity  a  life  was  saved 
for  public  service  which  otherwise,  from  a  sense  of  honor 
seemed  to  be  devoted  to  almost  certain  destruction. 

The  troops  who  fled  on  this  occasion  amounted  in  all 
to  eight  regiments.  They  took  refuge  in  the  encampment 
of  the  main  body  at  Harlem  Plains. 

In  consequence  of  their  misconduct  in  not  resisting  the 
landing  of  the  British,  General  Putnam,  who  held  the  com 
mand  in  New  York,  was  compelled  to  make  a  hasty  re 
treat  from  the  city,  losing  15  men  killed  and  300  taken 
prisoners.  Most  of  the  heavy  cannon  and  a  large  amount 
of  baggage,  stores,  and  provisions  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy. 

Washington  now  drew  all  his  forces  together  within  the 
lines  on  Harlem  Heights,  and  fixed  his  headquarters  at 
Colonel  Roger  Morris's  house,  near  Mount  Washington, 
ten  miles  from  New  York. 

While  he  was  occupying  this  position  Washington  paid 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  939 

much  attention  to  the  fortifying  of  his  line  by  redoubts  and 
intrenchments.  In  his  rounds  for  the  personal  inspection 
of  the  works  he  observed  some  which  were  constructed 
with  an  unusual  degree  of  science  and  skill,  and  on  in 
quiring  for  the  engineer  who  had  planned  them  he  was 
introduced  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  then  a  captain  of  artil 
lery.  Washington  at  once  entered  into  conversation  with 
this  talented  young  officer,  invited  him  to  his  marquee,  and 
then  and  there  commenced  a  lifelong  friendship,  the  re 
sults  of  which  were  not  less  important  to  the  country  than 
to  themselves. 

"  When  the  Americans  were  withdrawn  from  the  city," 
says  Gordon,  "  and  no  prospect  of  action  remained,  the 
British  generals  repaired  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Robert  Mur 
ray,  a  gentleman  of  the  Quaker  persuasion.  The  lady 
of  the  house  being  at  home  entertained  them  most  civilly 
with  what  served  for,  or  was,  cakes  and  wine.  They  were 
well  pleased  with  the  entertainment  and  tarried  there  near 
two  hours  or  more,  Governor  Tryon  seasoning  the  repast 
at  times  by  joking  Mrs.  Murray  about  her  American 
friends,  for  she  was  known  to  be  a  steady  advocate  for 
the  liberties  of  the  country.  Meanwhile  the  Hessians  and 
British,  except  a  strong  corps  which  marched  down  the 
road  to  take  possession  of  the  city,  remained  upon  their 
arms  inactive,  which  gave  General  Putnam  the  oppor 
tunity  of  escaping.  Nothing  could  have  been  easier  how 
ever  than  to  have  prevented  it.  A  good  body  of  troops, 
with  two  field  pieces,  in  about  twenty  minutes,  more  or 
less,  could  have  taken  such  a  position  as  would  neces 
sarily  have  cut  off  Putnam's  retreat.  Colonel  Grayson 
repeatedly  said,  speaking  humorously,  '  Mrs.  Murray 
saved  the  American  army/  " 

The  royal  troops,  on  entering  the  city,  were  warmly 
received  by  the  Tories.  The  state  of  feeling  existing  be- 


940  WASHINGTON. 

tween  the  two  hostile  parties  was  fearfully  exemplified  by 
means  of  an  accident  that  occurred  a  few  nights  after  the 
occupation.  This  was  a  fire,  which  broke  out  in  the  dead 
of  the  night  of  September  2ist  (1776),  and  owing  to  the 
drouth  of  the  season  and  a  strong  south  wind  increased 
with  alarming  rapidity.  Upward  of  1,000  buildings,  Trin 
ity  Church  among  the  number,  were  consumecl,  and  but 
for  the  exertions  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  the  whole  city 
would  probably  have  been  destroyed.  In  the  excited  state 
of  party  feeling  it  was  said  that  the  "  Sons  of  Liberty  " 
were  the  incendiaries,  with  a  view  to  drive  out  the  army, 
and  several  suspected  persons  were  hurled  into  the  blazing 
buildings  by  the  British  soldiers. 

Having  taken  possession  of  New  York,  General  Howe 
stationed  a  few  troops  in  the  town,  and  with  the  main 
body  of  his  army  encamped  near  the  American  lines.  His 
right  was  at  Keren's  Hook,  on  the  East  river,  and  his  left 
reached  the  North  river  near  Bloomingdale,  so  that  his 
encampment  extended  quite  across  the  island,  which  is, 
in  this  place,  scarcely  two  miles  wide,  and  both  his  flanks 
were  covered  by  his  ships. 

The  strongest  point  of  the  American  lines  was  at  Kings- 
bridge,  both  sides  of  which  had  been  carefully  fortified. 
M'Gowan's  Pass  and  Morris's  Heights  were  also  occu 
pied  in  considerable  force  and  rendered  capable  of  being 
defended  against  superior  numbers.  A  strong  detach 
ment  was  posted  in  an  intrenched  camp  on  the  Heights 
of  Harlem,  within  about  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  British 
lines.  This  position  of  the  armies  favored  the  views  of 
Washington.  He  wished  to  habituate  his  soldiers,  by  a 
series  of  successful  skirmishes,  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the 
field. 

Opportunities  to  make  the  experiments  he  wished  were 
soon  afforded.  The  day  after  the  retreat  from  New  York 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  941 

the  British  appeared  in  considerable  force  in  the  plains 
between  the  two  camps,  and  Washington  immediately  rode 
to  his  advanced  posts,  in  order  to  make  in  person  such 
arrangements  as  this  movement  might  require.  Soon 
after  his  arrival  Colonel  Knowlton,  who,  at  the 
head  of  a  corps  of  rangers,  had  been  skirmishing  with 
this  party,  came  in  and  stated  their  numbers  on  conjecture 
at  about  300  men,  the  main  body  being  concealed  in  a 
wood. 

Washington  ordered  Colonel  Knowlton  with  his  rang 
ers  and  Major  Leitch  with  three  companies  of  the  Third 
Virginia  regiment,  which  had  joined  the  army  only  the 
preceding  day,  to  gain  their  rear,  while  he  amused  them 
with  the  appearance  of  making  dispositions  to  attack  their 
front. 

This  plan  succeeded.  The  British  ran  eagerly  down  a 
hill  in  order  to  possess  themselves  of  some  fences  and 
bushes,  which  presented  an  advantageous  position  against 
the  party  expected  in  front;  and  a  firing  commenced,  but 
at  too  great  a  distance  to  do  any  execution.  In  the  mean 
time  Colonel  Knowlton,  not  being  precisely  acquainted 
with  their  new  position,  made  his  attack  rather  on  their 
flank  than  rear,  and  a  warm  action  ensued. 

In  a  short  time  Major  Leitch,  who  had  led  the  detach 
ment  with  great  intrepidity,  was  brought  off  the  ground 
mortally  wounded,  having  received  three  balls  through 
his  body,  and  soon  afterward  the  gallant  Colonel  Knowl 
ton  also  fell.  Not  discouraged  by  the  loss  of  their  field 
officers,  the  captains  maintained  their  ground  and  con 
tinued  the  action  with  great  animation.  The  British  were 
reinforced,  and  Washington  ordered  some  detachments 
from  the  adjacent  regiments  of  New  England  and  Mary 
land  to  the  support  of  the  Americans.  Thus  reinforced, 
they  made  a  gallant  charge,  drove  the  enemy  out  of  the 


943  WASHINGTON. 

wood  into  the  plain,  and  were  pressing  him  still  further, 
when  Washington,  content  with  the  present  advantage, 
called  back  his  troops  to  their  intrenchments. 

In  this  sharp  conflict  (September  16,  1776)  the  loss  of 
the  Americans  in  killed  and  wounded  did  not  exceed 
fifty  men.  The  British  lost  more  than  double  that  num 
ber.  But  the  real  importance  of  the  affair  was  derived 
from  its  operation  on  the  spirits  of  the  whole  army.  It 
was  the  first  success  they  had  obtained  during  this  cam 
paign,  and  its  influence  was  very  discernible.  To  give  it 
the  more  effect,  Washington,  in  his  orders,  publicly 
thanked  the  troops  who  had  first  advanced  on  the  enemy 
and  the  others  who  had  so  resolutely  supported  them. 
He  contrasted  their  conduct  with  that  which  had  been 
exhibited  the  day  before,  and  the  result,  he  said,  evidenced 
what  might  be  done  where  officers  and  soldiers  would 
exert  themselves.  Once  more  therefore  he  called  upon 
them  so  to  act  as  not  to  disgrace  the  noble  cause  in  which 
they  were  engaged.  He  appointed  a  successor  to  "  the 
gallant  and  brave  Colonel  Knowlton,  who  would,"  he 
said,  "  have  been  an  honor  to  any  country,  and  who  had 
fallen  gloriously,  fighting  at  his  post." 

In  this  active  part  of  the  campaign,  when  the  utmost 
stretch  of  every  faculty  was  required  to  watch  and  counter 
act  the  plans  of  a  skillful  and  powerful  enemy,  the  effects 
of  the  original  errors  committed  by  Congress  in  its  mili 
tary  establishment  were  beginning  to  be  so  seriously  felt 
as  to  compel  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  devote  a  portion 
of  his  time  and  attention  to  the  complete  removal  of  the 
causes  which  produced  them. 

The  situation  was  becoming  extremely  critical.  The 
almost  entire  dissolution  of  the  existing  army,  by  the  ex 
piration  of  the  time  for  which  the  greater  number  of  the 
troops  had  been  engaged,  was  fast  approaching.  No  steps 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  943 

had  been  taken  to  recruit  the  new  regiments  which  Con- 
gress  had  resolved  to  raise  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  and 
there  was  much  reason  to  apprehend  that  in  the  actual 
state  of  things  the  terms  offered  would  not  hold  forth 
sufficient  inducements  to  fill  them. 

With  so  unpromising  a  prospect  before  him,  Washing 
ton  found  himself  pressed  by  an  army  permanent  in  its 
establishment,  supplied  with  every  requisite  of  war,  for 
midable  for  its  discipline  and  the  experience  of  its  leaders, 
and  superior  to  him  in  numbers.  These  circumstances, 
and  the  impressions  they  created,  will  be  best  exhibited 
by  an  extract  from  a  letter  written  at  the  time  to  Congress. 
It  is  in  these  words:  "  From  the  hours  allotted  to  sleep  I 
will  borrow  a  few  moments  to  convey  my  thoughts  on 
sundry  important  matters  to  Congress.  I  shall  offer  them 
with  that  sincerity  which  ought  to  characterize  a  man  of 
candor,  and  with  the  freedom  which  may  be  used  in  giving 
useful  information,  without  incurring  the  imputation  of 
presumption. 

"  We  are  now,  as  it  were,  upon  the  eve  of  another  disso 
lution  of  our  army.  The  remembrance  of  the  difficulties 
which  happened  upon  that  occasion  last  year,  the  conse 
quences  which  might  have  followed  the  change  if  proper 
advantages  had  been  taken  by  the  enemy,  added  to  a 
knowledge  of  the  present  temper  and  disposition  of  the 
troops,  reflect  but  a  very  gloomy  prospect  upon  the  ap 
pearance  of  things  now,  and  satisfy  me,  beyond  the  pos 
sibility  of  doubt,  that  unless  some  speedy  and  effectual 
measures  are  adopted  by  Congress  our  cause  will  be  lost. 

"  It  is  in  vain  to  expect  that  any,  or  more  than  a  trifling 
part  of  this  army,  will  engage  again  in  the  service,  on  the 
encouragement  offered  by  Congress.  When  men  find 
that  their  townsmen  and  companions  are  receiving  twenty, 
thirty,  and  more  dollars,  for  a  few  months'  service  (which 


944:  WASHINGTON. 

is  truly  the  case),  this  cannot  be  expected  without  using 
compulsion;  and  to  force  them  into  the  service  would 
answer  no  valuable  purpose.  When  men  are  irritated  and 
their  passions  inflamed  they  fly  hastily  and  cheerfully  to 
arms,  but  after  the  first  emotions  are  over,  to  expect 
among  such  people  as  compose  the  bulk  of  an  army  that 
they  are  influenced  by  any  other  motives  than  those  of 
interest  is  to  look  for  what  never  did,  and,  I  fear,  never 
will,  happen;  the  Congress  will  deceive  themselves  there 
fore  if  they  expect  it. 

"A  soldier,  reasoned  with  upon  the  goodness  of  the 
cause  he  is  engaged  in,  and  the  inestimable  rights  he  is 
contending  for,  hears  you  with  patience  and  acknowledges 
the  truth  of  your  observations,  but  adds  that  it  is  of  no 
more  consequence  to  him  than  to  others.  The  officer 
makes  you  the  same  reply,  with  this  further  remark,  that 
his  pay  will  not  support  him,  and  he  cannot  ruin  himself 
and  family  to  serve  his  country,  when  every  member  of 
the  community  is  equally  benefited  and  interested  by  his 
labors.  The  few  therefore  who  act  upon  principles  of  dis 
interestedness  are,  comparatively  speaking,  no  more  than 
a  drop  in  the  ocean.  It  becomes  evidently  clear  then  that 
as  this  contest  is  not  likely  to  become  the  work  of  a  day; 
as  the  war  must  be  carried  on  systematically;  and  to  do 
it  you  must  have  good  officers,  there  is,  in  my  judgment, 
no  other  possible  means  to  obtain  them  but  by  establish 
ing  your  army  upon  a  permanent  footing  and  giving  your 
officers  good  pay.  This  will  induce  gentlemen  and  men 
of  character  to  engage,  and,  until  the  bulk  of  your  officers 
are  composed  of  such  persons  as  are  actuated  by  princi 
ples  of  honor  and  a  spirit  of  enterprise,  you  have  little 
to  expect  from  them.  They  ought  to  have  such  allow 
ances  as  will  enable  them  to  live  like  and  support  the  char 
acter  of  gentlemen,  and  not  be  driven  by  a  scanty  pittance 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  945 

to  the  low  and  dirty  arts  which  many  of  them  practice,  to 
filch  the  public  of  more  than  the  difference  of  pay  would 
amount  to  upon  an  ample  allowance.  Besides,  something 
is  due  to  the  man  who  puts  his  life  in  your  hands,  hazards 
his  health,  and  forsakes  the  sweets  of  domestic  enjoy 
ments.  Why  a  captain  in  the  Continental  service  should 
receive  no  more  than  five  shilling  currency  per  day  for 
performing  the  same  duties  that  an  officer  of  the  same 
rank  in  the  British  service  receives  ten  shillings  sterling 
for  I  never  could  conceive,  especially  when  the  latter  is 
provided  with  every  necessary  he  requires,  upon  the  best 
terms,  and  the  former  can  scarcely  procure  them  at  any 
rate.  There  is  nothing  that  gives  a  man  consequence  and 
renders  him  fit  for  command  like  a  support  that  renders 
him  independent  of  everybody  but  the  State  he  serves. 

"  With  respect  to  the  men,  nothing  but  a  good  bounty 
can  obtain  them  upon  a  permanent  establishment,  and  for 
no  shorter  time  than  the  continuance  of  the  war  ought 
they  to  be  engaged,  as  facts  incontestably  prove  that  the 
difficulty  and  cost  of  enlistments  increase  with  time.  When 
the  army  was  first  raised  at  Cambridge,  I  am  persuaded 
the  men  might  have  been  got  without  a  bounty  for  the 
war;*  after  that  they  began  to  see  that  the  contest  was  not 
likely  to  end  so  speedily  as  was  imagined,  and  to  feel  their 
consequence,  by  remarking  that  to  get  their  militia,  in 
the  course  of  the  last  year,  many  towns  were  induced  to 

*We  have  already  had  occasion  to  remark  that  Congress  and  the 
people  were  extremely  jealous  of  military  power,  and  this  was  the 
reason  for  refusing  to  make  long  enlistments.  They  were  afraid  of 
a  standing  army.  The  example  of  Cromwell,  displacing  the  Long 
Parliament,  was  comparatively  recent ;  and  the  members  of  Congress 
were  well  read  in  British  history.  Washington  asked  Congress  for 
a  permanent  army  during  the  siege  of  Boston,  but  could  not  obtain 
it.  They  were  at  last  forced,  by  dire  necessity,  into  enlistments  to 
last  during  the  war. 
60 


946  WASHINGTON. 

give  them  a  bounty.  Foreseeing  the  evils  resulting  from 
this,  and  the  destructive  consequences  which  would  un 
avoidably  follow  short  enlistments,  I  took  the  liberty,  in 
a  long  letter  (date  not  now  recollected,  as  my  letter-book 
is  not  here),  to  recommend  the  enlistments  for  and  during 
the  war,  assigning  such  reasons  for  it  as  experience  has 
since  convinced  me  were  well  founded.  At  that  time  $20 
would,  I  am  persuaded,  have  engaged  the  men  for  this 
term;  but  it  will  not  do  to  look  back  —  and  if  the  present 
opportunity  is  slipped  I  am  persuaded  that  twelve  months 
more  will  increase  our  difficulties  fourfold.  I  shall  there 
fore  take  the  liberty  of  giving  it  as  my  opinion  that  a  good 
bounty  be  immediately  offered,  aided  by  the  proffer  of  at 
least  loo  or  150  acres  of  land,  and  a  suit  of  clothes  and  a 
blanket  to  each  noncommissioned  officer  and  soldier,  as  I 
have  good  authority  for  saying  that  however  high  the 
men's  pay  may  appear,  it  is  barely  sufficient,  in  the  present 
scarcity  and  dearness  of  all  kinds  of  goods,  to  keep  them 
in  clothes,  much  less  to  afford  support  to  their  families. 
If  this  encouragement  then  is  given  to  the  men,  and  such 
pay  allowed  to  the  officers  as  will  induce  gentlemen  of  lib 
eral  character  and  liberal  sentiments  to  engage,  and  proper 
care  and  caution  be  used  in  the  nomination  (having  more 
regard  to  the  characters  of  persons  than  the  number  of 
men  they  can  enlist),  we  should,  in  a  little  time,  have  an 
army  able  to  cope  with  any  that  can  be  opposed  to  it,  as 
there  are  excellent  materials  to  form  one  out  of;  but  whilst 
the  only  merit  an  officer  possesses  is  -his  ability  to  raise 
men,  whilst  those  men  consider  and  treat  him  as  an  equal, 
and,  in  the  character  of  an  officer,  regard  him  no  more 
than  a  broomstick,  being  mixed  together  as  one  common 
herd,  no  order  nor  discipline  can  prevail,  nor  will  the  offi- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  947 

cer  ever  meet  with  that  respect  which  is  essentially  neces 
sary  to  due  subordination.* 

"  To  place  any  dependence  upon  militia  is  assuredly 
resting  upon  a  broken  staff.  Men  just  dragged  from  the 
tender  scenes  of  domestic  life,  unaccustomed  to  the  din 
of  arms,  totally  unacquainted  with  every  kind  of  military 
skill,  which,  being  followed  by  a  want  of  confidence  in 
themselves,  when  opposed  to  troops  regularly  trained, 
disciplined,  and  appointed  —  superior  in  knowledge  and 
superior  in  arms  —  makes  them  timid  and  ready  to  fly  from 
their  own  shadows.  Besides,  the  sudden  change  in  their 
manner  of  living,  particularly  in  their  lodging,  brings  on 
sickness  in  many,  impatience  in  all,  and  such  an  uncon 
querable  desire  of  returning  to  their  respective  homes  that 
it  not  only  produces  shameful  and  scandalous  desertions 
among  themselves,  but  infuses  the  like  spirit  into  others. 
Again,  men  accustomed  to  unbounded  freedom  and  no 
control  cannot  brook  the  restraint  which  is  indispensably 
necessary  to  the  good  order  and  government  of  an  army; 
without  which,  licentiousness  and  every  kind  of  disorder 
triumphantly  reign.  To  bring  men  to  a  proper  degree  of 
subordination  is  not  the  work  of  a  day,  a  month,  or  a  year; 
and,  unhappily  for  us  and  the  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  the 
little  discipline  I  have  been  laboring  to  establish  in  the 
army  under  my  immediate  command  is  in  a  manner  done 
away  by  having  such  a  mixture  of  troops  as  have  been 
called  together  within  these  few  months. "f 

*  In  the  recent  disgraceful  affair,  on  the  landing  of  the  British  at 
Kipp's  bay,  the  officers  had  set  the  example  of  running  away. 
Washington's  vivid  recollection  of  this  scene  must  have  influenced 
him  in  the  above  remarks. 

t  Remarks  similar  to  these  and  almost  in  the  same  language, 
with  respect  to  the  feelings  of  the  militia,  occur  in  a  letter  of 
General  Greene's,  written  about  the  same  time.  Both  letters  sug 
gest  to  the  reader's  mind  a  host  of  appalling  difficulties  surround 
ing  Washington  and  embarrassing  the  operations  of  all  the  leading 
officers  of  the  army. 


948  WASHINGTON. 

The  frequent  remonstrances  of  Washington,  the  opin 
ions  of  all  military  men,  and  the  severe  but  correcting  hand 
of  experience  had  at  length  produced  some  effect  on  the 
government  of  the  Union;  and  soon  after  the  defeat  on 
Long  Island  Congress  had  directed  the  committee  com 
posing  the  board  of  war  to  prepare  a  plan  of  operations 
for  the  next  campaign.  Their  report  proposed  a  perma 
nent  army,  to  be  enlisted  for  the  war,  and  to  be  raised  by 
the  several  States,  in  proportion  to  their  ability.  A  bounty 
of  $20  was  offered  to  each  recruit,  and  small  portions  of 
land  to  every  officer  and  soldier. 

The  resolutions  adopting  this  report  were  received  by 
Washington  soon  after  the  transmission  of  the  foregoing 
letter.  Believing  the  inducements  they  held  forth  for  the 
completion  of  the  army  to  be  still  insufficient,  he,  in  his 
letter  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  them,  urged,  in  the 
most  serious  terms,  the  necessity  of  raising  the  pay  of  the 
officers  and  the  bounty  offered  to  recruits: 

"  Give  me  leave  to  say,  sir,"  he  observed,  "  I  say  it  with 
due  deference  and  respect  (and  my  knowledge  of  the  facts, 
added  to  the  importance  of  the  cause  and  the  stake  I  hold 
it  in  must  justify  the  freedom),  that  your  affairs  are  in  a 
more  unpromising  way  than  you  seem  to  apprehend. 

"  Your  army,  as  mentioned  in  my  last,  is  upon  the  eve 
of  political  dissolution.  True  it  is,  you  have  voted  a  larger 
one  in  lieu  of  it,  but  the  season  is  late  and  there  is  a  ma 
terial  difference  between  voting  battalions  and  raising 
men.  In  the  latter  there  are  more  difficulties  than  Con 
gress  seem  aware  of,  which  makes  it  my  duty  (as  I  have 
been  informed  of  the  prevailing  sentiments  of  this  army) 
to  inform  them  that  unless  the  pay  of  the  officers  (especi 
ally  that  of  the  field  officers)  is  raised,  the  chief  part  of 
those  that  are  worth  retaining  will  leave  the  service  at  the 
expiration  of  the  present  term;  as  the  soldiers  will  also  if 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  949 

some  greater  encouragement  is  not  offered  them  than  $20 
and  100  acres  of  land." 

After  urging  in  strong  terms  the  necessity  of  a  more 
liberal  compensation  to  the  army,  and  stating  that  the 
British  were  actually  raising  a  regiment  with  a  bounty  of 
£10  sterling  for  each  recruit,  he  added: 

"  When  the  pay  and  establishment  of  an  officer  once 
become  objects  of  interested  attention,  the  sloth,  negli 
gence,  and  even  disobedience  of  orders,  which  at  this  time 
but  too  generally  prevail,  will  be  purged  off;  but  while 
the  service  is  viewed  with  indifference,  while  the  officer 
conceives  that  he  is  rather  conferring  than  receiving  an 
obligation,  there  will  be  a  total  relaxation  of  all  order  and 
discipline,  and  everything  will  move  heavily  on,  to  the 
great  detriment  of  the  service  and  inexpressible  trouble 
and  vexation  of  the  General. 

"  The  critical  situation  of  our  affairs  at  this  time  will 
justify  my  saying  that  no  time  is  to  be  lost  in  making  fruit 
less  experiments.  An  unavailing  trial  of  a  month,  to  get 
an  army  upon  the  terms  proposed,  may  render  it  impracti 
cable  to  do  it  at  all  and  prove  fatal  to  our  cause,  as  I  am 
not  sure  whether  any  rubs  in  the  way  of  our  enlistments, 
or  unfavorable  turn  in  our  affairs,  may  not  prove  the 
means  of  the  enemy's  recruiting  men  faster  than  we  do." 

After  stating  at  large  the  confusion  and  delay,  insepa 
rable  from  the  circumstance  that  the  appointments  for  the 
new  army  were  to  be  made  by  the  States,  the  letter  pro 
ceeds  : 

"  Upon  the  present  plan  I  plainly  foresee  an  interven 
tion  of  time  between  the  old  and  new  army,  which  must 
be  filled  with  militia,  if  to  be  had,  with  whom  no  man  who 
has  any  regard  for  his  own  reputation  can  undertake  to 
be  answerable  for  consequences.  I  shall  also  be  mistaken 
in  my  conjectures  if  we  do  not  lose  the  most  valuable  offi- 


950  WASHINGTON. 

cers  in  this  army  under  the  present  mode  of  appointing 
them;  consequently,  if  we  have  an  army  at  all,  it  will  be 
composed  of  materials  not  only  entirely  raw,  but,  if  un 
common  pains  are  not  taken,  entirely  unfit ;  and  I  see  such 
a  distrust  and  jealousy  of  military  power  that  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  has  not  an  opportunity,  even  by  recom 
mendation,  to  give  the  least  assurances  of  reward  for  the 
most  essential  services. 

"  In  a  word,  such  a  cloud  of  perplexing  circumstances 
appears  before  me,  without  one  flattering  hope,  that  I  am 
thoroughly  convinced,  unless  the  most  vigorous  and  de 
cisive  exertions  are  immediately  adopted  to  remedy  these 
evils,  the  certain  and  absolute  loss  of  our  liberties  will  be 
the  inevitable  consequence,  as  one  unhappy  stroke  will 
throw  a  powerful  weight  into  the  scale  against  us  and 
enable  General  Howe  to  recruit  his  army  as  fast  as  we 
shall  ours;  numbers  being  disposed  and  many  actually 
doing  so  already.  Some  of  the  most  probable  remedies, 
and  such  as  experience  has  brought  to  my  more  intimate 
knowledge,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  point  out;  the  rest 
I  beg  leave  to  submit  to  the  consideration  of  Congress. 

"  I  ask  pardon  for  taking  up  so  much  of  their  time  with 
my  opinions,  but  I  should  betray  that  trust  which  they 
and  my  country  have  reposed  in  me  were  I  to  be  silent 
upon  matters  so  extremely  interesting." 

On  receiving  this  very  serious  letter,  Congress  passed 
resolutions  conforming  to  many  of  its  suggestions.  The 
pay  of  the  officers  was  raised  and  a  suit  of  clothes  allowed 
annually  to  each  soldier.  The  Legislatures  of  the  States 
having  troops  in  the  Continental  service,  either  at  New 
York,  Ticonderoga,  or  New  Jersey,  were  requested  to 
depute  committees  to  those  places,  in  order  to  officer  the 
regiments  on  the  new  establishment;  and  it  was  recom- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  951 

mended  to  the  committees  to  consult  Washington  on  the 
subject  of  appointments. 

These  measures  afforded  much  gratification  to  Wash 
ington.  He  was  also  greatly  relieved  by  effecting  an  ex 
change  of  prisoners  with  General  Howe,  in  which  those 
captured  in  Canada  were  included.  Among  the  officers 
restored  to  the  army  by  this  exchange  were  Lord  Stirling 
and  Capt.  Daniel  Morgan,  who  had  served  at  the  siege  of 
Quebec  with  Arnold  and  Montgomery.  Washington 
recommended  Morgan  to  Congress  for  the  command  of  a 
regiment  of  riflemen  about  to  be  raised,  an  appointment 
which  was  made  with  signal  advantage  to  the  service. 

Washington  now  learned  that  the  Tories  were  forming 
military  organizations  to  aid  the  enemy.  Oliver  De  Lan- 
cey,  a  conspicuous  man  in  New  York,  was  actually  ap 
pointed  brigadier-general  by  Lord  Howe,  with  authority 
to  raise  a  brigade,  and  he  was  offering  liberal  pay  for 
soldiers,  and  commissions  to  those  who  would  bring  in  a 
given  number  of  recruits.  Robert  Rogers,  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  who  had  served  with  credit  in  the  French  War,  and 
who  had  since  served  the  enemy  as  a  spy  in  Canada,  been 
arrested,  and  afterward  liberated  on  promise  of  good  be 
havior,  was  also  enlisting  a  regiment  of  Tories.  He  had 
obtained  a  colonel's  commission,  and  his  regiment  was 
to  be  called  the  Queen's  Rangers.  This  man  was  one  of 
the  most  infamous  traitors  in  the  British  service,  and  the 
Americans,  both  officers  and  men,  were  especially  desirous 
to  capture  and  punish  him. 

The  armies  did  not  long  retain  their  position  on  York 
Island.  General  Howe  was  sensible  of  the  strength  of  the 
American  camp  and  was  not  disposed  to  force  it.  His 
plan  was  to  compel  Washington  to  abandon  it  or  to  give 
battle  in  a  situation  in  which  a  defeat  must  be  attended 
with  the  total  destruction  of  his  army.  With  this  view, 


952  WASHINGTON. 

after  throwing  up  intrenchments  on  McGowan's  Hill  for 
the  protection  of  New  York,  he  determined  to  gain  the 
rear  of  the  American  camp  by  the  New  England  road, 
and  also  to  possess  himself  of  the  North  river  above  Kings- 
bridge.  To  assure  himself  of  the  practicability  of  acquir 
ing  the  command  of  the  river,  three  frigates,  the  Phoenix, 
Roebuck,  and  Tartar,  passed  up  it  under  the  fire  from 
Fort  Washington,  and  from  the  opposite  post  on  the  Jer 
sey  shore,  afterward  called  Fort  Lee,  without  sustaining 
any  injury  from  the  batteries  or  being  impeded  by  the 
chevaux-de-frise  which  had  been  sunk  in  the  channel  be 
tween  those  forts,  under  the  direction  of  General  Putnam. 

This  point  being  ascertained,  he  embarked  a  great  part 
of  his  army  on  board  flat-bottomed  boats  and,  passing 
through  Hell  Gate  into  the  Sound,  landed  at  Frog's  Neck, 
about  nine  miles  from  the  camp  on  the  Heights  of  Harlem. 

In  consequence  of  this  movement,  Washington  strength 
ened  the  post  at  Kingsbridge  and  detached  some  regi 
ments  to  West  Chester  for  the  purpose  of  skirmishing  with 
the  enemy,  so  soon  as"  he  should  march  from  the  ground 
he  occupied.  The  road  from  Frog's  Point  to  Kingsbridge 
leads  through  a  strong  country,  intersected  by  numerous 
stone  fences,  so  as  to  render  it  difficult  to  move  artillery, 
or  even  infantry,  in  compact  columns,  except  along  the 
main  road,  which  had  been  broken  up  in  several  places. 
Washington  therefore  entertained  sanguine  hopes  of  the 
event  should  a  direct  attack  be  made  on  his  camp. 

General  Howe,  if  we  may  believe  his  own  account,  con 
tinued  some  days  waiting  for  his  artillery,  military  stores, 
and  reinforcements  from  Staten  Island,  which  were  de 
tained  by  unfavorable  winds.  The  Americans  however  at 
tributed  his  delay  to  the  destruction  of  the  causeway  lead 
ing  from  his  position  to  the  mainland,  and  the  menacing 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  953 

attitude  of  the  American  batteries,  and  the  detachments 
from  Washington's  army,  by  whom  he  was  inclosed. 

In  the  meantime  the  propriety  of  removing  the  Ameri 
can  army  from  its  present  situation  was  submitted  to  a 
council  of  general  officers.  After  much  investigation,  it 
was  declared  to  be  impracticable,  without  a  change  of 
position,  to  keep  up  their  communication  with  the  country 
and  avoid  being  compelled  to  fight  under  great  disadvan 
tages  or  to  surrender  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  Gen 
eral  Lee,  who  had  just  arrived  from  the  south,  and  whose 
experience  as  well  as  late  success  gave  great  weight  to  his 
opinions,  urged  the  necessity  of  this  movement  with  much 
earnestness.*  It  was,  at  the  same  time,  determined  to 
hold  Fort  Washington  and  to  defend  it  as  long  as  possible. 
A  resolution  of  Congress  of  the  nth  of  October,  desiring 
General  Washington,  by  every  art  and  expense,  to  ob 
struct,  if  possible,  the  navigation  of  the  river,  contributed 
not  inconsiderately  to  this  determination. 

In  pursuance  of  this  opinion  of  the  military  council, 
Washington  began  moving  the  army  up  the  North  river, 
so  as  to  extend  its  front,  or  left,  toward  the  White  Plains, 
beyond  the  British  right,  and  thus  keep  open  its  com 
munication  with  the  country.  The  right,  or  rear  division, 
remained  a  few  days  longer  about  Kingsbridge,  under  the 
command  of  General  Lee,  for  the  security  of  the  heavy 
baggage  and  military  stores,  which,  in  consequence  of  the 
difficulty  of  obtaining  wagons,  could  be  but  slowly  re 
moved. 

General  Howe,  checked  at  Frog's  Neck,  abandoned  that 

*Lee  was  always  overrated  till  he  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
The  success  of  the  Americans  in  repelling  the  enemy's  attack  on 
Charleston  was  due  to  Moultrie  and  the  brave  fellows  who  defended 
the  Palmetto  fort,  and  not  at  all  to  Lee.  who  was  in  favor  of 
abandoning  the  fort  as  a  means  of  defense,  but  was  fortunately 
overruled  by  the  opinions  of  the  other  officers. 


WASHINGTON. 

post,  and  atter  uniting  his  forces  at  Pell's  Point,  moved 
forward  his  whole  army,  except  four  brigades  destined  for 
the  defense  of  New  York,  through  Pelham  Manor  toward 
New  Rochelle.  Some  skirmishes  took  place  on  the  march 
with  a  part  of  Glover's  brigade,  in  which  the  conduct  of 
the  Americans  was  mentioned  with  satisfaction  by  the 
Commander-in-Chief;  and,  as  Howe  took  post  at  New 
Rochelle,  Washington  occupied  the  heights  between  that 
place  and  the  North  river. 

At  New  Rochelle  the  British  army  was  joined  by  the 
second  division  of  Germans,  under  the  command  of  Gen 
eral  Knyphausen,  and  by  an  incomplete  regiment  of  cav 
alry  from  Ireland,  some  of  whom  had  been  captured  on 
their  passage.  Both  armies  now  marched  toward  the 
White  Plains,  a  piece  of  ground  already  occupied  by  a  de 
tachment  of  militia.  The  main  body  of  the  American 
troops  formed  a  long  line  of  intrenched  camps,  extending 
from  twelve  to  thirteen  miles,  on  the  different  heights 
from  Valentine's  Hill,  near  Kingsbridge,  to  the  White 
Plains,  fronting  the  British  line  of  march,  and  the  Bronx, 
which  divided  the  two  armies.  The  motions  of  General 
Howe  were  anxiously  watched,  not  only  for  the  purposes 
of  security  and  of  avoiding  a  general  action,  but  in  order 
to  seize  any  occasion  which  might  present  itself  of  engag 
ing  his  outposts  with  advantage. 

While  the  British  army  lay  at  New  Rochelle  the  posi 
tion  of  a  corps  of  American  loyalists,  commanded  by  that 
infamous  traitor,  Colonel  Rogers,  was  supposed  to  fur 
nish  such  an  occasion.  He  was  advanced  further  east 
ward,  to  Mamaroneck,  on  the  Sound,  where  he  was  be 
lieved  to  be  covered  by  the  other  troops.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  surprise  him  in  the  night  by  a  detachment 
which  should  pass  between  him  and  the  main  body  of  the 
British  army,  and,  by  a  coup  de  main,  bear  off  his  whole 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  955 

corps.  Rogers  was  surprised  and  about  sixty  of  his  regi 
ment  killed  and  taken,  the  traitor  himself  escaping  cap 
ture.*  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  only  two  killed  and 
eight  or  ten  wounded;  among  the  latter  was  Major  Green, 
of  Virginia,  a  brave  officer,  who  led  the  detachment,  and 
who  received  a  ball  through  his  body. 

Not  long  afterward  a  regiment  of  Pennsylvania  riflemen, 
under  Colonel  Hand,  engaged  an  equal  number  of  Hes 
sian  chasseurs,  with  some  advantage. 

The  caution  of  the  English  General  was  increased  by 
these  evidences  of  enterprise  in  his  adversary.  His  object 
seems  to  have  been  to  avoid  skirmishes  and  to  bring  on  a 
general  action,  if  that  could  be  effected  under  favorable 
circumstances;  if  not,  he  calculated  on  nearly  all  the  ad 
vantages  of  a  victory  from  the  approaching  dissolution  of 
the  American  army.  He  proceeded  therefore  slowly. 
His  march  was  in  close  order,  his  encampments  compact 
and  well  guarded  with  artillery,  and  the  utmost  circum 
spection  was  used  to  leave  no  vulnerable  point. 

As  the  sick  and  baggage  reached  a  place  of  safety, 
Washington  gradually  drew  in  his  outposts  and  took  pos 
session  of  the  heights  on  the  east  side  of  the  Bronx,  front 
ing  the  head  of  the  British  columns,  at  the  distance  of 
seven  or  eight  miles  from  them.  Here  he  was  soon  joined 
by  Lee,  who,  after  securing  the  sick  and  the  baggage,  had, 
with  considerable  address,  brought  up  the  rear  division  of 
the  army,  an  operation  the  more  difficult  as  the  deficiency 
of  teams  was  such  that  a  large  portion  of  the  labor  usually 
performed  by  horses  or  oxen  devolved  on  men. 

Washington  was  encamped  on  high  broken  ground, 
with  his  right  flank  on  the  Bronx.  This  stream  meandered 
so  as  also  to  cover  the  front  of  his  right  wing,  which  ex 
tended  along  the  road  leading  toward  New  Rochelle,  as 

*  Rogers,  says  Irving,  skulked  off  in  the  dark  at  the  first  fire.  He 
was  too  old  a  partisan  to  be  easily  entrapped. 


956  WASHINGTON. 

far  as  the  brow  of  the  hill  where  his  center  was  posted. 
His  left,  which  formed  almost  a  right  angle  with  his  center, 
and  was  nearly  parallel  to  his  right,  extending  along  the 
hills  northward,  so  as  to  keep  possession  of  the  command 
ing  ground  and  secure  a  retreat,  should  it  be  necessary,  to 
a  still  stronger  position  in  his  rear.* 

*  Gordon  gives  the  following  anecdotes  of  this  period  of  the  war : 
General  Lee  while  at  White  Plains  lodged  in  a  small  house  close 
in  with  the  road,  by  which  General  Washington  had  to  pass  when 
out  reconnoitering.  Returning  witrr  his  officers  they  called  in  and 
took  dinner.  They  were  no  sooner  gone  than  Lee  told  his  aids, 
"  You  must  look  me  out  another  place  for  I  shall  have  Washington 
and  all  his  puppies  continually  calling  on  me,  and  they  will  eat  me 
up."  The  next  day  Lee  seeing  Washington  out  upon  the  like  busi 
ness,  and  supposing  that  he  should  have  another  visit,  ordered  his 
servant  to  write  with  chalk  upon  the  door,  no  victuals  dressed  here 
to-day.  When  the  company  approached  and  saw  the  writing,  they 
pushed  off  with  much  good  humor  for  their  own  table,  without 
resenting  the  habitual  oddity  of  the  man. 

It  happened  that  a  garden  of  a  widow  woman,  which  lay  between 
the  two  camps,  was  robbed  at  night.  Her  son,  a  mere  boy,  and 
little  of  his  age,  asked  leave  for  finding  out  and  securing  the  pilferer 
in  case  he  should  return;  which  being  granted,  he  concealed  himself 
with  a  gun  among  the  weeds.  A  British  grenadier,  a  strapping  High 
lander,  came  and  filled  his  large  bag ;  when  he  had  it  on  his  shoulder, 
the  boy  left  his  covert,  came  softly  behind  him,  cocked  his  gun,  and 
called  out  to  the  fellow,'  "  You  are  my  prisoner ;  if  you  attempt  to 
throw  your  bag  down  I  will  shoot  you  dead;  go  forward  in  that 
road."  The  boy  kept  close  to  him,  threatened,  and  was  always  pre 
pared  to  execute  his  threatening.  Thus  the  boy  drove  him  into  the 
American  camp,  where  he  was  secured.  When  the  grenadier  was 
at  liberty  to  throw  down  his  bag  and  saw  who  had  made  him  prisoner 
he  was  horribly  mortified,  and  exclaimed,  "A  British  grenadier  made 
prisoner  by  such  a  d — d  brat,  by  such  a  d — d  brat !  "  The  American 
officers  were  highly  entertained  with  the  adventure,  made  a  collec 
tion  for  the  boy,  and  gave  him  some  pounds.  He  returned  fully 
satisfied  with  the  losses  his  mother  had  sustained.  The  soldier  had 
side  arms,  but  they  were  of  no  use,  as  he  could  not  get  rid  of  his 
bag. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  957 

On  the  right  of  the  army  and  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Bronx,  about  one  mile  from  camp,  on  a  road  leading  from 
the  North  river,  was  a  hill,  of  which  General  M'Dougal 
was  ordered  to  take  possession,  for  the  purpose  of  cover 
ing  the  right  flank.  His  detachment  consisted  of  about 
1,600  men,  principally  militia,  and  his  communication  with 
the  main  army  was  open,  that  part  of  the  Bronx  being 
passable  without  difficulty. 

Intrenchments  were  thrown  up  to  strengthen  the  lines. 

General  Howe,  having  made  arrangements  to  attack 
Washington  in  his  camp,  advanced  early  in  the  morning 
(October  25,  1776)  in  two  columns,  the  right  commanded 
by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  the  left  by  General  Knyphausen; 
and,  about  10,  his  van  appeared  in  full  view,  on  which  a 
cannonade  commenced  without  much  execution  on  either 
side. 

The  British  right  formed  behind  a  rising  ground,  about 
a  mile  in  front  of  the  American  camp,  and  extending  from 
the  road  leading  from  Mamaroneck  toward  the  Bronx, 
stood  opposed  to  the  American  center. 

On  viewing  Washington's  situation  Howe,  who  accom 
panied  Knyphausen,  determined  to  carry  the  hill  occupied 
by  M'Dougal,  as  preliminary  to  an  attack  on  the  center 
and  right  of  the  American  camp.  He  therefore  directed 
Colonel  Rahl,  with  a  brigade  of  Hessians,  to  cross~the 
Bronx  and  make  a  circuit  so  as  to  turn  M'Dougal's  right 
flank,  while  Brigadier-General  Leslie,  with  a  strong  corps 
of  British  and  Hessian  troops,  should  attack  him  in  front. 

When  Rahl  had  gained  his  position  the  detachment 
commanded  by  Leslie  also  crossed  the  Bronx  and  com 
menced  a  vigorous  attack.  The  militia  in  the  front  line 
immediately  fled,  but  the  regulars  maintained  their  ground 
with  great  gallantry.  Colonel  Smallwood's  regiment  of 
Marvland  and  Colonel  Reitzimer's  of  New  York  advanced 


958  WASHINGTON. 

boldly  toward  the  foot  of  the  hill  to  meet  Leslie,  but,  after 
a  sharp  encounter,  were  overpowered  by  numbers  and 
compelled  to  retreat. 

General  Leslie  then  attacked  the  remaining  part  of 
M'Dougal  forces,  who  were  soon  driven  from  the  hill,  but 
kept  up  for  some  time  an  irregular  fire  from  the  stone 
walls  about  the  scene  of  action.  General  Putnam,  with 
Beal's  brigade,  was  ordered  to  support  them,  but  not 
having  arrived  till  the  hill  was  lost,  the  attempt  to  regain 
it  was  deemed  unadvisable,  and^the  troops  retreated  to  the 
main  army. 

In  this  animated  engagement,  commonly  called  the  bat 
tle  of  White  Plains,  the  loss  was  supposed  to  be  nearly 
equal.  That  of  the  Americans  was  between  300  and  400 
in  killed,  wounded,  and  taken.  Colonel  Smallwood  was 
among  the  wounded. 

Washington  continued  in  his  lines,  expecting  an  assault. 
But  a  considerable  part  of  the  day  having  been  exhausted 
in  gaining  the  hill  which  had  been  occupied  by  M'Dougal, 
the  meditated  attempt  on  his  intrenchments  was  postponed 
until  the  next  morning,  and  the  British  army  lay  on  their 
arms  the  following  night,  in  order  of  battle,  on  the  ground 
taken  during  the  day. 

This  interval  was  employed  by  Washington  in  strength 
ening  his  works,  removing  his  sick  and  baggage,  and  pre 
paring  for  the  expected  attack  by  adapting  the  arrange 
ment  of  his  troops  to  the  existing  state  of  things.  His 
left  maintained  its  position,  but  his  right  was  drawn  back 
to  stronger  ground.  Perceiving  this,  and  being  unwilling 
further  offensive  operations  until  Lord  Percy  should  ar 
rive  with  four  battalions  from  New  York  and  two  from 
Mamaroneck.  This  reinforcement  was  received  on  the 
evening  of  the  3Oth,  and  preparations  were  then  made  to 
force  the  American  intrenchments  the  next  morning.  In 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  959 

the  night  and  during  the  early  part  of  the  succeeding  day 
a  violent  rain  still  further  postponed  the  assault. 

Having  now  removed  his  provisions  and  heavy  baggage 
to  much  stronger  ground,  and  apprehending  that  the 
British  general,  whose  left  wing  extended  along  the  height 
taken  from  M'Dougal  to  his  rear,  might  turn  his  camp 
and  occupy  the  strong  ground  to  which  he  designed  to 
retreat  should  an  attempt  on  his  lines  prove  successful, 
Washington  changed  his  position  in  the  night  and  with 
drew  to  the  Heights  of  North  Castle,  about  five  miles  from 
the  White  Plains. 

Deeming  this  position  too  strong  to  be  attempted  with 
prudence,  General  Howe  determined  to  change  his  plan 
of  operations  and  to  give  a  new  direction  to  his  efforts. 

While  Forts  Washington  and  Lee  were  held  by  the 
Americans,  his  movements  were  checked  and  New  York 
insecure.  With  a  view  to  the  acquisition  of  these  posts, 
he  directed  General  Knyphausen  to  take  possession  of 
Kingsbridge,  which  was  defended  by  a  small  party  of 
Americans  placed  in  Fort  Independence.  On  his  approach 
this  party  retreated  to  Fort  Washington,  and  Knyphausen 
encamped  between  that  place  and  Kingsbridge. 

In  the  meantime  General  Howe  retired  slowly  down  the 
North  river.  His  designs  were  immediately  penetrated 
by  Washington,  who  perceived  the  necessity  of  passing 
a  part  of  his  army  into  Jersey,  but  was  restrained  from 
immediately  leaving  the  strong  ground  he  occupied  by 
the  apprehension  that  his  adversary  might  in  that  event 
return  suddenly  and  gain  his  rear.  A  council  of  war  was 
called  which  determined  unanimously  that  should  Gen 
eral  Howe  continue  his  march  toward  New  York  all  the 
troops  raised  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  should 
cross  that  river,  to  be  afterward  followed  by  those  raised 


960  WASHINGTON. 

in  the  eastern  part  of  the  continent,  leaving  3,000  men 
for  the  defense  of  the  Highlands  about  the  North  river. 

In  a  letter  to  Congress,  communicating  this  movement 
of  the  British  army  and  this  determination  of  the  council, 
the  General  said :  "I  cannot  indulge  the  idea  that  General 
Howe,  supposing  him  to  be  going  to  New  York,  means 
to  close  the  campaign  and  to  sit  down  without  attempting 
something  more.  I  think  it  highly  probable  and  almost 
certain  that  he  will  make  a  descent  with  part  of  his  troops 
into  the  Jerseys,  and  as  soon  as  I  am  satisfied  that  the 
present  manoeuvre  is  real  and  not  a  feint  I  shall  use  all  the 
means  in  my  power  to  forward  a  part  of  our  force  to 
counteract  his  designs.  I  expect  the  enemy  will  bend  their 
force  against  Fort  Washington  and  invest  it  immediately. 
From  some  advices  it  is  an  object  that  will  attract  their 
earliest  attention." 

He  also  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Governor  of  New 
Jersey  expressing  a  decided  opinion  that  General  Howe 
would  not  content  himself  with  investing  Fort  Washington, 
but  would  invade  the  Jerseys,  and  urging  him  to  put  the 
militia  in  the  best  possible  condition  to  reinforce  the  army, 
and  to  take  the  place  of  the  new  levies,  who  could  not,  he 
suggested,  be  depended  on  to  continue  in  service  one  day 
longer  than  the  1st  of  December,  the  time  for  which  they 
engaged. 

Immediate  intelligence  of  this  movement  was  likewise 
given  to  General  Greene,  who  commanded  in  the  Jerseys, 
and  his  attention  was  particularly  pointed  to  Fort  Wash 
ington. 

As  the  British  army  approached  Kingsbridge  three  ships 
of  war  passed  up  the  North  river,  notwithstanding  the  fire 
from  Forts  Washington  and  Lee,  and  notwithstanding  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  961 

additional  obstructions  which  had  been  placed  in  the 
channel. 

On  being  informed  of  this  another  letter  was  addressed 
to  General  Greene  stating  that  this  fact  was  so  plain  a 
proof  of  the  inefficacy  of  all  the  obstructions  thrown  in 
the  river  as  to  justify  a  change  in  the  dispositions  which 
had  been  made.  "  If,"  continued  the  letter,  "  we  cannot 
prevent  vessels  from  passing  up,  and  the  enemy  are  pos 
sessed  of  the  surrounding  country,  what  valuable  purpose 
can  it  answer  to  attempt  to  hold  a  post  from  which  the 
expected  benefit  cannot  be  derived?  I  am  therefore  in 
clined  to  think  it  will  not  be  prudent  to  hazard  the  men 
and  stores  at  Mount  Washington;  but,  as  you  are  on  the 
spot,  I  leave  it  to  you  to  give  such  orders  respecting  the 
evacuation  of  the  place  as  you  may  think  most  advisable, 
and  so  far  revoke  the  orders  given  to  Colonel  Magaw  to 
defend  it  to  the  last." 

Measures  were  now  taken  to  cross  the  North  river  with 
the  troops  which  had  been  raised  on  its  western  side,  and 
Washington  determined  to  accompany  that  division  of  the 
army.  The  eastern  regiments  remained  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  river,  under  the  command  of  Lee,  with  orders  to 
join  the  Commander-in-Chief  should  the  British  army  cross 
the  Hudson. 

After  visiting  the  posts  about  Peekskill,  and  making 
all  the  arrangements  in  his  power  for  their  defense,  Wash 
ington  passed  the  North  river  in  the  rear  of  the  troops 
designed  to  act  in  the  Jerseys,  and  proceeded  to  the 
quarters  of  General  Greene  near  Fort  Lee. 

From  too  great  a  confidence  in  the  strength  of  Fort 
Washington  and  a  conviction  of  its  importance  General 
Greene  had  not  withdrawn  its  garrison  under  the  dis 
cretionary  orders  he  had  received,  but  still  indulged  a  hope 
61 


963  WASHINGTON. 

that  the  post  might  be  maintained,  or,  should  its  situation 
become  desperate,  that  means  might  be  found  to  trans-' 
port  the  troops  across  the  river  to  the  Jersey  shore,  which 
was  defended  by  Fort  Lee. 

Mount  Washington  is  a  high  piece  of  rocky  ground  near 
the  North  river,  very  difficult  of  ascent,  especially  toward 
the  north  or  Kingsbridge.  The  fort  was  capable  of  con 
taining  about  1,000  men,  but  the  lines  and  outworks,  which 
were  chiefly  on  the  southern  side  toward  New  York,  were 
drawn  quite  across  the  island.  The  ground  was  naturally 
strong,  the  approaches  difficult,  and  the  fortifications, 
though  not  sufficient  to  resist  heavy  artillery,  were  be 
lieved  to  be  in  a  condition  to  resist  any  attempt  to  carry 
them  by  storm.  The  garrison  consisted  of  troops,  some 
of  whom  were  among  the  best  in  the  American  army,  and 
the  command  had  been  given  to  Colonel  Magaw,  a  brave 
and  intelligent  officer  in  whom  great  confidence  was  placed. 

General  Howe,  after  retiring  from  the  White  Plains,  en 
camped  at  a  small  distance  from  Kingsbridge,  on  the 
Heights  of  Fordham,  and  having  made  the  necessary  prep 
arations  for  an  assault  summoned  the  garrison  to  sur 
render,  on  pain  of  being  put  to  the  sword.  Colonel  Magaw 
replied  that  he  should  defend  the  place  to  the  last  extrem 
ity,  and  communicated  the  summons  to  General  Greene 
at  Fort  Lee,  who  transmitted  it  to  the  Comander-in-Chief, 
then  at  Hackensack.  He  immediately  rode  to  Fort  Lee, 
and,  though  it  was  late  in  the  night,  was  proceeding  to 
Fort  Washington  where  he  expected  to  find  Generals  Put 
nam  and  Greene,  when,  in  crossing  the  river,  he  met  those 
officers  returning  from  a  visit  to  that  fort.  They  reported 
that  the  garrison  was  in  high  spirits  and  would  make  a 
good  defense,  on  which  he  returned  with  them  to  Fort  Lee. 

Early  next  morning  Colonel  Magaw  posted  his  troops 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  963 

partly  on  a  commanding  hill  north  of  the  fort,  partly  in 
the  outermost  of  the  lines  drawn  across  the  island  on  the 
south  of  the  fort,  and  partly  between  those  lines  on  the 
woody  and  rocky  heights  fronting  Harlem  river,  where 
the  ground  being  extremely  difficult  of  ascent  the  works 
were  not  closed.  Colonel  Rawlings,  of  Maryland,  com 
manded  on  the  hill  toward  Kingsbridge;  Colonel  Cadwal- 
ader,  of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  lines,  and  Colonel  Magaw 
himself  continued  in  the  fort. 

The  strength  of  the  place  had  not  deterred  the  British 
general  from  resolving  to  carry  it  by  storm,  and  on  re 
ceiving  the  answer  of  Colonel  Magaw  arrangements  were 
made  for  a  vigorous  attack  next  day.  About  10  the  assail 
ants  appeared  before  the  works  and  moved  to  the  assault 
in  four  different  quarters.  Their  first  division,  consisting 
of  Hessians  and  Waldeckers,  amounting  to  about  5,000 
men,  under  the  command  of  General  Knyphausen,  ad 
vanced  on  the  north  side  of  the  fort  against  the  hill  oc 
cupied  by  Colonel  Rawlings,  who  received  them  with  great 
gallantry.  The  second,  on  the  east,  consisting  of  the 
British  light  infantry  and  guards,  was  led  by  Brigadier- 
General  Matthews,  supported  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  at  the 
head  of  the  grenadiers  and  the  Thirty-third  regiment. 
These  troops  crossed  Harlem  river  in  boats,  under  cover 
of  the  artillery  planted  in  the  works  which  had  been  erected 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  landed  within  the 
third  line  of  defense  which  crossed  the  island.  The  third 
division  was  conducted  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Stirling, 
who  passed  the  river  higher  up;  and  the  fourth  by  Lord 
Percy,  accompanied  by  General  Howe  in  person.  This 
division  was  to  attack  the  lines  in  front  on  the  south  side. 

The  attacks  on  the  north  and  south  by  General  Knyp 
hausen  and  Lord  Percy  were  made  about  the  same  instant 


9<u  WASHINGTON. 

on  Colonels  Rawlings  and  Cadwalader,  who  maintained 
their  ground  for  a  considerable  time ;  but  while  Colonel 
Cadwalader  was  engaged  in  the  first  line  against  Lord 
Percy  the  second  and  third  divisions,  which  crossed  Har 
lem  river,  made  good  their  landing  and  dispersed  the  troops 
fronting  that  river,  as  well  as  a  detachment  sent  by  Colonel 
Cadwalader  to  support  them.  These  being  overpowered 
and  the  British  advancing  between  the  fort  and  the  lines 
it  became  necessary  to  abandon  them.  In  retreating  to  the 
fort,  some  of  the  men  were  intercepted  by  the  division 
under  Colonel  Stirling  and  made  prisoners. 

The  resistance  on  the  north  was  of  longer  duration. 
Rawlings  maintained  his  ground  with  firmness,  and  his 
riflemen  did  vast  execution.  A  three-gun  battery  also 
played  on  Knyphausen  with  great  effect.  At  length  the 
Hessian  columns  gained  the  summit  of  the  hill,  after  which 
Colonel  Rawlings,  who  perceived  the  danger  which  threat 
ened  his  rear,  retreated  under  the  guns  of  the  fort. 

Having  carried  the  lines  and  all  the  strong  ground  ad 
joining  them  the  British  general  again  summoned  Colonel 
Magaw  to  surrender.  While  the  capitulation  was  in  a 
course  of  arrangement  a  Captain  Gooch  boldly  ventured 
to  cross  over  from  Fort  Lee  with  a  letter  from  General 
Washington  to  Colonel  Magaw,  acquainting  him  that  if 
he  could  hold  out  till  night  the  garrison  'should  be  taken 
off.  He  delivered  the  letter,  pushed  through  the  fire  of  the 
enemy,  preferring  that  danger  to  being  made  a  prisoner 
and  escaped  unhurt.  Washington  could  view  several  parts 
of  the  attack,  and  when  he  saw  his  men  bayoneted  and  in 
that  way  killed  while  begging  quarter,  he  cried  with  the 
tenderness  of  a  child  and  exclaimed  at  the  barbarity  that 
was  practised.  His  heart  had  not  been  steeled  by  plung 
ing  into  acts  of  cruelty.  When  General  Lee  read  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  965 

letter  sent  by  express,  giving  an  account  of  Fort  Wash 
ington's  being  taken,  resentment  and  vexation  led  him,  un 
feeling  as  he  was  in  common,  to  weep  plentifully.  He 
wrote  on  the  I9th  to  the  Commander-in-Chief :  "  Oh!  Gen 
eral,  why  would  you  be  overpersuaded  by  men  of  inferior 
judgment  to  your  own?  It  was  a  cursed  affair."  He  had 
exclaimed  before,  upon  hearing  that  the  defense  of  it  was 
to  be  risked,  "  Then  we  are  undone."* 

When  Colonel  Magaw  received  Washington's  communi 
cation  requesting  him  to  hold  out  till  evening,  he  had  pro 
ceeded  too  far  to  retreat,  and  it  is  probable  the  place  could 
not  have  resisted  an  assault  from  so  formidable  a  force  as 
threatened  it.  The  greatest  difficulties  had  been  overcome ; 
the  fort  was  too  small  to  contain  all  the  men,  and  their 
ammunition  was  nearly  exhausted.  Under  these  circum 
stances  the  garrison  became  prisoners  of  war. 

The  loss  on  this  occasion  was  the  greatest  the  Ameri 
cans  had  ever  sustained.  The  garrison  was  stated  by 
Washington  at  about  2,000  men.  Yet,  in  a  report  pub 
lished  as  from  Howe,  the  number  of  prisoners  is  said  to 
be  2,600,  exclusive  of  officers.  Either  Howe  must  have 
included  in  his  report  persons  who  were  not  soldiers  or 
Washington  must  have  comprehended  the  regulars  only  in 
his  letter.  The  last  conjecture  is  most  probably  correct. 
The  loss  of  the  assailants,  according  to  Mr.  Stedman,f 
amounted  to  800  men.  This  loss  fell  heaviest  on  the 
Germans. 

On  the  surrender  of  Fort  Washington  it  was  deter 
mined  to  evacuate  Fort  Lee;  and  a  removal  of  the  stores 
was  immediately  commenced.  Before  this  operation  could 
be  completed  a  detachment  commanded  by  Lord  Corn- 

*  Gordon,  "  History  of  the  American  Revolution." 

t  A  British  writer,  author  of  the  "  History  of  the  American  War." 


966  WASHINGTON. 

wallis,  amounting  to  about  6,000  men,  crossed  the  North 
river  below  Dobbs  Ferry  and  endeavored  by  a  rapid  march 
to  inclose  the  garrison  between  the  North  and  Hacken- 
sack  rivers.  An  immediate  retreat  from  that  narrow  neck 
of  land  had  become  indispensable  and  was  with  difficulty 
effected.  All  the  heavy  cannon  at  Fort  Lee,  except  two 
twelve-pounders,  with  a  considerable  quantity  of  provisions 
and  military  stores,  including  300  tents,  were  lost. 

Before  following  Washington  in  his  retreat  through 
"  the  Jerseys  "  we  will  notice  some  events  which  had  trans 
pired  in  the  north  during  his  recent  operations  on  the 
eastern  shore  of  the  Hudson. 

In  our  account  of  the  invasion  of  Canada  by  Mont 
gomery  and  Arnold  we  brought  the  narrative  up  to  the 
point  where  that  country  was  evacuated  by  the  Americans 
in  June,  1776.  They  still  occupied  Crown  Point  and 
Ticonderoga.  They  also  had  command  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  British  Commander-in- 
Chief  in  Canada,  deemed  it  prudent  to  wrest  it  from  them 
before  he  advanced  further.  To  effect  this  he  must  build 
a  fleet,  which  required  time  and  labor.  Meantime  General 
Gates  was  ordered  to  take  command  of  the  northern  army, 
which  was  to  be  reinforced  with  6,000  militia. 

In  characterizing  the  recent  attempt  to  conquer  Canada 
Marshall  makes  the  following  very  judicious  remarks :  It 
was  a  bold,  and  at  one  period,  promised  to  be  a  successful 
effort  to  annex  that  extensive  province  to  the  united 
Colonies.  The  dispositions  of  the  Canadians  favored  the 
measure,  and  had  Quebec  fallen  there  is  reason  to  believe 
the  colony  would  have  entered  cordially  into  the  Union. 
Had  a  few  incidents  turned  out  fortunately,  had  Arnold 
been  able  to  reach  Quebec  a  few  days  sooner,  or  to  cross 
the  St.  Lawrence  on  his  first  arrival  —  or  had  the  gallant 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  967 

Montgomery  not  fallen  in  the  assault  of  the  3ist  Decem 
ber,  it  is  probable  the  expedition  would  have  been  crowned 
with  complete  success.  But  the  radical  causes  of  failure, 
putting  fortune  out  of  the  question,  were  to  be  found  in 
the  lateness  of  the  season  when  the  troops  were  assembled, 
in  a  defect  of  the  preparations  necessary  for  such  a'  ser 
vice,  and  still  more  in  the  shortness  of  the  time  for  which 
the  men  were  enlisted.  Had  the  expedition  been  success 
ful  the  practicability  of  maintaining  the  country  is  much 
to  be  doubted.  Whilst  General  Montgomery  lay  before 
Quebec  and  expected  to  obtain  possession  of  the  place  he 
extended  his  views  to  its  preservation.  His  plan  required 
a  permanent  army  of  10,000  men,  strong  fortifications  at 
Jacques  Cartier  and  the  rapids  of  Richelieu,  and  armed 
vessels  in  the  river  above  the  last  place.  With  this  army 
and  these  precautions,  he  thought  the  country  might  be 
defended,  but  not  with  an  inferior  force.  , 

It  seems,  therefore,  to  have  been  an  enterprise  requiring 
means  beyond  the  ability  of  Congress,  and  the  strength 
exhausted  on  it  would  have  been  more  judiciously  em 
ployed  in  securing  the  command  of  the  Lakes  George  and 
Champlain  and  the  fortified  towns  upon  them. 

While  General  Carleton  was  making  preparations  to 
enter  the  lakes  General  Schuyler  was  using  his  utmost 
exertions  to  retain  the  command  of  them.  But  so  great 
was  the  difficulty  of  procuring  workmen  and  materials 
that  he  found  it  impossible  to  equip  a  fleet  which  would 
be  equal  to  the  exigency.  It  consisted  of  only  fifteen  small 
vessels,  the  largest  of  which  was  a  schooner  mounting 
twelve  guns,  carrying  six  and  four-pound  balls.  The  com 
mand  of  this  squadron,  at  the  instance  of  Washington, 
was  given  to  General  Arnold. 

General  Carleton  evinced  great  activity  and  enterprise 


968  WASHINGTON. 

in  preparing  a  fleet  to  encounter  that  of  Arnold  on  Lake 
Champlain,  Thirty  vessels  were  required  to  give  a  de 
cided  superiority  on  those  waters,  the  access  to  which  by 
the  Sorel  was  impracticable  to  ships,  and  most  difficult  and 
laborious  to  boats  on  account  of  numerous  shallows,  falls, 
and  rapids. 

The  framework  of  some  vessels  was  sent  for  to  Eng 
land,  but  this  required  time.  Carleton  therefore  sent  de 
tachments  from  the  King's  ships  stationed  at  Quebec,  with 
volunteers  from  the  transports  and  a  corps  of  artillery  —  in 
all  about  700  men  —  to  fell  timber  and  to  occupy  a  favor 
able  post  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Champlain.  The  keel  and 
floor  timbers  of  the  Inflexible,  a  ship  of  300  tons,  which 
had  been  laid  at  Quebec,  were  taken  to  pieces,  carried  over 
to  St.  John's,  and  laid  down  again  at  a  corner  of  the  lake 
where  a  little  dock  yard  was  improvised;  thirty  long-boats, 
many  large  batteaux  or  flat-bottomed  boats  and  a  gondola 
of  thirty  tons  were  carried  up  to  the  spot,  partly  by  land 
and  partly  by  being  dragged  up  the  shoals  and  rapids  of 
the  river  Sorel  at  an  extraordinary  expense  of  human  labor. 

Lieutenant  Schanck,  an  officer  who  possessed  great 
mechanical  ingenuity,  superintended  the  works  at  the  dock 
yard,  where  timber  which  had  been  growing  in  the  forest 
in  the  morning,  was  turned  into  part  of  a  ship  before  night. 

In  twenty-eight  days  from  the  relaying  her  keel  the 
Inflexible  was  launched,  rigged,  armed  with  eighteen 
twelve-pounders,  and  equipped  for  service;  two  schooners, 
the  Maria  and  Carleton,  were  put  together  with  equal 
rapidity,  and  the  flotilla  was  completed  by  the  Loyal  Con 
vert  gondola,  the  Thunder,  a  kind  of  flat-bottomed  raft 
carrying  twelve  heavy  guns  and  two  howitzers,  and  twenty- 
four  boats  armed  each  with  a  field-piece  or  carriage-gun. 
The  whole  thing  seemed  like  magic!  In  a  few  weeks  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  9G9 

British,  from  not  having  a  single  boat,  had  a  force  suffi 
cient  to  sweep  the  Lakes  Champlain  and  George  from  end 
to  end. 

This  formidable  fleet,  having  on  board  General  Carleton 
himself,  and  navigated  by  700  prime  seamen,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Pringle,  proceeded  immediately  in 
quest  of  Arnold,  who  was  advantageously  posted  between 
the  Island  of  Valicour  and  the  western  main.* 

Notwithstanding  the  disparity  of  force  a  warm  action 
ensued.  A  wind,  unfavorable  to  the  British,  kept  the  In 
flexible  and  some  other  large  vessels  at  too  great  a  dis 
tance  to  render  any  service.  This  circumstance  enabled 
Arnold  to  keep  up  the  engagement  until  night,  when  Cap 
tain  Pringle  discontinued  it,  and  anchored  his  whole  fleet 
in  a  line,  as  near  the  vessels  of  his  adversary  as  was  practi 
cable.  In  this  engagement  the  best  schooner  belonging 
to  the  American  flotilla  was  burnt,  and  a  gondola  was  sunk. 

In  the  night  Arnold  attempted  to  escape  to  Ticonderoga, 
and  the  next  morning  was  out  of  sight,  but  being  imme 
diately  pursued  was  overtaken  about  noon  and  brought 
to  action  a  few  leagues  short  of  Crown  Point.  He  kept 
up  a  warm  engagement  for  about  two  hours,  during  which 
the  vessels  that  were  most  ahead  escaped  to  Ticonderoga. 
Two  galleys  and  five  gondolas,  which  remained,  made  a 
desperate  resistance.  At  length  one  of  them  struck,  after 
which  Arnold  ran  the  remaining  vessels  on  shore,  and  blew 

*  An  English  writer  says:  "Sir  Guy  Carleton  himself  embarked 
with  the  squadron  —  the  strangest  squadron  that  ever  English 
seamen  had  seen.  Captain  Pringle  was  Commodore,  with  his 
pennant  on  the  Inflexible;  and  among  those  young  officers  who 
were  appointed  to  the  Carleton  schooner  was  one  who  was  des 
tined  to  become  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  British  naval 
commanders, —  this  was  Edward  Pellew,  then  a  midshipman,  after 
ward  Admiral  Viscount  Exmouth. 


970  WASHINGTON. 

them  up,  having  first  saved  his  men,  though  great  efforts 
were  made  to  take  them. 

On  the  approach  of  the  British  army  a  small  detachment, 
which  had  occupied  Crown  Point  as  an  outpost,  evacuated 
the  place  and  retired  to  Ticonderoga,  which  Schuyler  de 
termined  to  defend  to  the  last  extremity. 

General  Carleton  took  possession  of  Crown  Point*  and 
advanced  a  part  of  his  fleet  into  Lake  George  within  view 
of  Ticonderoga.  His  army  also  approached  that  place,  as 
if  designing  to  invest  it,  but  after  reconnoitering  the  works, 
and  observing  the  steady  countenance  of  the  garrison,  he 
thought  it  too  late  to  lay  siege  to  the  fortress.  Re-em 
barking  his  army  he  returned  to  Canada,  where  he  placed 
it  in  winter  quarters,  making  the  Isle  aux  Noix  his  most 
advanced  post. 

In  the  next  chapter  we  return  to  Washington  with  the 
remnant  of  his  army  at  Hackensack. 

*  During  Carleton's  stay  at  Crown  Point,  young  Pellew  nearly 
succeeded  in  capturing  Arnold.  That  General,  having  ventured 
upon  the  lake  in  a  boat,  was  observed,  and  chased  so  closely  by 
the  midshipman,  that,  when  he  reached  the  shore  and  escaped, 
he  left  his  stock  and  buckle  in  the  boat  behind  him.  "  This,"  says 
the  biographer  of  Exmouth,  "  is  still  preserved  by  Mr.  Pellew's 
elder  brother,  to  whom  Arnold's  son,  not  many  years  ago,  con 
firmed  the  particulars  of  his  father's  escape." —  Ostler,  "  Life  of 
Admiral  Viscount  Exmouth." 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

WASHINGTON'S    MASTERLY    RETREAT    THROUGH    THE 

JERSEYS. 

1776. 

WE  left  Washington  at  Hackensack,  having  just 
witnessed  the  capture  of  Forts  Washington  and 
Lee.  In  a  letter  to  his  brother,  John  Augustine 
Washington,  dated  Hackensack,  November  19,  1776,  we 
find  his  commentary  on  the  recent  disaster  and  a  vivid 
account  of  his  difficult  position  in  one  of  the  darkest  periods 
of  the  Revolutionary  War.  "  This  is  a  most  unfortunate 
affair,"  he  writes,  "  and  has  given  me  great  mortification, 
as  we  have  lost  not  only  2,000  men  that  were  there,  but 
a  good  deal  of  artillery,  and  some  of  the  best  arms  we 
had.  And  what  adds  to  my  mortification  is  that  this  post, 
after  the  last  ships  went  past  it,  was  held  contrary  to  my 
wishes  and  opinions,  as  I  conceived  it  to  be  a  hazardous 
one;  but  it  having  been  determined  on  by  a  full  council  of 
general  officers,  and  a  resolution  of  Congress  having  been 
received  strongly  expressive  of  their  desire  that  the  chan 
nel  of  the  river,  which  we  had  been  laboring  to  stop  for  a 
long  time  at  that  place,  might  be  obstructed  if  possible, 
and  knowing  that  this  could  not  be  done  unless  there 
were  batteries  to  protect  the  obstruction,  I  did  not  care  to 
give  an  absolute  order  for  withdrawing  the  garrison  till 
I  could  get  round  and  see  the  situation  of  things,  and  then 
it  became  too  late,  as  the  fort  was  invested.  Upon  the 
passing  of  the  last  ships  I  had  given  it  as  my  opinion  to 


972  WASHINGTON. 

General  Greene,  under  whose  care  it  was,  that  it  would 
be  best  to  evacuate  the  place;  but  as  the  order  was  dis 
cretionary,  and  his  opinion  differed  from  mine,  it  unhap 
pily  was  delayed  too  long  to  my  great  grief,  as  I  think 
General  Howe,  considering  his  army  and  ours,  would 
have  but  a  poor  tale  to  tell  without  it,  and  would  have 
found  it  difficult,  unless  some  southern  expedition  may 
prove  successful,  to  reconcile  the  people  of  England  to  the 
conquest  of  a  few  pitiful  islands,  none  of  which  were  de 
fensible,  considering  the  great  number  of  their  ships  and 
the  power  they  have  by  sea  to  surround  and  render  them 
unapproachable. 

"  It  is  a  matter  of  great  grief  and  surprise  to  me  to  find 
the  different  States  so  slow  and  inattentive  to  that  essential 
business  of  levying  their  quotas  of  men.  In  ten  days 
from  this  date,  there  will  not  be  above  2,000  men,  if  that 
number,  of  the  fixed  established  regiments  on  this  side 
of  Hudson  river  to  oppose  Howe's  whole  army,  and  very 
little  more  on  the  other  to  secure  the  eastern  Colonies,  and 
the  important  passes  through  the  Highlands  to  Albany 
and  the  country  about  the  lakes.  In  short,  it  is  impossible 
for  me,  in  the  compass  of  a  letter,  to  give  you  any  idea 
of  our  situation,  of  my  difficulties,  and  of  the  constant 
perplexities  and  mortifications  I  meet  with,  derived  from 
the  unhappy  policy  of  short  enlistments,  and  delaying  them 
too  long.  Last  fall,  or  winter,  before  the  army  which  was 
then  to  be  raised  was  set  about,  I  represented  in  clear 
and  explicit  terms  the  evils  which  would  arise  from  short 
enlistments,  the  expenses  which  must  attend  the  raising 
an  army  every  year,  the  futility  of  such  an  army  when 
raised,  and  if  I  had  spoken  with  a  prophetic  spirit  I  could 
not  have  foretold  the  evils  with  more  accuracy  than  I  did. 
All  the  year  since  I  have  been  pressing  Congress  to  delay 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  973 

no  time  in  engaging  men  upon  such  terms  as  would  in 
sure  success,  telling  them  that  the  longer  it  was  delayed 
the  more  difficult  it  would  prove.  But  the  measure  was 
not  commenced  till  it  was  too  late  to  be  effected,  and  then 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  bid  adieu  to  every  hope  of  getting 
an  army  from  which  any  services  are  to  be  expected;  the 
different  States,  without  regard  to  the  qualifications  of  an 
officer,  quarreling  about  the  appointments  and  nominating 
such  as  are  not  fit  to  be  shoeblacks,  from  the  local  attach 
ments  of  this  or  that  member  of  assembly. 

"  I  am  wearied  almost  to  death  with  the  retrograde 
motion  of  things,  and  I  solemnly  protest  that  a  pecuniary 
reward  of  £20,000  a  year  would  not  induce  me  to  undergo 
what  I  do,  and  after  all  perhaps  to  lose  my  character,  as 
it  is  impossible,  under  such  a  variety  of  distressing  cir 
cumstances,  to  conduct  matters  agreeably  to  public  ex 
pectation,  or  even  to  the  expectation  of  those  who  employ 
me,  as  they  will  not  make  proper  allowances  for  the  diffi 
culties  their  own  errors  have  occasioned." 

After  crossing  the  Hackensack  Washington  posted  his 
troops  along  the  western  bank  of  that  river  but  was  unable 
to  dispute  its  passage.  At  the  head  of  about  3,000  effect 
ives,  exposed,  without  tents,  in  an  inclement  season,  he 
was  in  a  level  country  without  a  single  intrenching  tool, 
among  people  far  from  being  zealous  in  the  American 
cause.  In  other  respects  this  situation  was  dangerous. 
The  Passaic,  in  his  rear,  after  running  several  miles  nearly 
parallel  to  the  Hackensack,  unites  with  that  river  below 
the  ground  occupied  by  the  Americans,  who  were  conse 
quently  still  exposed  to  the  hazard  of  being  inclosed  be 
tween  two  rivers. 

This  gloomy  state  of  things  was  not  brightened  by  the 
prospect  before  him.  In  casting  his  eyes  around  no  cheer- 


974  WASHINGTON. 

ing  object  presented  itself.  No  confidence  could  be  placed 
on  receiving  reinforcements  from  any  quarter.  But  in  no 
situation  could  Washington  despond.  His  exertions  to 
collect  an  army  and  to  impede  the  progress  of  his  enemy 
were  perseveringly  continued.  Understanding  that  Sir 
Guy  Carleton  no  longer  threatened  Ticonderoga  he  di 
rected  General  Schuyler  to  hasten  the  troops  of  Pennsyl 
vania  and  Jersey  to  his  assistance,  and  ordered  Lee  to 
cross  the  North  river  and  be  in  readiness  to  join  him  should 
the  enemy  continue  the  campaign.  But,  under  the  in 
fluence  of  the  same  fatal  cause  which  had  acted  elsewhere, 
these  armies,  too,  were  melting  away  and  would  soon  be 
almost  totally  dissolved.  General  Mercer,  who  com 
manded  a  part  of  the  flying  camp  stationed  about  Bergen, 
was  also  called  in,  but  these  troops  had  engaged  to  serve 
only  till  the  ist  of  December,  and  like  the  other  six  months' 
men  had  already  abandoned  the  army  in  great  numbers. 
No  hope  existed  of  retaining  the  remnant  after  they  should 
possess  a  legal  right  to  be  discharged,  and  there  was  not 
much  probability  of  supplying  their  places  with  other 
militia.  To  New  England  he  looked  with  anxious  hope, 
and  his  requisitions  on  those  States  received  prompt  at 
tention.  Six  thousand  militia  from  Massachusetts  and  a 
considerable  body  from  Connecticut  were  ordered  to  his 
assistance,  but  some  delay  in  assembling  them  was  un 
avoidable,  and  their  march  was  arrested  by  the  appearance 
of  the  enemy  in  their  immediate  neighborhood. 

Three  thousand  men,  conducted  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
who  were  embarked  on  board  a  fleet  commanded  by  Sir 
Peter  Parker,  sailed  late  in  November  from  New  York, 
and  without  much  opposition  took  possession  of  Newport. 
This  invasion  excited  serious  alarm  in  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut,  and  these  States  retained  for  their  own  de- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  975 

fense  the  militia  who  had  been  embodied  at  the  instance 
of  the  Commander-in-Chief.* 

Not  intending  to  maintain  his  present  position  Wash 
ington  had  placed  some  regiments  along  the  Hackensack 
to  afford  the  semblance  of  defending  its  passage  until  his 
stores  could  be  removed,  and  with  the  residue  of  the 
troops  crossed  the  Passaic  and  took  post  at  Newark.  Soon 
after  he  had  marched  Major-General  Vaughan  appeared 
before  the  new  bridge  over  the  Hackensack.  The  Ameri 
can  detachment  which  had  been  left  in  the  rear,  being  un 
able  to  defend  it,  broke  it  down,  and  retired  before  him 
over  the  Passaic. 

Having  entered  the  open  country  Washington  deter 
mined  to  halt  a  few  days  on  the  south  side  of  this  river, 
make  some  show  of  resistance,  and  endeavor  to  collect 
such  a  force  as  would  keep  up  the  semblance  of  an  army. 
His  letters,  not  having  produced  such  exertions  as  the 
public  exigencies  required,  he  deputed  General  Mifflin  to 
the  government  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Colonel  Reed,  his 
adjutant-general,  to  the  government  of  New  Jersey,  with 
orders  to  represent  the  real  situation  of  the  army,  and  the 

*  This  loss  was  a  very  serious  one,  as  well  from  the  situation  of 
the  province,  as  because  the  American  squadron,  under  Commo 
dore  Hopkins,  was  compelled  to  withdraw  as  far  up  the  Provi 
dence  river  as  it  was  practicable,  and  to  continue  there  blocked 
up  and  useless  for  a  long  time.  Two  pieces  of  cannon  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  but  they  made  few  prisoners.  The  con 
quest  of  Rhode  Island  was  of  great  utility  for  their  ulterior  opera 
tions.  From  this  province  they  could  harass  Massachusetts;  and 
the  reinforcements  that  General  Lincoln  had  assembled  with  the 
intention  of  conducting  them  to  the  army  of  Washington,  were 
detained  in  that  province  to  observe  General  Clinton,  and  prevent 
him -from  disturbing  its  tranquillity.  Even  Connecticut  shared  the 
alarm,  and  retained  the  reinforcements  it  was  upon  the  point  of 
sending. 


97G  WASHINGTON. 

certainty  that,  without  great  reinforcements,  Philadelphia 
must  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  and  the  State  of 
Jersey  be  overrun. 

While  thus  endeavoring  to  strengthen  himself  with 
militia,  he  pressed  Lee  to  hasten  his  march,  and  cautioned 
him  to  keep  high  enough  up  the  country  to  avoid  the 
enemy,  who,  having  got  possession  of  the  mail  containing 
one  of  his  late  letters,  would  certainly  endeavor  to  pre 
vent  the  junction  of  the  two  armies. 

This  perilous  state  of  things  was  rendered  still  more 
critical  by  indications  of  an  insurrection  in  the  county  of 
Monmouth,  in  Jersey,  where  great  numbers  favored  the 
royal  cause.  In  other  places,  too,  a  hostile  temper  was 
displayed,  and  an  indisposition  to  further  resistance  began 
to  be  manifested  throughout  that  State.  These  appear 
ances  obliged  him  to  make  detachments  from  the  militia 
of  his  army  to  overawe  the  disaffected  of  Monmouth,  who 
were  on  the  point  of  assembling  in  force. 

When  Washington  retreated  to  Newark,  says  Gordon, 
his  whole  force  consisted  of  not  more  than  3,500  men.  He 
considered  the  cause  in  the  greatest  danger,  and  said  to 
Colonel  Reed:  "Should  we  retreat  to  the  back  parts  of 
Pennsylvania  will  the  Pennsylvanians  support  us?"  The 
Colonel  answered :  "  If  the  lower  counties  are  subdued 
and  give  up  the  back  counties  will  do  the  same."  The 
General  passed  his  hand  over  his  throat  and  said :  "  My 
neck  does  not  feel  as  though  it  was  made  for  a  halter. 
We  must  retire  to  Augusta  county,  in  Virginia.  Numbers 
will  be  obliged  to  repair  to  us  for  safety,  and  we  must  try 
what  we  can  do  in  carrying  on  a  predatory  war,  and  if  over 
powered  we  must  cross  the  Alleghany  mountains."  This 
indomitable  spirit  —  this  immovable  constancy  of  Wash 
ington  —  this  determination  to  hold  out  till  not  an  inch 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  977 

of  ground  should  be  left  to  stand  upon  in  the  whole  con 
tinent,  strongly  reminds  us  of  the  determination  of  the 
celebrated  Prince  of  Orange,  in  the  same  circumstances, 
"  to  die  in  the  last  ditch." 

As  the  British  army  crossed  the  Passaic  Washington 
abandoned  his  position  behind  that  river,  and  the  day  Lord 
Cornwallis  entered  Newark  he  retreated  to  Brunswick,  a 
small  village  on  the  Raritan. 

At  this  place  the  levies  drawn  from  Maryland  and  Jersey 
to  compose  the  flying  camp  became  entitled  to  their  dis 
charge.  No  remonstrances  could  detain  them,  and  he  sus 
tained  the  mortification  of  seeing  his  feeble  army  still 
more  enfeebled  by  being  entirely  abandoned  by  these 
troops  in  the  face  of  an  advancing  enemy.  The  Pennsyl 
vania  militia  belonging  to  the  flying  camp  were  engaged 
to  serve  till  the  ist  of  January.  So  many  of  them  deserted 
that  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  place  guards  on  the  roads 
and  ferries  over  the  Delaware,  to  apprehend  and  send  them 
back  to  camp.  The  Governor  of  New  Jersey  was  again 
pressed. for  assistance,  but  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  fur 
nish  the  aid  required.  The  well-affected  part  of  the  lower 
country  was  overawed  by  the  British  army,  and  the  militia 
of  Morris  and  Sussex  came  out  slowly  and  reluctantly. 

While  at  Brunswick  attempts  were  made  to  retard  the 
advance  of  the  British  army  by  movements  indicating  an 
intention  to  act  on  the  offensive,  but  this  feint  was  unavail 
ing.  Lord  Cornwallis  continued  to  press  forward,  and  as 
his  advanced  guards  showed  themselves  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  bridge  General  Washington  evacuated  the  town 
and  marched  through  Princeton  to  Trenton.  Directions 
had  already  been  given  to  collect  all  the  boats  on  the 
Delaware  from  Philadelphia  upwards  for  seventy  miles,  in 
the  hope  that  the  progress  of  the  enemy  might  be  stopped 
62 


978  WASHINGTON. 

at  this  river,  and  that  in  the  meantime  reinforcements 
might  arrive  which  would  enable  him  to  dispute  its  passage. 

Having  with  great  labor  transported  the  few  remaining 
military  stores  and  baggage  over  the  Delaware  Washing 
ton  determined  to  remain  as  long  as  possible  on  the  north 
ern  banks  of  that  river. 

The  army  which  was  thus  pressed  slowly  through  the 
Jerseys  was  aided  by  no  other  cavalry  than  a  small  corps 
of  badly-mounted  Connecticut  militia,  commanded  by 
Major  Sheldon,  and  was  almost  equally  destitute  of  artil 
lery.  Its  numbers  at  no  time  during  the  retreat  exceeded 
4,000  men,  and  on  reaching  the  Delaware  were  reduced  to 
less  than  3,000,  of  whom  not  quite  1,000  were  militia  of 
New  Jersey.  Even  among  the  Continental  troops  there 
were  many  whose  term  of  service  was  about  to  expire. 

Its  defectiveness  of  numbers  did  not  constitute  its  only 
weakness.  The  regulars  were  badly  armed,  worse  clad,  and 
almost  destitute  of  tents,  blankets,  or  utensils  for  dressing 
their  food.  They  were  composed  chiefly  of  the  garrison 
of  Fort  Lee,  and  had  been  obliged  to  evacuate  that  place 
with  too  much  precipitation  to  bring  with  them  even  those 
few  articles  of  comfort  and  accommodation  with  which 
they  had  been  furnished.  Washington  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  this  small  band  of  soldiers,  dispirited  by  their  losses 
and  fatigues,  retreating  almost  naked  and  barefooted,  in 
the  cold  of  November  and  December  (1776),  before  a  nu 
merous,  well-appointed,  and  victorious  army,  through  a  de 
sponding  country,  much  more  disposed  to  obtain  safety 
by  submission  than  to  seek  it  by  a  manly  resistance. 

In  this  crisis  of  American  affairs  a  proclamation  was 
issued  by  Lord  and  General  Howe,  as  commissioners  ap 
pointed  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  for  restoring  peace  to 
America,  commanding  all  persons  assembled  in  arms 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  979 

against  his  majesty's  government  to  disband  and  return 
to  their  homes,  and  all  civil  officers  to  desist  from  their 
treasonable  practices  and  relinquish  their  usurped  author 
ity.  A  full  pardon  was  offered  to  every  person  who  would, 
within  sixty  days,  appear  before  certain  civil  or  military 
officers  of  the  Crown,  claim  the  benefit  of  that  proclama 
tion,  and  testify  his  obedience  to  the  laws  by  subscribing  a 
declaration  of  his  submission  to  the  royal  authority. 
Copies  of  it  were  dispersed  through  the  country,  after 
which  numbers  flocked  in  daily  to  make  their  peace  and 
obtain  protection.  The  contrast  between  the  splendid  ap 
pearance  of  the  pursuing  army,  and  that  of  the  ragged 
Americans  who  were  flying  before  them,  could  not  fail  to 
nourish  the  general  opinion  that  the  contest  was  approach 
ing  its  termination. 

Among  the  many  valuable  traits  in  the  character  of 
Washington  was  that  unyielding  firmness  of  mind  which 
resisted  these  accumulated  circumstances  of  depression, 
and  supported  him  under  them.  Undismayed  by  the  dan 
gers  which  surrounded  him  he  did  not  for  an  instant  relax 
his  exertions,  nor  omit  any  thing  which  could  obstruct  the 
progress  of  the  enemy  or  improve  his  own  condition.  He 
did  not  appear  to  despair  of  the  public  safety,  but  struggled 
against  adverse  fortune  with  the  hope  of  yet  vanquishing 
the  difficulties  which  surrounded  him,  and  constantly 
showed  himself  to  his  harassed  and  enfeebled  army,  with 
a  serene,  unembarrassed  countenance,  betraying  no  fears 
in  himself  and  invigorating  and  inspiring  with  confidence 
the  bosoms  of  others.  To  this  unconquerable  firmness,  to 
this  perfect  self-possession  under  the  most  desperate  cir 
cumstances,  is  America,  in  a  great  degree,  indebted  for  her 
independence.* 

*  Marshall,  "  Life  of  Washington." 


980  WASHINGTON. 

After  removing  his  baggage  and  stores  over  the  Dela 
ware,  and  sending  his  sick  to  Philadelphia  (December  6, 
1776),  Washington,  finding  that  Lord  Cornwallis  still  con 
tinued  in  Brunswick,  detached  1,200  men  to  Princeton,  in 
the  hope  that  this  appearance  of  advancing  on  the  British 
might  not  only  retard  their  progress,  but  cover  a  part  of 
the  country  and  reanimate  the  people  of  Jersey. 

Some  portion  of  this  short  respite  from  laborious  service 
was  devoted  to  the  predominant  wish  of  his  heart  —  prepa 
rations  for  the  next  campaign  —  by  impressing  on  Con 
gress  a  conviction  of  the  real  causes  of  the  present 
calamitous  state  of  things.  The  abandonment  of  the  army 
by  whole  regiments  of  the  flying  camp,  in  the  face  of  an 
advancing  and  superior  enemy,  and  the  impracticability 
of  calling  out  the  militia  of  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  in 
sufficient  force  to  prevent  Lord  Cornwallis  from  overrun 
ning  the  first  State,  or  restrain  him  from  entering  the  last, 
had  it  not  been  saved  by  other  causes,  were  practical  les 
sons  on  the  subjects  of  enlistments  for  a  short  time,  and 
a  reliance  on  militia,  which  no  prejudice  could  disregard, 
and  which  could -not  fail  to  add  great  weight  to  the  re 
monstrances  formerly  made  to  Congress  by  Washington, 
which  were  now  repeated. 

The  exertions  of  General  Mifflin  to  raise  the  militia  of 
Pennsylvania,  though  unavailing  in  the  country,  were  suc 
cessful  in  Philadelphia.  A  large  proportion  of  the  inhabi 
tants  of  that  city  capable  of  bearing  arms  had  associated 
for  the  general  defense;  and  on  this  occasion  1,500  of  them 
marched  to  Trenton,  to  which  place  a  German  battalion 
was  also  ordered  by  Congress.  On  the  arrival  of  these 
troops  Washington  commenced  his  march  to  Princeton, 
but  was  stopped  by  the  intelligence  that  Lord  Cornwallis, 
having  received  large  reinforcements,  was  advancing  rap- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  981 

idly  from  Brunswick  by  different  routes  and  endeavoring 
to  gain  his  rear. 

On  receiving  this  intelligence  he  crossed  the  Dela 
ware  and  posted  his  army  in  such  a  manner  as  to  guard 
the  fords.  As  his  rear  passed  the  river  the  van  of  the 
British  army  appeared  in  sight.  The  main  body  took  post 
at  Trenton,  and  detachments  were  placed  both  above  and 
below,  while  small  parties,  without  interruption  from  the 
people  of  the  country,  reconnoitered  the  Delaware  for  a 
considerable  distance.  From  Bordentown,  below  Trenton, 
the  course  of  the  river  turns  westward  and  forms  an  acute 
angle  with  its  course  from  Philadelphia  to  that  place;  so 
that  Lord  Cornwallis  might  cross  a  considerable  distance 
above,  and  be  not  much,  if  any,  further  from  that  city 
than  the  American  army. 

The  British  general  made  some  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  seize  a  number  of  boats  guarded  by  Lord  Stirling  about 
Coryell's  Ferry,*  and  in  order  to  facilitate  his  movements 

*  Cornwallis  was  generally  rapid  enough  in  his  movements  when 
acting  on  his  own  responsibility;  but  on  this  occasion  the  slow 
and  cautious  habits  of  his  superior,  General  Howe,  seem  to  have 
infected  him.  He  should  Rave  overtaken  Washington  before  he 
reached  the  Delaware.  At  this  time,  if  we  may  believe  Gordon,  a 
very  slight  circumstance  saved  the  American  army.  He  says 
that  Lord  Cornwallis,  who  halted  with  the  rear  division  within 
six  miles  of  Trenton,  intended  sending  over  a  body  of  men  very 
early  the  next  morning,  near  two  miles  below  Coryell's  Ferry, 
and  got  the  troops  in  readiness  and  the  artillery  prepared  to 
cover  the  landing;  for  in  that  place  it  was  only  four-and-twenty 
rods  to  a  spit  of  sand  on  the  Pennsylvania  side,  on  which  a  suffi 
cient  number  were  to  have  landed,  and  then  to  have  marched  up 
to  Coryell's  Ferry,  and  to  have  taken  the  boats  that  had  been 
collected  there  by  the  Americans  and  left  under  a  guard  of  only 
ten  men;  with  them  it  was  meant  to  carry  over  the  main  body. 
In  the  vicinity  of  this  place  a  large  sunken  Durham  boat  (which 
came  down  three  days  before,  laden  with  flour,  and  which  could 


982  WASHINGTON. 

down  the  river,  on  the  Jersey  shore,  repaired  the  bridges 
below  Trenton,  which  had  been  broken  down  by  order  of 
Washington.  He  then  advanced  a  strong  detachment  to 
Bordentown,  giving  indications  of  an  intention  to  cross 
the  Delaware  at  the  same  time  above  and  below,  and  either 
to  march  in  two  columns  to  Philadelphia  or  completely  to 
envelop  the  American  army  in  the  angle  of  the  river.  To 
counteract  this  plan  Washington  stationed  a  few  galleys  to 
watch  the  movements  of  his  enemy  below  and  aid  in  re 
pelling  any  effort  to  pass  over  to  the  Pennsylvania  shore, 
and  made  such  a  disposition  of  his  little  army  as  to  guard 
against  any  attempt  to  force  a  passage  above,  which  he 
believed  to  be  the  real  design. 

Having  made  his  arrangements  he  waited  anxiously  for 
reinforcements,  and  in  the  meantime  sent  daily  parties  over 

carry  one  hundred  men),  lay  concealed  under  a  bank.  This  had 
been  discovered  and  taken  away  by  Mr.  Mersereau,  so  that  the 
British  were  disappointed  in  their  expectation  of  finding  it.  They 
hailed  one  Thomson,  a  Quaker,  who  lived  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Delaware,  and  inquired  what  was  become  of  the  boat,  and  were 
answered  it  was  carried  off.  They  continued  reconnoitering  up 
and  down  the  river  until  10  o'clock,  but  finding  no  boats,  returned 
to  Pennytown  (Pennington).  Men  had  been  employed  in  time  for 
taking  off  all  the  boats  from  the  Jersey  side  of  the  Delaware,  but 
Mr.  Mersereau's  attention  would  not  admit  of  his  confiding  wholly 
in  their  care  and  prudence.  He  therefore  went  up  the  river  to 
examine  whether  all  the  boats  were  really  carried  off  or  destroyed; 
upon  discovering  the  above-mentioned  sunken  one,  which  had 
escaped  the  observation  of  the  men,  and  inquiring  of  a  person  in 
the  neighborhood  concerning  her,  he  was  told  that  she  was  an 
old  one  and  good  for  nothing,  but,  not  relying  upon  the  informa 
tion,  he  found  her  to  be  new,  had  the  water  bailed  out,  and  sent 
her  off.  The  importance  of  this  affair  to  the  Americans  prevents 
the  relation  of  it  from  being  trifling.  Had  Lord  Cormvallis 
crossed  into  Pennsylvania  as  he  proposed,  the  consequence  would 
probably  have  been  fatal  to  the  Americans. 


LIPE  AND  TIMES.  983 

the  river  to  harass  the  enemy  and  to  observe  his 
situation. 

The  utmost  exertions  were  made  by  government  to 
raise  the  militia.  In  the  hope  that  a  respectable  body  of 
Continental  troops  would  aid  these  exertions  Washington 
had  directed  Gates,  with  the  regulars  of  the  northern 
army,  and  Heath,  with  those  at  Peekskill,  to  march  to 
his  assistance. 

Although  General  Lee  had  been  repeatedly  urged  to 
join  the  Commander-in-Chief  he  proceeded  slowly  in  the 
execution  of  these  orders,  manifesting  a  strong  disposition 
to  retain  his  separate  command,  and  rather  to  hang  on 
and  threaten  the  rear  of  the  British  army  than  to 
strengthen  that  in  its  front.*  With  this  view  he  proposed 
establishing  himself  at  Morristown.  On  receiving  a  letter 
from  Washington  disapproving  this  proposition,  and  urg 
ing  him  to  hasten  his  march,  Lee  still  avowed  a  preference 
for  his  own  plan  and  proceeded  reluctantly  toward  the 
Delaware.  While  passing  through  Morris  county,  at  the 
distance  of  twenty  miles  from  the  British  encampment,  he, 
very  incautiously,  quartered  under  a  slight  guard  in  a  house 
about  three  miles  from  his  army.  Information  of  this  cir 
cumstance  was  given  by  a  countryman  to  Colonel  Har- 
court,  at  that  time  detached  with  a  body  of  cavalry  to 
watch  his  movements,  who  immediately  formed  and  exe 
cuted  the  design  of  seizing  him.  Early  in  the  morning  of 
the  1 2th  of  December  (1776)  this  officer  reached  Lee's 
quarters,  who  received  no  intimation  of  his  danger  until 
the  house  was  surrounded  and  he  found  himself  a  prisoner. 
He  was  carried  off  in  triumph  to  the  British  army  where 
he  was,  for  some  time,  treated  as  a  deserter  from  the 
British  service. 

*  Lee's  real  object  was  to  have  the  credit  of  driving  the  British 
out  of  "the  Jerseys;"  and  to  contrast  this  success  with  Washing 
ton's  retreat,  for  "  ulterior  purposes." 


984  WASHINGTON. 

This  misfortune  made  a  serious  impression  on  all 
America.  The  confidence  originally  placed  in  General  Lee 
had  been  increased  by  his  success  in  the  southern  depart 
ment,  and  by  a  belief  that  his  opinions,  during  the  military 
operations  in  New  York,  had  contributed  to  the  adoption 
of  those  judicious  movements  which  had,  in  some  measure, 
defeated  the  plans  of  General  Howe  in  that  quarter.  It 
was  also  believed  that  he  had  dissented  from  the  resolu 
tion  of  the  council  of  war  for  maintaining  Forts  Wash 
ington  and  Lee.  No  officer,  except  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  possessed  at  that  time  in  so  eminent  a  degree  the 
confidence  of  the  army  or  of  the  country,  and  his  loss  was 
almost  universally  bewailed  as  one  of  the  greatest  calami 
ties  which  had  befallen  the  American  arms.  It  was  re 
gretted  by  no  person  more  than  by  Washington  himself. 
He  respected  the  merit  of  that  eccentric  veteran  and  sin 
cerely  lamented  his  captivity.  The  British  were  greatly 
elated  at  Lee's  capture,  esteeming  it  equal  to  a  victory, 
and  declaring  that  they  taken  the  palladium  of  America. 

General  Sullivan  who,  on  the  4th  of  September,  had  been 
exchanged  for  General  Prescott,  and  on  whom  the  com 
mand  of  that  division  devolved  after  the  capture  of  Lee, 
promptly  obeyed  the  orders  which  had  been  directed  to 
that  officer,  and  crossing  the  Delaware  at  Philipsburg 
joined  the  Commander-in-Chief.  On  the  same  day  Gen 
eral  Gates  arrived  with  a  few  northern  troops.  By  these 
and  other  reinforcements  the  army  was  augmented  to  about 
7,000  effective  men. 

Congress  on  the  I2th  of  December,  the  same  day  that 
Lee  was  captured,  removed  its  sittings  to  Baltimore,  where 
they  waited  anxiously  but  firmly  the  progress  of  affairs. 

The  attempts  of  the  British  general  to  get  possession 
of  boats  for  the  transportation  of  his  army  over  the  Dela- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  985 

ware  having  failed,  he  gave  indications  of  an  intention  to 
close  the  campaign  and  to  retire  into  winter  quarters. 
About  4,000  men  were  cantoned  on  the  Delaware  at 
Trenton,  Bordentown,  the  White  Horse,  and  Mount  Holly, 
and  the  remaining  part  of  the  army  of  Jersey  was  dis 
tributed  from  that  river  to  the  Hackensack.  Strong  corps 
were  posted  at  Princeton,  Brunswick,  and  Elizabethtown. 

To  intimidate  the  people  and  thereby  impede  the  recruit 
ing  service  was  believed  to  be  no  inconsiderable  induce 
ment  with  General  Howe  for  covering  so  large  a  portion 
of  Jersey.  To  counteract  these  views  Washington  ordered 
three  of  the  regiments  from  Peekskill  to  halt  at  Morris- 
town,  and  to  unite  with  about  800  militia  assembled  at 
that  place  under  Colonel  Ford.  General  Maxwell  was 
sent  to  take  command  of  these  troops,  with  orders  to  watch 
the  motions  of  the  enemy,  to  harass  him  in  his  marches, 
to  give  intelligence  of  all  his  movements,  to  keep  up  the 
spirits  of  the  militia,  and  to  prevent  the  inhabitants  from 
going  within  the  British  lines  and  taking  protection. 

The  short  interval  between  this  cantonment  of  the  British 
troops  and  the  recommencement  of  active  operations  was 
employed  by  Washington  in  repeating  the  representations 
he  had  so  often  made  to  Congress  respecting  preparations 
for  the  ensuing  campaign. 

General  Howe,  as  an  English  writer  remarks,  has  been 
severely  censured  for  not  pressing  the  pursuit  of  the 
Americans  with  more  activity  and  overwhelming  Wash 
ington  before  he  found  refuge  behind  the  Delaware. 
Probably  however  the  censure  is  not  quite  just,  although 
it  may  be  regarded  as  certain  that  the  delay  of  the  British 
force  proved  the  salvation  of  the  American  army.  Howe's 
conduct  was  marked  by  cool  prudence  rather  than  by  dar 
ing  enterprise  or  unwary  impetuosity.  He  was  on  the 


986  WASHINGTON. 

whole  as  successful  as  any  other  British  general  during 
the  war,  and  he  exposed  himself  to  none  of  those  disasters 
which  fell  upon  others  of  his  compeers. 

But,  however  this  may  be,  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that 
Washington  gave  evidence  of  superior  generalship  in  this 
retreat  through  the  Jerseys,  and  not  only  superior  qualities 
as  a  Commander-in-Chief,  but  also  of  possessing  the  higher 
and  nobler  endowments  of  the  most  exalted  patriotism. 
Painful,  indeed,  is  it  to  see  what  trials  and  perplexities 
and  humiliations  waited  upon  his  every  step,  and  how  his 
soul  was  racked  with  the  cares  and  burdens  laid  upon  him. 
But  trials  are  not  sent  without  design.  Washington  was 
formed  of  that  material  which  is  purified  and  strengthened 
by  trial.  -Bravely  did  he  endure,  profoundly  learned  and 
wise  did  he  become  by  endurance,  and  no  man  of  his  day 
ever  attained  such  vast  influence  as  he  did  by  the  irre 
fragable  proofs  which  he  exhibited  of  the  purity,  integrity, 
and  decision  of  his  character  and  conduct.* 

*  Spencer,  "  History  of  the  United  States." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

TRENTON  AND  PRINCETON. 

1776,  1777. 

WHEN  Washington,  by  his  late  masterly  retreat 
through  the  Jerseys,  had  completely  baffled  his 
powerful  enemy  and  saved  his  army  from  de 
struction  he  had  still  a  most  discouraging  prospect  before 
him.  It  was  indeed  one  of  the  gloomiest  periods  of  his 
whole  life.  The  campaign,  notwithstanding  its  brilliant 
displays  of  courageous  daring  and  unflinching  fortitude  in 
the  Commander-in-Chief,  as  well  as  many  of  the  officers 
and  men,  had  been  an  almost  uninterrupted  series  of  dis 
asters  and  retreats.  The  enemy,  since  the  evacuation  of 
Boston,  had  already  not  only  gained  possession  of  Staten 
Island,  Long  Island,  the  city  of  New  York,  a  portion  of 
the  State  of  Rhode  Island,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
Jerseys,  but  they  were  menacing  Philadelphia  with  a  force 
perfectly  adequate  for  seizing  it,  if  they  had  been  sensible 
of  their  own  power  and  the  weakness  of  the  American 
army. 

That  army,  in  fact,  was  on  the  verge  of  dissolution,  and 
was  only  saved  by  the  boldness,  decision,  and  unceasing 
activity  of  Washington.  The  pernicious  system  of  short 
enlistments,  sickness,  bad  pay,  and  continual  discourage 
ments,  had  reduced  it  to  the  mere  shadow  of  an  army.  The 
country  too  was  discouraged  and  desponding.  The  proc 
lamation  of  the  Howes,  offering  pardon  and  protection  to 


988  WASHINGTON. 

all  who  would  accept  them,  had  already  drawn  many  men 
of  influence  and  wealth  in  the  Jerseys  to  the  standard  of 
the  King,  while  others  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  re 
mained  at  their  homes.  The  sixty  days  allowed  for  ac 
cepting  the  offer  of  the  Howes  had  nearly  expired  and  a 
still  greater  defection  was  imminent.  It  was  a  dark  and 
trying  hour  for  the  true  patriot. 

But  "  Washington  stood  firm."  He  must  have  known 
that  all  depended  on  him.  His  calmness  and  full  reliance 
on  the  justice  of  the  cause- and  the  goodness  of  his  Maker 
never  deserted  him.  He  felt  that  his  duty  required  him  to 
put  forth  all  his  resources  of  intellect  and  strength  of  will 
to  direct  the  ship  through  this  perilous  storm.  For  the 
present  emergency  Congress,  at  a  distance  from  the  center 
of  action,  was  powerless  to  save.  The  time  was  come 
when  he  must  save  the  country  by  his  own  wonderful  de 
cision  of  character.  This  is  apparent  from  the  following 
letter  to  Congress,  dated  December  20,  1776: 

"  I  have  waited  with  much  impatience  to  know  the  deter 
mination  of  Congress  on  the  propositions,  made  some  time 
in  October  last,  for  augmenting  our  corps  of  artillery,  and 
establishing  a  corps  of  engineers.  The  time  is  now  come 
when  the  first  cannot  be  delayed  without  the  greatest  in 
jury  to  the  safety  of  these  States;  and,  therefore,  under 
the  resolution  of  Congress  bearing  date  the  i2th  inst.  (De 
cember,  1776),  at  the  repeated  instances  of  Colonel  Knox, 
and  by  the  pressing  advice  of  all  the  general  officers  now 
here,  I  have  ventured  to  order  three  battalions  of  artillery 
to  be  immediately  recruited.  These  are  two  less  than 
Colonel  Knox  recommends,  as  you  will  see  by  his  plan  in 
closed,  but  then  this  scheme  comprehends  all  the  United 
States,  whereas  some  of  the  States  have  corps  already  es 
tablished,  and  these  three  battalions  are  indispensably 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  989 

necessary  for  the  operations  in  this  quarter,  including  the 
northern  department. 

"  The  pay  of  our  artillerists  bearing  no  proportion  to 
that  in  the  English  or  French  service,  the  murmuring  and 
dissatisfaction  thereby  occasioned,  the  absolute  impossibil 
ity,  as  I  am  told,  of  getting  them  upon  the  old  terms,  and 
the  unavoidable  necessity  of  obtaining  them  at  all  events, 
have  induced  me,  also  by  advice,  to  promise  officers  and 
men  that  their  pay  shall  be  augmented  25  per  cent.,  or 
their  engagements  shall  become  null  and  void.  This  may 
appear  to  Congress  premature  and  unwarrantable.  But, 
sir,  if  they  view  our  situation  in  the  light  it  strikes  their 
officers,  they  will  be  convinced  of  the  utility  of  the  measure, 
and  that  the  execution  could  not  be  delayed  till  after  their 
meeting  at  Baltimore.  In  short,  the  present  exigency  of 
our  affairs  will  not  admit  of  delay,  either  in  council  or  the 
field,  for  well  convinced  I  am,  that,  if  the  enemy  go  into 
quarters  at  all  it  will  be  for  a  short  season.  But  I  rather 
think  the  design  of  General  Howe  is  to  possess  himself 
of  Philadelphia  this  winter,  if  possible,  and  in  truth  I  do 
not  see  what  is  to  prevent  him,  as  ten  days  more  will  put 
an  end  to  the  existence  of  our  army.  That  one  great  point 
is  to  keep  us  as  much  harassed  as  possible,  with  a  view  to 
injure  the  recruiting  service,  and  hinder  a  collection  of 
stores  and  other  necessaries  for  the  next  campaign,  I  am 
as  clear  in,  as  I  am  of  my  own  existence.  If,  therefore,  in 
the  short  interval  in  which  we  have  to  provide  for  and 
make  these  great  and  arduous  preparations,  every  matter, 
that  in  its  nature  is  self-evident,  is  to  be  referred  to  Con 
gress,  at  the  distance  of  a  hundred  and  thirty  or  forty 
miles,  so  much  time  must  necessarily  elapse  as  to  defeat 
the  end  in  view. 

"  It  may  be  said  that  this  is  an  application  for  powers 


990  WASHINGTON. 

that  are  too  dangerous  to  be  intrusted.  I  can  only  add 
that  desperate  diseases  require  desperate  remedies,  and  I 
with  truth  declare  that  I  have  no  lust  after  power,  but  I 
wish  with  as  much  fervency  as  any  man  upon  this  wide- 
extended  continent  for  an  opportunity  of  turning  the  sword 
into  the  ploughshare.  But  my  feelings,  as  an  officer  and 
a  man,  have  been  such  as  to  force  me  to  say  that  no  person 
ever  had  a  greater  choice  of  difficulties  to  contend  with 
than  I  have.  It  is  needless  to  add  that  short  enlistments 
and  a  mistaken  dependence  upon  militia  have  been  the 
origin  of  all  our  misfortunes,  and  the  great  accumulation 
of  our  debt.  We  find,  sir,  that  the  enemy  are  daily  gather 
ing  strength  from  the  disaffected.  This  strength,  like  a 
snow-ball  by  rolling  will  increase,  unless  some  means  can 
be  devised  to  check  effectually  the  progress  of  the  enemy's 
arms.  Militia  may  possibly  do  it  for  a  little  while,  but  in 
a  little  while  also,  and  the  militia  of  those  States  which 
have  been  frequently  called  upon  will  not  turn  out  at  all, 
or  if  they  do  it  will  be  with  so  much  reluctance  and  sloth 
as  to  amount  to  the  same  thing.  Instance  New  Jersey! 
Witness  Pennsylvania!  Could  anything  but  the  river 
Delaware  have  saved  Philadelphia!  Can  anything  (the 
exigency  of  the  case  indeed  may  justify  it)  be  more  destruc 
tive  to  the  recruiting  service  than  giving  $10  bounty  for  six 
weeks'  service  of  the  militia,  who  come  in,  you  cannot  tell 
how;  go,  you  cannot  tell  when,  and  act,  you  cannot  tell 
where;  consume  your  provisions,  exhaust  your  stores,  and 
leave  you  at  last  at  a  critical  moment? 

:<  These,  sir,  are  the  men  I  am  to  depend  upon  ten  days 
hence,  this  is  the  basis  on  which  your  cause  will  and  must 
forever  depend  till  you  get  a  large  standing  army  suffi 
cient  of  itself  to  oppose  the  enemy.  I  therefore  beg  leave 
to  give  it  as  my  humble  opinion  that  eighty-eight  battalions 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  991 

are  by  no  means  equal  to  the  opposition  you  are  to  make, 
and  that  a  moment's  time  is  not  to  be  lost  in  raising  a 
greater  number,  not  less,  in  my  opinion  and  the  opinion  of 
my  officers,  than  no.  It  may  be  urged  that  it  will  be 
found  difficult  enough  to  complete  the  first  number.  This 
may  be  true,  and  yet  the  officers  of  no  battalions  will  re 
cruit  many  more  men  than  those  of  eighty-eight.  In  my 
judgment  this  is  not  a  time  to  stand  upon  expense,  our 
funds  are  not  the  only  object  of  consideration.  The  State 
of  New  York  have  added  one  battalion  (I  wish  they  had 
made  it  two)  to  their  quota.  If  any  good  officers  will  offer 
to  raise  men  upon  Continental  pay  and  establishment  in 
this  quarter  I  shall  encourage  them  to  do  so  and  regiment 
them  when  they  have  done  it.  If  Congress  disapprove  of 
this  proceeding  they  will  please  to  signify  it  as  I  mearr  it 
for  the  best.  It  may  be  thought  that  I  am/  going  a  good 
deal  out  of  the  line  of  my  duty  to  adopt  these  measures 
or  to  advise  thus  freely.  A  character  to  lose,  an  estate 
to  forfeit,  the  inestimable  blessings  of  liberty  at  stake,  and 
a  life  devoted  must  be  my  excuse." 

This  letter  demonstrated  to  Congress  the  extreme  peril 
of  the  country  and  the  sole  means  of  deliverance.  Jealous 
as  they  had  hitherto  been  of  military  power  they  no  longer 
hesitated  to  place  it  in  the  hands  of  Washington,  and  on 
the  27th  of  December  (1776)  they  passed  the  following  act: 

:<  The  Congress,  having  maturely  considered  the  present 
crisis,  and  having  perfect  reliance  on  the  wisdom,  vigor, 
and  uprightness  of  General  Washington,  do  hereby 
Resolve,  That  General  Washington  shall  be,  and  he  is 
hereby,  vested  with  full,  ample,  and  complete  powers  to 
raise  and  collect  together  in  the  most  speedy  and  effectual 
manner,  from  any  or  all  of  these  United  States,  sixteen 
battalions  of  infantry  in  addition  to  those  already  voted 


992  WASHINGTON. 

by  Congress;  to  appoint  officers  for  the  said  battalions 
of  infantry;  to  raise,  officer,  and  equip  3,000  light  horse, 
three  regiments  of  artillery,  and  a  corps  of  engineers,  and 
to  establish  their  pay;  to  apply  to  any  of  the  States  for 
such  aid  of  the  militia  as  he  shall  judge  necessary;  to  form 
such  magazines  of  provisions,  and  in  such  places  as  he  shall 
think  proper;  to  displace  and  appoint  all  officers  under  the 
rank  of  brigadier-general,  and  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  in 
every  other  department  in  the  American  armies;  to  take, 
wherever  he  may  be,  whatever  he  may  want  for  the  use 
of  the  army,  if  the  inhabitants  will  not  sell  it,  allowing  a 
reasonable  price  for  the  same;  to  arrest  and  confine  per 
sons  who  refuse  to  take  the  Continental  currency,  or  are 
otherwise  disaffected  to  the  American  cause ;  and  re 
turn  to  the  States  of  which  they  are  citizens,  their  names, 
and  the  nature  of  their  offenses,  together  with  the  wit 
nesses  to  prove  them;  and,  That  the  foregoing  powers  be 
vested  in  General  Washington,  for  and  during  the  term  of 
six  months  from  the  date  hereof,  unless  sooner  determined 
by  Congress." 

In  acknowledging  the  resolves  of  Congress  Washington 
assured  that  body  that  all  his  faculties  should  be  employed 
to  direct  properly  the  powers  they  had  been  pleased  to 
vest  him  with,  to  advance  those  objects,  and  those  only, 
which  had  given  rise  to  so  honorable  a  mark  of  distinction. 
"  If  my  exertions,"  he  said,  "  should  not  be  attended  with 
the  desired  success,  I  trust  the  failure  will  be  imputed  to 
the  true  cause  —  the  peculiarly  distressed  situation  of  our 
affairs,  and  the  difficulties  I  have  to  combat  —  rather  than 
to  a  want  of  zeal  for  my  country,  and  the  closest  attention 
to  her  interests,  to  promote  which  has  ever  been  my 
study." 

The  powers  conferred  by  the  resolve  of  Congress  were 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  993 

truly  dictatorial.  But  never  before,  nor  since,  did  dictator 
use  such  powers  with  such  wisdom,  moderation,  and  for 
bearance.  Before  this  act  had  received  the  sanction  of 
Congress,  however,  events  had  taken  place  which  gave 
new  life  and  energy  to  the  friends  of  liberty. 

When  Washington  (says  Gordon)  retreated  with  a  hand 
ful  of  men  across  the  Delaware  he  trembled  for  the  fate  of 
America,  which  nothing  but  the  infatuation  of  the  enemy 
could  have  saved.*  Though  they  missed  the  boats,  with 
which  they  expected  to  follow  him  immediately  into  Pennsyl 
vania,  yet  Trenton  and  the  neighborhood  could  have  supplied 
them  with  materials  which  industry  might  have  soon  con 
structed  into  sufficient  conveniences  for  the  transportation 
of  the  troops  over  a  smooth  river,  and  of  no  great  extent 
in  some  places.  But  they  were  put  into  cantonments  for 
the  present,  forming  an  extensive  chain  from  Brunswick 
to  the  Delaware,  and  down  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  for 
several  miles,  so  as  to  compose  a  front  at  the  end  of  the 
line  which  looked  over  to  Philadelphia.!  Mr.  Mersereau 
was  employed  by  the  American  general  to  gain  intelligence 
and  provided  a  simple  youth, J  whose  apparent  defective- 
ness  in  abilities  prevented  all  suspicion,  but  whose  fidelity 
and  attention,  with  the  capacities  he  possessed,  constituted 
him  an  excellent  spy;  he  passed  from  place  to  place,  mixed 

*  The  General's  words  in  his  own  letter. 

f  Marshall,  speaking  of  the  importance  to  Washington  of  obtain 
ing  secret  intelligence  of  the  plans  of  Cornwallis,  states  that  at 
that  critical  moment,  Mr.  Robert  Morris  raised  on  his  private 
credit,  in  Philadelphia,  56500  in  specie,  which  he  transmitted  to 
the  Commander-in-Chief,  who  employed  it  in  procuring  informa 
tion  not  otherwise  to  have  been  obtained.—  "  Life  of  Washington," 
vol.  I,  p.  130. 

$  After  having  been  employed  some  time  in  similar  services, 
the  enemy  grew  suspicious  of  him,  and  upon  that,  without  proof, 
put  him  into  prison,  where  he  was  starved  to  death, 

63 


994  WASHINGTON. 

with  the  soldiers,  and,  having  performed  his  business,  re 
turned  with  an  account  where  they  were  cantoned,  and 
in  what  numbers.  General  Fermoy  was  appointed  to  re 
ceive  and  communicate  the  information  to  the  Commander- 
in  Chief ;  upon  the  receipt  of  it  he  cried  out :  "  Now  is  our 
time  to  clip  their  wings  while  they  are  so  spread."  But 
before  an  attempt  could  be  made  with  a  desirable  prospect 
of  success  Washington  was  almost  ready  to  despair  while 
he  contemplated  the  probable  state  of  his  own  troops  within 
the  compass  of  ten  days.  _  He  could  not  count  upon  those 
whose  time  expired  the  ist  of  January,  and  expected  that 
as  soon  as  the  ice  was  formed  the  enemy  would  pass  the 
Delaware.  He  found  his  numbers  on  inquiry  less  than 
he  had  any  conception  of,  and  while  he  communicated  the 
fact,  thus  charged  his  confidant,  Colonel  Reed :  "  For 
heaven's  sake  keep  this  to  yourself,  as  the  discovery  of  it 
may  prove  fatal  to  us." 

Colonel  Reed  wrote  the  next  day  from  Bristol,  Decem 
ber  21  (1776),  and  proposed  to  the  General  the  making  of 
a  diversion,  or  something  more,  at  or  about  Trenton,  and 
proceeded  to  say:  "If  we  could  possess  ourselves  again 
of  New  Jersey,  or  any  considerable  part,  the  effect  would 
be  greater  than  if  we  had  not  left  it.  Allow  me  to  hope 
that  you  will  consult  your  own  good  judgment  and  spirit, 
and  let  not  the  goodness  of  your  heart  subject  you  to  the 
influence  of  the  opinions  of  men  in  every  respect  your  in 
feriors.  Something  must  be  attempted  before  the  sixty 
days  expire  which  the  commissioners  have  allowed  —  for 
however  many  affect  to  despise  it,  it  is  evident  a  very 
serious  attention  is  paid  to  it;  and  I  am  confident,  that 
unless  some  more  favorable  appearance  attends  our  arms 
and  cause  before  that  time,  a  very  great  number  of  the 
militia  officers  here  will  follow  the  example  of  Jersey,  and 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  995 

take  benefit  from  it.  Our  cause  is  desperate  and  hopeless 
if  we  do  not  strike  some  stroke.  Our  affairs  are  hastening 
apace  to  ruin  if  we  do  not  retrieve  them  by  some  happy 
event.  Delay  with  us  is  near  equal  to  a  total  defeat.  We 
must  not  suffer  ourselves  to  be  lulled  into  security  and 
inactivity  because  the  enemy  does  not  cross  the  river.  The 
love  of  my  country,  a  wife  and  four  children  in  the  enemy's 
hands,  the  respect  and  attachment  I  have  to  you,  the  ruin 
and  poverty  that  must  attend  me  and  thousands  of  others, 
will  plead  my  excuse  for  so  much  freedom." 

Notwithstanding  the  great  inferiority  of  his  force,  when 
Washington  received  this  letter,  he  had  already  formed 
the  daring  plan  of  attacking  all  the  British  posts  on  the 
Delaware  at  the  same  instant.  If  successful  in  all,  or  any 
of  these  attacks,  he  hoped  not  only  to  wipe  off  the  impres 
sion  made  by  his  losses  and  by  his  retreat,  but  also  to  re 
lieve  Philadelphia  from  immediate  danger,  and  to  compel 
his  adversary  to  compress  himself  in  such  a  manner  as  no 
longer  to  cover  the  Jerseys. 

The  positions  taken  to  guard  the  river  were  equally  well 
adapted  to  offensive  operations. 

The  regulars  were  posted  above  Trenton  from  Yardley's 
up  to  Coryell's  Ferry.  The  Pennsylvania  flying  camp  and 
Jersey  militia,  under  the  command  of  General  Irvine,  ex 
tended  from  Yardley's  to  the  ferry  opposite  Bordentown, 
and  General  Cadwalader  with  the  Pennsylvania  militia  lay 
still  lower  down  the  river. 

Writing  to  Colonel  Reed  on  the  23d  of  December,  Wash 
ington  says:  "Necessity,  dire  necessity  will  —  nay,  must 
justify  any  attempt.  Prepare,  and  in  concert  with  Griffin, 
attack  as  many  posts  as  you  possibly  can  with  a  prospect 
of  success.  I  have  now  ample  testimony  of  the  enemy's 
intentions  to  attack  Philadelphia  as  soon  as  the  ice  will 


996  WASHINGTON. 

afford  the  means  of  conveyance.  Our  men  are  to  be  pro 
vided  with  three  days'  provisions,  ready  cooked,  with  which 
and  their  blankets  they  are  to  march.  One  hour  before 
day  is  the  time  fixed  upon  for  our  attempt  on  Trenton.  If 
we  are  successful,  which  heaven  grant !  and  other  circum 
stances  favor,  we  may  push  on.  I  shall  direct  every  ferry 
and  ford  to  be  well  guarded,  and  not  a  soul  suffered  to 
pass  without  an  officer's  going  down  with  the  permit." 

In  the  plan  of  attack  which  had  been  digested,  it  was 
proposed  to  cross  in  the  night  at  M'Konkey's  Ferry,  about 
nine  miles  above  Trenton,  to  march  down  in  two  divisions, 
the  one  taking  the  river  road,  and  the  other  the  Penning- 
ton  road,  both  which  lead  into  the  town;  the  first  toward 
that  part  of  the  western  side  which  approaches  the  river, 
and  last  toward  the  north.  This  part  of  the  plan  was  to  be 
executed  by  Washington  in  person,  at  the  head  of  about 
2,400  Continental  troops.  It  was  thought  practicable  to 
pass  them  over  the  river  by  12,  and  to  reach  the  point  of 
destination  by  5  in  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  when 
the  attack  was  to  be  made.  General  Irvine  was  directed 
to  cross  at  the  Trenton  Ferry,  and  to  secure  the  bridge  be 
low  the  town  in  order  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  enemy 
by  that  road.  General  Cadwalader  was  to  pass  over  at 
Dunk's  Ferry  and  carry  the  post  at  Mount  Holly.  It 
had  been  in  contemplation  to  unite  the  troops  employed 
in  fortifying  Philadelphia. to  those  at  Bristol,  and  to  place 
the  whole  under  General  Putnam,  but  such  indications 
were  given  in  that  city  of  an  insurrection  in  favor  of  the 
royal  cause  that  this  part  of  the  plan  was  abandoned.  The 
cold  on  the  night  of  the  25th  was  very  severe.  Snow, 
mingled  with  hail  and  rain,  fell  in  great  quantities,  and  so 
much  ice  was  made  in  the  river  that,  with  every  possible 
exertion,  the  division  conducted  by  the  General  in  person 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  997 

could  not  effect  its  passage  until  3,  nor  commence  its 
march  down  the  river  till  nearly  4.  As  the  distance  to 
Trenton  by  either  road  is  nearly  the  same,  orders  were 
given  to  attack  at  the  instant  of  arrival,  and  after  driving 
in  the  outguards  to  press  rapidly  after  them  into  the  town 
and  prevent  the  main  body  from  forming. 

Trenton  was  held  by  a  detachment  of  1,500  Hessians 
and  a  troop  of  British  light  horse,  the  whole  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Rahl,*  a  Hessian  veteran,  who  (says 
Gordon,  in  his  lively  description  of  the  affair),  "  had  re 
ceived  information  of  an  intended  attack,  and  that  the  25th, 
at  night,  is  thought  to  be  the  time  fixed  upon.  His  men 
are  paraded  and  his  picket  is  looking  out  for  it.  Captain 
Washington,!  commanding  a  scouting  party  of  about  fifty 
foot  soldiers,  has  been  in  the  Jerseys  about  three  days  with 
out  effecting  any  exploit.  He  therefore  concludes  upon 
marching  toward  Trenton ;  advances  and  attacks  the  picket. 
He  exchanges  a  few  shots  and  then  retreats.  As  he  is 
making  for  the  Delaware,  on  his  return  to  Pennsylvania, 
he  meets  with  General  Washington's  troops  (December  26, 
1776).  Conjecturing  their  design  he  is  distressed  with  an 
apprehension  that  by  the  attack  he  has  alarmed  the  enemy 
and  put  them  on  their  guard.  The  enemy,  on  the  other 
hand,  conclude  from  it  after  awhile,  that  this  is  all  the  at 
tack  which  is  intended,  and  so  retire  to  their  quarters  and 
become  secure;  many  get  drunk." 

While  the  enemy  was  thus  lulled  into  security  General 
Washington,  who  accompanied  the  upper  column,  arriv 
ing  at  the  outpost  on  that  road  precisely  at  8,  drove  it  in, 
and  in  three  minutes  heard  the  fire  from  the  column  under 

*This  name  is  spelt  by  some  writers  Rail,  and  by  others  Rawle. 
t  William  A.  Washington,  afterward  distinguished  as  a  colonel 
of  cavalry. 


998  WASHINGTON. 

Sullivan,  which  had  taken  the  river  road.  The  picket 
guard  attempted  to  keep  up  a  fire  while  retreating  but 
was  pursued  with  such  ardor  as  to  be  unable  to  make  a 
stand.  Colonel  Rahl  paraded  his  men  and  met  the  assail 
ants.  In  the  commencement  of  the  action  he  was  mortally 
wounded,  upon  which  the  troops,  in  apparent  confusion, 
attempted  to  gain  the  road  to  Princeton.  General  Wash 
ington  threw  a  detachment  into  their  front  while  he  ad 
vanced  rapidly  on  them  in  person.  Finding  themselves 
surrounded  and  their  artillery  already  seized  they  laid  down 
their  arms  and  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 
About  twenty  of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  about  1,000 
made  prisoners.  Six  field  pieces  and  1,000  stand  of  small- 
arms  were  also  taken.  On  the  part  of  the  Americans  two 
privates  were  killed,  two  frozen  to  death,  and  three  or  four 
privates  wounded.  Captain  Washington,  who  had  returned 
to  the  scene  of  action  with  General  Washington's  column, 
and  Lieutenant  Monroe  (afterward  President  of  the  United 
States),  were  both  wounded  in  capturing  the  enemy's 
artillery. 

Unfortunately  the  ice  rendered  it  impracticable  for  Gen 
eral  Irvine  to  execute  that  part  of  the  plan  which  was  al 
lotted  to  him.  With  his  utmost  efforts  he  was  unable  to 
cross  the  river,  and  the  road  toward  Bordentown  remained 
open.  About  500  men,  among  whom  was  a  troop  of  cav 
alry,  stationed  in  the  lower  end  of  Trenton,  availed  them 
selves  of  this  circumstance,  and  crossing  the  bridge  in  the 
commencement  of  the  action  escaped  down  the  river.  The 
same  cause  prevented  General  Cadwalader  from  attacking 
the  post  at  Mount  Holly.  With  -great  difficulty  a  part  of 
his  infantry  passed  the  river,  but  returned  on  its  being 
found  absolutely  impracticable  to  cross  with  the  artillery. 

Although  this  plan  failed  in  so  many  of  its  parts,  the 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  909 

success  attending  that  which  was  conducted  by  Washing 
ton  in  person  was  followed  by  the  happiest  effects. 

Had  it  been  practicable  for  the  divisions  under  Generals 
Irvine  and  Cadwalader  to  cross  the  river,  it  was  intended 
to  proceed  from  Trenton  to  the  posts  at  and  about  Borden- 
town,  to  sweep  the  British  from  the  banks  of  the  Dela 
ware,  and  to  maintain  a  position  in  the  Jerseys.  But  rind 
ing  that  those  parts  of  the  plan  had  failed,  and  supposing 
the  British  to  remain  in  force  below,  while  a  strong  corps 
was  posted  at  Princeton,  Washington  thought  it  unadvis- 
able  to  hazard  the  loss  of  the  very  important  advantage 
already  gained,  by  attempting  to  increase  it,  and  recrossed 
the  river  with  his  prisoners  and  military  stores.*  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Baylor,  his  aide-de-camp,  who  carried  the 
intelligence  of  this  success  to  Congress,  was  presented 
with  a  horse  completely  caparisoned  for  service,  and 
recommended  to  the  command  of  a  regiment  of  cavalry. 

Nothing  could  surpass  the  astonishment  of  Howe  at 
this  unexpected  display  of  vigor  on  the  part  of  Washing 
ton.  His  condition  and  that  of  his  country  had  been 
thought  desperate.  He  had  been  deserted  by  all  the  troops 
having  a  legal  right  to  leave  him,  and  to  render  his  situa 
tion  completely  ruinous  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  Con 
tinental  soldiers  still  remaining  with  him  would  be  entitled 
to  their  discharge  on  the  1st  day  of  January  (1777).  There 
appeared  to  be  no  probability  of  prevailing  on  them  to  con 
tinue  longer  in  the  service,  and  the  recruiting  business  was 
absolutely  at  an  end.  The  spirits  of  a  large  proportion 
of  the  people  were  sunk  to  the  lowest  point  of  depression. 

*  Before  the  Hessian  prisoners  were  actually  marched  through 
the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  the  Tories  in  that  city  affected  to 
doubt  the  reality  of  any  victory  having  been  obtained  by  Wash 
ington.  Probably  no  procession  in  Philadelphia  was  ever  attended 
with  so  much  effect  as  this  of  the  Hessian  prisoners. 


1000  WASHINGTON. 

New  Jersey  appeared  to  be  completely  subdued,  and  some 
of  the  best  judges  of  the  public  sentiment  were  of  opinion 
that  immense  numbers  in  Pennsylvania  also  were  deter 
mined  not  to  permit  the  sixty  days  allowed  in  the  procla 
mation  of  the  Howes  to  elapse,  without  availing  themselves 
of  the  pardon  it  proffered.  Instead  of  offensive  operations 
the  total  dispersion  of  the  small  remnant  of  the  American 
army  was  to  be  expected,  since  it  would  be  rendered  too 
feeble  by  the  discharge  of  those  engaged  only  until  the  last 
day  of  December,  to  attempt  any  longer  the  defense  of 
the  Delaware,  which  would  by  that  time,  in  all  probability, 
be  passable  on  the  ice.  While  every  appearance  supported 
these  opinions,  and  Howe,  without  being  sanguine,  might 
well  consider  the  war  as  approaching  its  termination,  this 
bold  and  fortunate  enterprise  announced  to  him  that  he 
was  contending  with  an  adversary  who  could  never  cease 
to  be  formidable  while  the  possibility  of  resistance  re 
mained.  Finding  the  conquest  of  America  more  distant 
than  had  been  supposed,  he  determined,  in  the  depth  of 
winter,  to  recommence  active  operations,  and  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  who  had  retired  to  New  York  with  the  intention  of 
embarking  for  Europe,  suspended  his  departure  and  re 
turned  to  the  Jerseys  in  great  force  for  the  purpose  of  re 
gaining  the  ground  which  had  been  lost. 

Meanwhile  Count  Donop,  who  commanded  the  troops 
below  Trenton,  on  hearing  the  disaster  which  had  befallen 
Colonel  Rahl,  retreated  by  the  road  leading  to  Amboy  and 
joined  General  Leslie  at  Princeton.  The  next  day  Gen 
eral  Cadwalader  crossed  the  Delaware  with  orders  to 
harass  the  enemy,  but  to  put  nothing  to  hazard  until  he 
should  be  joined  by  the  Continental  battalions,  who  were 
allowed  a  day  or  two  of  repose  after  the  fatigues  of  the 
enterprise  against  Trenton.  General  Mifflin  joined  General 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  1001 

Irvine  with  about  1,500  Pennsylvania  militia  and  those 
troops  also  crossed  the  river. 

Finding  himself  once  more  at  the  head  of  a  force  with 
which  it  seemed  practicable  to  act  offensively  Washington 
determined  to  employ  the  winter  in  endeavoring  to  recover 
Jersey. 

With  this  view  he  ordered  General  Heath  to  leave  a 
small  detachment  at  Peekskill,  and  with  the  main  body  of 
the  New  England  militia  to  enter  Jersey  and  approach  the 
British  cantonments  on  that  side.  General  Maxwell  was 
ordered,  with  all  the  militia  he  could  collect,  to  harass 
their  flank  and  rear,  and  to  attack  their  outposts  on  every 
favorable  occasion,  while  the  Continental  troops,  led  by 
himself,  recrossed  the  Delaware  and  took  post  at  Trenton. 
On  the  last  day  of  December  the  regulars  of  New  England 
were  entitled  to  a  discharge.  With  great  difficulty  and  a 
bounty  of  $10  many  of  them  were  induced  to  renew  their 
engagements  for  six  weeks. 

The  British  were  now  (1777)  collected  in  force  at  Prince 
ton  under  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  appearances  confirmed 
the  intelligence,  secretly  obtained,  that  he  intended  to  at 
tack  the  American  army. 

Generals  Mifflin  and  Cadwalader,  who  lay  at  Borden- 
town  and  Crosswix,  with  3,600  militia,  were  therefore  or 
dered  to  join  the  Commander-in-Chief,  whose  whole  ef 
fective  force,  with  this  addition,  did  not  exceed  5,000  men. 

Lord  Cornwallis  advanced  upon  him  the  next  morning, 
and  about  4  in  the  afternoon  the  van  of  the  British  army 
reached  Trenton.  On  its  approach  General  Washington 
retired  across  the  Assumpinck,  a  creek  which  runs  through 
the  town.  The  British  attempted  to  cross  the  creek  at 
several  places,  but  rinding  all  the  fords  guarded,  they  de 
sisted  from  the  attempt  and  kindled  their  fires.  The 


1003  WASHINGTON. 

Americans  kindled  their  fires  likewise,  and  a  cannonade 
was  kept  up  on  both  sides  till  dark. 

The  situation  of  General  Washington  was  again  ex 
tremely  critical.  Should  he  maintain  his  position  he  would 
certainly  be  attacked  next  morning  by  a  force  so  very  su 
perior  as  to  render  the  destruction  of  his  little  army  inevi 
table.  Should  he  attempt  to  retreat  over  the  Delaware 
the  passage  of  that  river  had  been  rendered  so  difficult  by 
a  few  mild  and  foggy  days  which  had  softened  the  ice  that 
a  total  defeat  would  be  hazarded.  In  any  event  the  Jer 
seys  would  once  more  be  entirely  in  possession  of  the 
enemy,  the  public  mind  again  be  depressed,  recruiting  dis 
couraged,  and  Philadelphia  a  second  time  in  the  grasp 
of  General  Howe. 

In  this  embarrassing  state  of  things  he  formed  the  bold 
design  of  abandoning  the  Delaware,  and  marching  by  a 
circuitous  route  along  the  left  flank  of  the  British  army, 
into  its  rear,  at  Princeton,  where  its  strength  could  not 
be  great,  and  after  beating  the  troops  at  that  place  to  move 
rapidly  to  Brunswick,  where  the  baggage  and  principal 
magazines  of  the  army  lay  under  a  weak  guard.  He  in 
dulged  the  hope  that  this  manoeuvre  would  call  the  atten 
tion  of  the  British  general  to  his  own  defense.  Should 
Lord  Cornwallis,  contrary  to  every  reasonable  calculation, 
proceed  to  Philadelphia,  nothing  worse  could  happen  in 
that  quarter  than  must  happen  should  the  American  army 
be  driven  before  him,  and  some  compensation  for  that 
calamity  would  be  obtained  by  expelling  the  enemy  com 
pletely  from  Jersey  and  cutting  up  in  detail  all  his  parties 
in  that  State. 

Gordon's  account  of  what  followed  the  resolution  of 
Washington  to  march  to  Trenton,  as  well  as  of  the  de 
liberations  in  both  camps  is,  as  usual,  lively  and  dramatic: 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  1003 

"  Sir  William  Erskine,  according  to  report,  advises  Lord 
Cornwallis  to  an  immediate  attack,  saying:  '  Otherwise 
Washington,  if  any  general,  will  make  a  move  to  the  left 
of  your  army;  if  your  lordship  does  not  attack,  throw  a 
large  body  of  troops  on  the  road  to  your  left/  The  attack 
is  put  off  till  the  morning.  'His  lordship  might  act  upon 
what  is  said  to  be  a  military  principle,  that  the  strongest 
army  ought  not  to  attack  toward  night.  Meanwhile  Wash 
ington  calls  a  council  of  war.  It  is  known  that  they  are 
to  be  attacked  the  next  day  by  the  whole  collected  force 
of  the  enemy.  The  matter  of  debate  is,  '  Shall  we  march 
down  on  the  Jersey  side  and  cross  the  Delaware  over 
against  Philadelphia,  or  shall  we  fight?  '  Both  are  thought 
to  be  too  hazardous.  On  this  General  Washington  says: 
'  What  think  you  of  a  circuitous  march  to  Princeton? ' 
It  is  approved  and  concluded  upon.  Providence  favors 
the  manoeuvre.  The  weather  having  been  for  two  days 
warm,  moist,  and  foggy,  the  ground  is  become  quite  soft, 
and  the  roads  to  be  passed  so  deep,  that  it  will  be  ex 
tremely  difficult,  if  practicable,  to  get  on  with  the  cattle, 
carriages,  and  artillery.  But  while  the  council  is  sitting, 
the  wind  suddenly  changes  to  the  northwest,  and  it  freezes 
so  hard,  that  by  the  time  the  troops  are  ready  to  move, 
they  pass  on  as  though  upon  a  solid  pavement.  Such 
freezings  frequently  happen  in  the  depth  of  winter  upon 
the  wind's  coming  suddenly  about  to  the  northwest.  This 
sudden  change  of  weather  gives  a  plausible  pretext  for 
that  line  of  fires  which  Washington  causes  to  be  kindled 
soon  after  dark  in  the  front  of  his  army,  and  by  which  he 
conceals  himself  from  the  notice  of  the  enemy,  and  in 
duces  them  to  believe  he  is  still  upon  the  ground,  waiting 
for  them  till  morning.  The  stratagem  is  rendered  the  more 
complete  by  an  order  given  to  the  men  who  are  intrusted 


1004  WASHINGTON. 

with  the  business  to  keep  up  the  fires  in  full  blaze  till 
break  of  day.  While  the  fires  are  burning  the  baggage 
and  three  pieces  of  ordnance  are  sent  off  to  Burlington  for 
security,  and  with  the  design  that  if  the  enemy  follow  it 
the  Americans  may  take  advantage  of  their  so  doing.  The 
troops  march  about  I  o'clock  with  great  silence  and  order, 
and  crossing  Sanpink  creek,*  proceed  toward  and  arrive 
near  Princeton  a  little  before  daybreak. 

The  three  British  regiments  are  marching  down  to 
Trenton  on  another  road  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  dis 
tant.  The  center  of  the  Americans,  consisting  of  the 
Philadelphia  militia,  under  General  Mercer,  advances  to 
attack  them.  Colonel  Mawhood  considers  it  only  as  a 
flying  party  attempting  to  interrupt  his  march,  and  ap 
proaches  with  his  Seventeenth  regiment  so  near  before 
he  fires  that  the  color  of  their  buttons  is  discerned.  He 
repulses  the  assailants  with  great  spirit  and  they  give  way 
in  confusion ;  officers  and  men  seem  seized  with  a  panic 
which  spreads  fast  and  indicates  an  approaching  defeat. 

Washington  perceives  the  disorder  and  penetrates  the 
fatal  consequence  of  being  vanquished.  The  present  mo 
ment  requires  an  exertion  to  ward  off  the  danger,  however 
hazardous  to  his  own  person.  He  advances  instantly,  en 
courages  his  troops  to  make  a  stand,  places  himself  be 
tween  them  and  the  British,  distant  from  each  other  about 
thirty  yards,  reins  his  horse's  head  toward  the  front  of 
the  enemy,  and  boldly  faces  them  while  they  discharge 
their  pieces;  their  fire  is  immediately  returned  by  the 
Americans,  without  their  adverting  to  the  position  of  the 
general,  who  is  providentially  preserved  from  being  injured 
either  by  foe  or  friend. 

*  Assumpinck  creek,  spelt  variously  by  different  writers.  Spark 
spells  it  Assanpink. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  1005 

The  scale  is  turned  and  Colonel  Mawhood  soon  finds 
that  he  is  attacked  on  all  sides  by  a  superior  force  and  that 
he  is  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  brigade.  He  discovers 
also  by  the  continued  distant  firing  that  the  Fifty-fifth  is 
not  in  better  circumstances.  His  regiment,  having  used 
their  bayonets  with  too  much  severity  on  the  party  put  to 
flight  by  them  in  the  beginning,  now  pay  for  it  in  pro 
portion;  near  sixty  are  killed  upon  the  spot,  besides  the 
wounded.  But  the  colonel  and  a  number  force  their  way 
through  and  pursue  their  march  to  Maidenhead.  The 
Fifty-fifth  regiment  being  hard  pressed,  and  finding  it  im 
possible  to  continue  its  march,  makes  good  its  retreat  and 
returns  by  the  way  of  Hillsborough  to  Brunswick.  The 
Fortieth  is  but  little  engaged;  those  of  the  men  who  es 
cape  retire  by  another  road  to  the  same  place. 

It  was  proposed  to  make  a  forced  march  to  Brunswick, 
where  was  the  baggage  of  the  whole  British  army  and 
General  Lee,  but  the  men  having  been  without  either  rest, 
rum,  or  provisions  for  two  days  and  two  nights  were  un 
equal  to  the  task.  It  was  then  debated  whether  to  file  off 
to  Cranberry  in  order  to  cross  the  Delaware  and  secure 
Philadelphia. 

General  Knox*  urged  their  marching  to  Morristown, 
and  informed  the  Commander-in-Chief  that  when  he 
passed  through  that  part  of  the  country  he  observed  that 
it  was  a  good  position.  He  also  remarked  that  they  should 
be  upon  the  flank  of  the  enemy  and  might  easily  change 
their  situation  if  requisite.  By  his  earnest  importunity 
he  prevailed  and  the  measure  was  adopted. 

General  Greene  was  with  the  main  body,  which  was  ad 
vanced,  and  had  entered  the  Morristown  road  without 

*  Knox  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general  on  the 
day  after  the  battle  of  Trenton. 


1006  WASHINGTON. 

having  been  made  acquainted  with  the  determination. 
Just  as  that  was  concluded  upon  the  enemy  were  firing 
upon  the  rear  of  the  Americans. 

Lord  Cornwallis  had  been  waked  by  the  sound  of  the 
American  cannon  at  Princeton,  and  finding  himself  out 
generaled,  and  apprehensive  for  his  stores  and  baggage, 
had  posted  back  with  the  utmost  expedition.  The  army 
under  General  Washington  marched  on  to  Pluckemin, 
in  their  way  to  Morristown,  pulling  up  the  bridges  as  they 
proceeded  thereby  to  incommode  the  enemy  and  secure 
themselves.  By  the  time  they  got  there  the  men  were  so 
excessively  fatigued  that  a  fresh  and  resolute  body  of  500 
might  have  demolished  the  whole.  Numbers  lay  down 
in  the  woods  and  fell  asleep,  without  regarding  the  coldness 
of  the  weather.  The  royal  army  was  still  under  such  alarm 
ing  impressions  that  it  continued  its  march  from  Trenton 
to  Brunswick,  thirty  miles,  without  halting1  longer  at  least 
than  was  necessary  to  make  the  bridges  over,  Stony  brook 
and  Millstone  passable." 

In  the  battle  of  Princeton  rather  more  than  100  of 
the  British  were  killed  in  the  field  and  near  300  were  taken 
prisoners.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  considerably 
less,*  but  in  their  number  was  included  General  Mercer, 
an  officer  of  extraordinary  merit,  who  had  served  with 
Washington  in  his  early  campaigns  in  Virginia,  and  was 
greatly  esteemed  and  beloved  by  him.  Mercer  fell  in  the 
first  charge  against  Mawhood  which  was  repelled,  and  in 
which  the  bayonet  was  so  mercilessly  used,  as  above  no 
ticed  in  our  quotation  from  Gordon.  Mercer,  himself, 
after  being  dismounted  and  knocked  down  with  the  butt 
of  a  musket,  was  repeatedly  bayoneted  and  left  for  dead 
on  the  field.  After  the  battle  was  over  he  was  found  by 

t  Washington  in  a  letter  says  thirty  privates  were  killed.       « 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  1007 

his  aide-de-camp,  Major  Armstrong,  and  conveyed  to  the 
house  of  Mr.  Clark,  where  he  expired  on  the  I2th  of  Jan 
uary  (1777),  in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  age.  His  remains 
were  subsequently  removed  to  Philadelphia  and  buried 
with  military  honors  in  the  grounds  of  Christ  Church.  A 
monument  was  voted  to  his  memory  by  Congress,  which 
was  never  erected,  but  recently  the  citizens  of  Philadel 
phia  had  his  remains  removed  to  Laurel  Hill  Cemetery, 
with  great  funeral  pomp,  and  placed  beneath  a  splendid 
marble  monument  raised  by  subscription  among  them 
selves. 

Besides  General  Mercer  the  Americans  lost  at  Princeton, 
Colonels  Haslet  and  Potter,  Captain  Neal  of  the  artillery, 
and  Captain  Fleming,  who  commanded  the  First  Virginia 
regiment,  and  four  or  five  other  valuable  officers. 
"  Colonel  Haslet  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  bravery 
and  good  conduct  in  the  battles  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Chatterton's  Hill,  and  in  several  hazardous  enterprises."* 

The  bold,  judicious,  and  unexpected  attacks  made  at 
Trenton  and  Princeton,  had  a  much  more  extensive  in 
fluence  than  would  be  supposed  from  a  mere  estimate  of 
the  killed  and  taken.  They  saved  Philadelphia  for  the 
winter,  recovered  the  State  of  Jersey,  and,  which  was  of 
still  more  importance,  revived  the  drooping  spirits  of  the 
people  and  gave  a  perceptible  impulse  to  the  recruiting 
service  throughout  the  United  States. 

The  utmost  efforts  were  now  directed  to  the  creation 
of  an  army  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  as  the  only  solid 
basis  on  which  the  hopes  of  the  patriot  could  rest.  Dur 
ing  the  retreat  through  the  Jerseys,  and  while  the  ex 
pectation  prevailed  that  no  effectual  resistance  could  be 
made  to  the  British  armies,  some  spirited  men  indeed  were 

*  Sparks,  "Writings  of  Washington;"  "Life  of  Washington." 


100g  WASHINGTON. 

animated  to  greater  and  more  determined  exertions,  but 
this  state  of  things  produced  a  very  different  effect  on  the 
great  mass  which  can  alone  furnish  the  solid  force  of 
armies.  In  the  middle  States  especially  the  panic  of  dis 
trust  was  perceived.  Doubts  concerning  the  issue  of  the 
contest  became  extensive,  and  the  recruiting -service  pro 
ceeded  so  heavily  and  slowly  as  to  excite  the  most  anxious 
solicitude  for  the  future. 

The  affairs  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  were,  however, 
magnified  into  great  victories,  and  were  believed  by  the 
body  of  the  people  to  evidence  the  superiority  of  their 
army  and  of  their  general.  The  opinion  that  they  were 
engaged  in  a  hopeless  contest  yielded  to  a  confidence  that 
proper  exertions  would  insure  ultimate  success. 

This  change  of  opinion  was  accompanied  with  an  es 
sential  change  of  conduct,  and  although  the  regiments  re 
quired  by  Congress  were  not  completed  they  were  made 
much  stronger  than  was  believed  to  be  possible  before 
this  happy  revolution  in  the  aspect  of  public  affairs. 

The  firmness  of  Congress  throughout  the  gloomy  and 
trying  period  which  intervened  between  the  loss  of  Fort 
Washington  and  the  battle  of  Princeton,  gives  the  mem 
bers  of  that  time  a  just  claim  to  the  admiration  of  the 
world,  and  to  the  gratitude  of  every  American.  Undis 
mayed  by  impending  dangers  they  did  not,  for  an  in 
stant,  admit  the  idea  of  surrendering  the  independence 
they  had  declared,  and  purchasing  peace  by  returning  to 
their  colonial  position.  As  the  British  army  advanced 
through  Jersey,  and  the  consequent  insecurity  of  Phila 
delphia  rendered  an  adjournment  from  that  place  a  neces 
sary  measure  of  precaution,  their  exertions  seemed  to  in 
crease  with  their  difficulties.  They  sought  to  remove  the 
despondence  which  was  seizing  and  paralyzing  the  public 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  1009 

mind  by  an  address  to  the  States  in  which  every  argu 
ment  was  suggested  wjn'ch  could  rouse  them  to  vigorous 
action.  They  made  the  most  strenuous  efforts  to  animate 
the  militia  and  impel  them  to  the  field  by  the  agency  of 
those  whose  popular  eloquence  best  fitted  them  for  such  a 
service. 

The  magnanimous  conduct  of  Congress  was  favorably 
contrasted  in  the  public  mind  with  that  of  the  represen 
tatives  of  royalty,  and  those  who  acted  under  their  author 
ity,  in  the  colonies.  We  have  already  repeatedly  noticed 
the  proclamation  of  the  Howes,  promising  pardon  and  pro 
tection  to  those  who  would  desert  the  standard  of  their 
country.  These  promises  were  anything  but  faithfully 
observed. 

When  the  royal  army  entered  the  Jerseys,  says  Gordon, 
the  inhabitants  pretty  generally  remained  in  their  houses, 
and  many  thousands  received  printed  protections,  signed 
by  order  of  General  Howe.  But  neither  the  proclamation 
of  the  commissioners,  nor  protections,  saved  the  people 
from  plunder  any  more  than  from  insult.  Their  property 
was  taken  or  destroyed  without  distinction  of  persons. 
They  showed  their  protections;  Hessians  could  not  read 
them,  and  would  not  understand  them;  and  the  British 
soldiers  thought  they  had  as  good  a  right  to  a  share  of 
booty  as  the  Hessians. 

The  Loyalists  were  plundered  even  at  New  York.  Gen 
eral  De  Heister  may  be  pronounced  the  arch-plunderer. 
He  offered  the  house  he  lived  in  at  New  York  at  public 
sale,  though  the  property  of  a  very  loyal  subject,  who 
had  voluntarily  and  hospitably  accommodated  him  with  it. 
The. goods  of  others,  suffering  restraint  or  imprisonment 
among  the  Americans,  were  sold  by  auction.  The  carriages 
of  gentlemen  of  the  first  rank  were  seized,  their  arms  de- 
64 


1010  WASHINGTON. 

faced,  and  the  plunderer's  arms  blazoned  in  their  place; 
and  this,  too,  by  British  officers. 

Discontents  and  murmurs  increased  every  hour  at  the 
licentious  ravages  of  the  soldiery,  both  British  and  for 
eigners,  who,  at  this  period  of  the  war,  were  shamefully 
permitted,  with  unrelenting  hand,  to  pillage  friend  and  foe 
in  the  Jerseys.  Neither  age,  nor  sex,  was  spared.  Infants, 
children,  old  men  and  women,  were  left  in  their  shirts, 
without  a  blanket  to  cover  them,  under  the  inclemency  of 
winter.  Every  kind  of  furniture  was  destroyed  and  burnt ; 
windows  and  doors  were  broken  to  pieces;  in  short,  the 
houses  were  left  uninhabitable,  and  the  people  without 
provisions;  for  every  horse,  cow,  ox,  and  fowl  was  carried 
off. 

Depredations  and  abuses  were  committed  by  that  part 
of  the  army  which  was  stationed  at  or  near  Pennytown.* 
Sixteen  young  women  fled  to  the  woods  to  avoid  the  bru 
tality  of  the  soldiers  where  they  were  seized  and  carried 
off.  One  father  was  murdered  for  attempting  to  defend 
his  daughter's  honor.  Other  brutalities  towards  women, 
recorded  by  contemporary  writers,  are  too  gross  for 
recital. 

These  enormities,  though  too  frequently  practiced  in  a 
time  of  war  by  the  military,  unless  restrained  by  the  se 
verest  discipline,  so  exasperated  the  people  of  the  Jerseys 
that  they  flew  to  arms  immediately  upon  the  army's  hur 
rying  from  Trenton,  and  forming  themselves  into  parties 
they  waylaid  their  enemies  and  cut  them  off  as  they  had 
opportunity.  The  militia  collected.  The  Americans  in  a 
few  days  overran  the  Jerseys.  The  enemy  was  forced  from 
Woodbridge.  General  Maxwell  surprised  Elizabeth- 
town,  and  took  near  one  hundred  prisoners,  with  a  quan- 

*  Pennington. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  10"H 

tity  of  baggage.  Newark  was  abandoned.  The  royal 
troops  were  confined  to  the  narrow  compass  of  Brunswick 
and  Amboy,  both  holding  an  open  communication  with 
New  York  by  water.  They  could  not  even  stir  out  to  for 
age  but  in  large  parties,  which  seldom  returned  without 
loss.  General  Dickinson,*  with  about  400  militia  arid  50 
Pennsylvania  riflemen,  defeated,  near  Somerset  court 
house,  on  Millstone  river,  January  2Oth  (1777),  a  foraging 
party  of  the  enemy  of  equal  number;  and  took  40  wag 
ons,  upwards  of  100  horses,  besides  sheep  and  cattle  which 
they  had  collected.  They  retreated  with  such  precipitation 
that  he  could  make  only  nine  prisoners;  but  they  were 
observed  to  carry  off  many  dead  and  wounded  in  light 
wagons.  The  General's  behavior  reflected  the  highest 
honor  upon  him,  for,  though  his  troops  were  all  raw,  he 
led  them  through  the  river  middle  deep,  and  gave  the 
enemy  so  severe  a  charge  that,  although  supported  by 
three  field  pieces,  they  gave  way  and  left  their  convoy. 

But  among  all  the  officers  who  were  engaged  in  watching 
and  harassing  the  British  with  a  view  to  their  expulsion 
from  the  Jerseys,  none  rendered  more  important  service 
than  the  veteran  General  Putnam.  He  had  been  at  Wash 
ington's  side  during  the  whole  of  the  retreat  through  the 
Jerseys,  and  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  at  Phila 
delphia,  on  their  arrival  there,  where  he  was  presently  em 
ployed  in  superintending  a  line  of  redoubts  above  the;  city, 
extending  from  the  Delaware  to  the  Schuylkill,  to  resist 
any  approach  of  the  enemy  to  the  city  by  land.  When  the 
recent  offensive  operations  in  Jersey  had  taken  place  he 

*  This  brave  and  able  officer,  Gen.  Philemon  Dickinson,  was 
brother  to  the  celebrated  John  Dickinson,  author  of  the  "  Farm 
er's  Letters."  General  Dickinson  was  afterward  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States. 


1012  WASHINGTON. 

had  been  left  in  the  city  by  Washington  to  quell  an  antici 
pated  insurrection  of  the  Tories. 

General  Putnam,  says  Peabody,*  had,  therefore,  no  share 
in  the  victory  at  Trenton,  nor  in  that  of  Princeton,  by 
which  it  was  succeeded. 

So  great  was  the  effect  of  these  enterprises  on  the  enemy 
that  Washington  began  to  entertain  the  hope  of  driving 
them  beyond  the  limits  of  New  Jersey.  On  the  5th  of  Janu 
ary  (17/7)  he  ordered  General  Putnam  to  march  with  the 
troops  under  his  command  to_Crosswick,  a  few  miles  south 
east  of  Trenton  using  the  utmost  precaution  to  guard 
against  surprise,  and  laboring  to  create  an  impression  that 
his  force  was  twice  as  great  as  it  actually  was.  The  object 
of  the  Commander-in-Chief  was  partially  accomplished  by 
the  concentration  of  the  British  forces  at  New  Brunswick 
and  Amboy  and  General  Putnam  was  soon  after  ordered 
to  take  post  at  Princeton,  where  he  passed  the  remainder 
of  the  winter.  This  position  was  scarcely  fifteen  miles 
from  the  enemy's  camp  at  New  Brunswick,  but  the  troops 
of  Putnam  at  no  time  exceeded  a  few  hundred,  and  were 
once  fewer  in  number  than  the  miles  of  frontier  he  was  ex 
pected  to  guard. 

Captain  Macpherson,  a  Scotch  officer  of  the  Seventeenth 
British  regiment,  had  received  in  the  battle  of  Princeton 
a  severe  wound  which  was  thought  likely  to  prove  fatal. 
When  General  Putnam  reached  that  place  he  found  that 
it  had  been  deemed  inexpedient  to  provide  medical  aid  and 
other  comforts  for  one  who  was  likely  to  require  them 
for  so  short  a  period,  but  by  his  orders  the  captain  was  at 
tended  with  the  utmost  care  and  at  length  recovered.  He 
was  warm  in  the  expression  of  his  gratitude,  and  one  day 
when  Putnam,  in  reply  to  his  inquiries,  assured  him  that 

*  Life  of  General  Putnam,  in  Sparks'  "American  Biography." 


LIFE  AND  TIMES.  1013 

he  was  a  Yankee,  averred  that  he  had  not  believed  it 
possible  for  any  human  being  but  a  Scotchman  to  be  so 
kind  and  generous. 

Indeed  the  benevolence  of  the  general  was  one  day  put 
to  somewhat  of  a  delicate  test.  The  patient,  when  his 
recovery  was  considered  doubtful,  solicited  that  a  friend 
in  the  British  army  at  New  Brunswick  might  be  permitted 
to  come  and  aid  him  in  the  preparation  of  his  will.  Full 
sorely  perplexed  was  General  Putnam  by  his  desire  on  the 
one  hand  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  his  prisoner,  and  a 
natural  reluctance  on  the  other  to  permit  the  enemy  to 
spy  out  the  nakedness  of  his  camp.  His  good  nature  at 
length  prevailed,  but  not  at  the  expense  of  his  discretion, 
and  a  flag  of  truce  was  dispatched  with  orders  not  to 
return  with  the  captain's  friend  until  after  dark. 

By  the  time  of  his  arrival  the  lights  were  displayed  in 
all  the  apartments  of  College  Hall  and  in  all  the  vacant 
houses  in  the  town;  the  army,  which  then  consisted  of 
fifty  effective  men,  was  marched  about  with  remarkable 
celerity,  sometimes  in  close  column,  and  sometimes  in  de 
tachments,  with  unusual  pomp  and  circumstance,  around 
the  quarters  of  the  captain.  It  was  subsequently  ascer 
tained,  as  we  are  assured  by  Colonel  Humphreys,  that  the 
force  of  Putnam  was  computed  by  the  framer  of  the  will, 
on  his  return  to  the  British  camp,  to  consist,  at  the  lowest 
estimate,  of  5,000  men. 

During  his  command  at  Princeton  General  Putnam  was 
employed,  with  activity  and  much  success,  in  affording 
protection  to  the  persons  in  his  neighborhood  who  re 
mained  faithful  to  the  American  cause.  They  were  ex 
posed  to  great  danger  from  the  violent  incursions  of  the 
Loyalists;  and  constant  vigilance  was  required  in  order  to 
guard  against  the  depredations  of  the  latter.  Through 


1014  WASHINGTON. 

the  whole  winter  there  raged  a  war  of  skirmishes.  On 
the  1 7th  of  February  (1777),  Colonel  Nielson,  with  a  party 
of  150  militia,  was  sent  by  General  Putnam  to  surprise  a 
small  corps  of  Loyalists,  who  were  fortifying  themselves 
at  Lawrence's  Neck.  They  were  of  the  corps  of  Cort- 
landt  Skinner,  of  New  Jersey,  a  brigadier-general  of  pro 
vincials  in  the  British  service.  We  know  not  how  to  relate 
the  result  of  this  affair  more  briefly  than  it  is  given  in  the 
following  extract  from  a  letter  addressed  by  Putnam  to 
the  Council  of  Safety  of  Pennsylvania  on  the  day  after 
it  occurred: 

"  Yesterday  evening  Colonel  Nielson,  with  a  hundred 
and  fifty  men  at  Lawrence's  Neck,  attacked  sixty  men  of 
Cortlandt  Skinner's  brigade,  commanded  by  the  enemy's 
renowned  land  pilot,  Richard  Stockton,  and  took  the 
whole  prisoners,  among  them  the  major,  a  captain,  and 
three  subalterns,  with  seventy  stand  of  arms.  Fifty  of  the 
Bedford,  Pa.,  riflemen  behaved  like  veterans." 

On  another  occasion  he  detached  Major  Smith  with  a 
few  riflemen  against  a  foraging  party  of  the  enemy,  and 
followed  him  with  the  rest  of  his  forces;  but  before  he 
came  up,  the  party  had  been  captured  by  the  riflemen. 
These  and  other  similar  incidents  may  appear  individually 
as  of  little  moment;  but  before  the  close  of  the  winter, 
General  Putnam  had  thus  taken  nearly  a  thousand  pris 
oners,  and  had  accomplished  the  more  important  object 
of  keeping  the  disaffected  in  continual  awe. 

In  their  operations  for  completely  reclaiming  the  in 
habitants  of  the  Jerseys  from  their  recent  disaffection  to 
the  cause  of  liberty,  Washington,  Putnam,  and  the  other 
American  commanders  were  greatly  aided  by  the  atroci 
ties  of  the  British  and  Hessian  troops  against  the  unof 
fending  people. 


LIFE  'AND  TIMES.  1015 

The  whole  country  was  now  become  hostile  to  the 
British  army.  Sufferers  of  all  parties  rose  as  one  man  to 
revenge  their  personal  injuries  and  particular  oppressions, 
and  were  the  most  bitter  and  determined  enemies.  They 
who  were  incapable  of  bearing  arms  acted  as  spies  and 
kept  a  continual  watch,  so  that  not  the  slightest  motion 
could  be  made  by  the  Royalists  without  its  being  discov 
ered  before  it  could  produce  the  intended  effect. 

This  hostile  spirit  was  encouraged  by  a  proclamation  of 
Washington  (January  25,  1777),  which  commanded  every 
person  having  subscribed  the  declaration  of  fidelity  to 
Great  Britain,  taken  the  oaths  of  allegiance,  and  accepted 
protections  and  certificates  from  the  commissioners,  to 
deliver  up  the  same  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
United  States  of  America.  It  granted,  however,  full  lib 
erty  to  such  as  should  prefer  the  interest  and  protection 
of  Great  Britain  to  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  their 
country  forthwith  to  withdraw  themselves  and  their  fami 
lies  within  the  enemy's  lines.  But  it  declared  that  all  who 
neglected  or  refused  to  comply  with  the  order  within  thirty 
days  from  the  date  would  be  deemed  adherents  to  the 
King  of  Great  Britain,  and  treated  as  common  enemies  to 
the  American  States. 

Washington  sent  forth  this  proclamation  (January  25, 
1777)  from  his  headquarters  at  Morristown,  situated 
among  hills  of  difficult  access,  where  he  had  a  fine  country 
in  his  rear  from  which  he  could  easily  draw  supplies,  and 
was  able  to  retreat  across  the  Delaware  if  needful.  Giv 
ing  his  troops  little  repose,  he  overran  both  East  and  West 
Jersey,  spread  his  army  over  the  Raritan,  and  penetrated 
into  the  county  of  Essex,  where  he  made  himself  master 
of  the  coast  opposite  Staten  Island.  With  a  greatly  in 
ferior  army,  by  judicious  movements,  he  wrested  from  the 
British  almost  all  their  conquests  in  tHe  Jerseys.  Bruns- 


1016  WASHINGTON. 

wick  and  Amboy  were  the  only  posts  which  remained  in 
their  hands,  and  even  in  these  they  were  not  a  little  har 
assed  and  straightened.  The  American  detachments  were 
in  a  state  of  unwearied  activity,  frequently  surprising  and 
cutting  off  the  British  advanced  guards,  keeping  them  in 
constant  alarm,  and  melting  down  their  numbers  by  a 
desultory  and  destructive  warfare. 

Meantime  the  victories  at  Trenton  and  Princeton,  fol 
lowed  by  the  expulsion  of  the  enemy  from  nearly  every 
part  of  New  Jersey,  had  added  greatly  to  Washington's 
fame.  Achievements  so  astonishing,  says  Botha,  acquired 
an  immense  glory  for  the  captain-general  of  the  United 
States.  All  nations  were  surprised  by  the  glory  of  the 
Americans;  all  equally  admired  and  applauded  the  pru 
dence,  the  constancy,  and  the  noble  intrepidity  of  General 
Washington.  A  unanimous  voice  pronounced  him  the 
savior  of  his  country ;  all  extolled  him  as  equal  to  the  most 
celebrated  commanders  of  antiquity;  all  proclaimed  him 
the  Fabius  of  America.  His  name  was  in  the  mouth  of 
all;  he  was  celebrated  by  the  pens  of  the  most  distin 
guished  writers.  The  most  illustrious  personages  of 
Europe  lavished  upon  him  their  praises  and  their  con 
gratulations.  The  American  general,  therefore,  wanted 
neither  a  cause  full  of  grandeur  to  defend,  nor  occasion 
for  the  acquisition  of  glory,  nor  genius  to  avail  himself  of 
it,  nor  the  renown  due  to  his  triumphs,  nor  an  entire 
generation  of  men  perfectly  well  disposed  to  render  him 
homage. 


THIS   BOOK   IS  DUE  ON   THE   LAST  DATE 
STAMPED   BELOW 


RENEWED  BOOKS  ARE  SUBJECT  TO  IMMEDIATE 
RECALL 


LIBRARY,   UNIVERSITY  OF   CALIFORNIA,   DAVIS 

BookSlip-55m-10,'68(J4048s8)458— A-31/5 


N9   581944 

E312 

Schroeder,  J.F.  S37 

Life  and  times  of        v.l 
Washington. 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


